Abstract
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 313, £45.00, ISBN 0 521 81721 8
Reviewer: DARYL GLASER
(University of Strathclyde)
In this book, Clifton Crais pursues his interest in the cultural forms of power and opposition in Southern Africa. While elaborating his understanding of racial domination in the region as a variant of Enlightenment-influenced modernity, Crais stresses the role of theodic religiosity in resisting modernist white rule. For many subaltern as opposed to elite black resisters, Crais proposes, white state power was interpreted as a form of evil, or at least as a failure successfully to discharge positive magic functions appropriated from African chiefs; as such, it could be extirpated only by a politics directed to eradicating evil and restoring harmony, requiring, if necessary, the weapon of counter-magic. The evil and its cure could be conceived in ‘traditional’ terms (centring on witchcraft and witch-hunting) or in Manichaean Christian language borrowed from Europeans.
Crais marshals considerable evidence of theodic discourse in successive subaltern movements of the Eastern Cape. What he does not offer is the new evidence that would be needed to demonstrate greater centrality for it than heretofore recognized. Crais's accounts of subaltern religiosity and European modernity often seem disconnected (despite real insights about what happens when they collide). And he appears unsure about the relative attractiveness of modernity and its subaltern alternatives. Modernity is a source of violence, but so, Crais emphasizes, is the apocalyptic politics of many subaltern movements. Though wary of black elite modernism, Crais criticizes ANC concessions to the ‘decentralized despotism’ of chiefly rule – stances in tension, even allowing for white re-engineering of ‘traditional’ authority. Crais in passing concedes that post-modern anti-modernism goes too far (p. 228), yet is himself an exemplary post-modern critic of modernity. While often interesting and suggestive, Crais's work testifies to the still undeveloped character of the post-modern intellectual and political moment in South African scholarship.
Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 2002. 216, £14.75, ISBN 0 8157 0265 5
Reviewer: RITA ABRAHAMSEN
(University of Wales, Aberystwyth)
This book describes the so-called Kampala Movement and its efforts to establish a Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDA), modelled on the European OSCE. This movement was started in 1989 by the now president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, who provides the preface to the book. The book describes the principles agreed by the movement as ‘visionary’ (p. 163), and claims that the CSSDA can make an important contribution towards solving Africa's economic and political crisis. Accordingly, the book argues that much more must be done urgently to implement the principles (p. 163).
The book consists of five chapters. Chapter one is an introduction and provides an overview of the Kampala Movement, its origin and key principles. Chapter two investigates the current status of security, stability, development and cooperation in the various regions of sub-Saharan Africa, while chapter three gives a brief overview of security conferences in other regions, such as ASEAN and the OSCE. Chapters four and five take us back to the Kampala Movement itself, and provide a more detailed discussion of evolution, negotiations and normative recommendations.
While this is an interesting book, in the sense that it offers a fairly detailed account of the diplomatic efforts and negotiations surrounding the CSSDA, it remains rather unconvincing and disappointing. The discussion of Africa's current political and economic predicament (chapter two) is by necessity fairly summary and brings little new to the table. The same can be said of chapter three. The account of the CSSDA itself is conducted in an almost celebratory language; it is a ‘beacon’ (p. 139) and ‘one of the most important works of statesmanship of the post-war era’ (p. 139). The CSSDA is presented as ‘revolutionary’ in that it breaks with ‘the wall of protective sovereignty’ and installs instead ‘a programme of responsible sovereignty’ towards the welfare of populations (p. 140). In the end, however, the claims made in support of the CSSDA remain unsubstantiated, and a more critical and political analysis is needed.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 295, £22.50, ISBN 0 521 80623 2
Readership: Academic/research, professional
Rating: **
Reviewer: ROLAND DANNREUTHER
(University of Edinburgh)
The central argument of The Tragedy of the Middle East is that the Arab states of the Middle East and Iran failed in the 1990s to take an historic opportunity to grasp peace with Israel, to democratize their societies and to promote substantive economic reforms. Rubin argues that, instead, the Arab and Iranian leaders, with the support of a cowed and illiberal intelligentsia, successfully convinced their passive populations that there is no alternative to the old paradigm of unremitting hostility to Zionism and the USA and diverting blame on these external forces for all their domestic political and economic problems. As such, the Middle East is characterized as the ‘exceptional’ case, in contrast to regions such as Latin America and Asia, where it is argued the dynamics of change towards a more Western model advanced significantly in the aftermath of the Cold War.
This is a polemical book that dispenses with normal scholarly standards of referencing and serious engagement with substantive academic debates. It is a book written with an urgent mission to present a particular and deeply gloomy vision of the Middle East. Its significance is that it clearly describes the Arabo-pessimism (like the Afro-pessimism of authors such as Robert Kaplan) which is now dominant in leading Israeli and US policy-making and intellectual circles. Despite eschewing direct engagement with the revisionist debate among Israeli historians, the book is an unambiguous defence of the counter-revisionist thesis of a purely defensive Israel and a benign USA who are themselves the victims of unremitting Arab and Muslim hostility. For those not convinced of this proposition, the lack of balance limits the academic value of the book. Nevertheless, while preaching to the converted, The Tragedy of the Middle East provides others with good insights into the logic and tenacity of their convictions.
Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 326, £17.00, ISBN 0 8018 6780 0
Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 309, £17.00, ISBN 0 8018 6764 9
Readership: Advanced undergraduates, postgraduates, academic/research
Rating: ***
Reviewer: GEORGINA WAYLEN
(University of Sheffield)
These useful but rather different books examine various aspects of gender and politics in Central America over the past two decades. The context was an unusual one – a political situation in which revolutionary parties had attempted to take power through armed struggle – but both books concentrate on the period after the armed struggle ended.
Ilja Luciak has produced a comparative study of gender and democratization in El Salvador, Nicaragua (primarily post-1990) and Guatemala (post-1994). He concentrates on the transformation of guerrilla movements into political parties as a case study of the role of political parties in democratic consolidation, focusing on internal party relations rather than on relations with movements or organizations outside of the parties. It is based on extensive primary research undertaken over a number of years in the three countries, although the El Salvadorean experience is central, with that of Nicaragua and Guatemala providing a contrast. After a discussion of the role of women as combatants (widely defined) in the guerrilla movements, he examines gender equality and the peace accords in El Salvador and Guatemala, arguing that women combatants did not get the same benefits as men. His study goes on to highlight the difficulties that the FSLN (Nicaragua), the FMLN (El Salvador) and the URNG (Guatemala) had in attempting to become political parties, charting the splits and disagreements over tactics, ideology and personalities. These problems also had an impact on the role that women could play in these parties. Luciak clearly demonstrates the importance of internal party democracy and effective women's organizations within party structures, for example in terms of their ability to oversee the introduction of positive discrimination and quotas, arguing that these measures on their own are not enough. However, his focus on the nature of the parties themselves means that little attention is paid to any interaction with outside organizations.
In contrast, Lorraine Bayard de Volo's study moves beyond the conventional political arena and focuses on one women's organization – the Mothers of Heroes and Martyrs in Matagalpa, a city in the north of Nicaragua – examining its fate both when the FSLN was in power in the 1980s and after its defeat in the 1990s. She has produced a micro-study based on in-depth interviews and participant observation of meetings that examines the role of motherhood in politics, but unusually one that looks at older women. In contrast to Luciak, she focuses on the forging of collective identities, locating her work more within the literature on new social movements and resource mobilization than democratization. The Mothers were a group of primarily poor women, each of whom had lost a family member in the war or revolution. Bayard de Volo traces how the group evolved from a small subsidiary organization of the FSLN to a semi-autonomous community organization of more than 2,000 members, even though the FSLN still tended to view it as one of its own mass organizations. However, it too could not remain unaffected by the splits and difficulties that beset the FSLN in the 1990s and the group itself split in 1995, dividing into a Sandinista faction and one open to women of all political persuasions. Bayard de Volo concludes by stressing the importance of autonomous women's organizations in any attempts to improve opportunities for women in what she sees as the context of ‘pacted democracy’.
These two books therefore provide different but complementary insights into gender and politics in Central America. They will also be of use to anyone interested in democratization, revolutions and revolutionary movements.
Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002. 243, £13.95, ISBN 0 691 09168 4
Readership: Postgraduates, academic/research, professional
Rating: ****
Reviewer: MICHAEL GROSSMAN
(Mount Union College, Ohio)
Since the collapse of the USSR, the discussion concerning the impact of public opinion on Russian foreign policy has been very active. While many earlier attempts to tackle this rather complex issue have focused on the supposed uniqueness of Russian society, Zimmerman takes an alternative approach that provides some interesting conclusions. Applying many of the same quantitative techniques used in the study of the impact of mass and elite public opinion on Western foreign policy, Zimmerman finds that the Russian public shares many of the same characteristics as its Western counterpart, and that Russian public opinion plays a similar role in foreign policy to that of Western public opinion.
Using surveys conducted in the 1990s, Zimmerman compared Russian public opinion on foreign policy issues and found a distinction between mass public opinion, which tended to be isolationist, and elite public opinion, which tended to be internationalist, based not only on perceptions of economic reforms but on foreign policy preferences. Not surprisingly, there was a further division between anti-reform elites and pro-reform elites, the latter tending to have a more positive view of the international system and the USA. Notably, while the benign view of the USA dominated during the early 1990s, by the late 1990s even the ‘liberal’ elite had developed a much more negative perception of the USA.
Questions can certainly be raised about using survey data in a post-totalitarian society, since it is not uncommon for respondents, especially the mass public, to give the perceived ‘correct answer’ out of habit. Nonetheless, taken as a whole, the conclusions in this book affirm what has been suspected by many Russia scholars: that, since 1992, the Russian foreign policy decision-making process has been opened to new influences. Overall, this book provides insights useful to anyone in the field of comparative foreign policy.
Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002. 208, £45.00, ISBN 0 7190 6372 8
Reviewer: EMMA C. MURPHY
(University of Durham)
The subject of this book is the tension between Israeli efforts to build and maintain a democratic state with the simultaneous requirement that the state should be defended from internally derived extremist militant threats through the use of means that threaten the democratic nature of the state itself. The author defines a set of controls and measures that can be used by a democratic state in its efforts to defend itself from such threats, classifying them according to scope and intensity. He argues that one may subsequently identify states which rely more on a militant targeting of extremist elements and those which use a broader range of moderate social controls that will hopefully immunize the society from its own extremist tendencies. The book then evaluates changes in the Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence, noting the flawed nature of Israeli democracy, which he terms ‘illiberal’ in reference to its ethnic and procedural biases.
The book examines in turn the state's responses to extremist party politics since 1965, to extra-parliamentary radical groups, to the need for social reform to combat extremism in the social sphere, and to the connection between civil society and Israeli democracy. The book concludes that there has been a ‘significant decrease in the intensity of the state's response to the manifestations of extremism’ since independence, although this has not been consistently the case. When moves have been made in the opposite direction, these have been expressions of a weakness in the democratic vision of Israeli society.
This is a well-researched, articulate and convincing book, with relevance to scholars interested in Israel as well as the broader conceptual aspects of democracy. One is left concerned that, while Israeli democracy may be defending itself through a progressively more moderate reformation, it appears to be taking the opposite direction in its dealings with external threats. The apparent diminishment of Israeli social concern over the ethical or legal nature of the state's response to the Palestinian intifada arguably supports the suggestion that the democratic convictions of Israeli society are substantively flawed.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 272, £14.95, ISBN 0 521 01644 4
Readership: Undergraduates, advanced undergraduates, postgraduates, academic/research, professional
Rating: ****
Reviewer: REGINA SMYTH
(Pennsylvania State University)
This sweeping book identifies order – political and economic stability supported by the rule of law – as the organizing principle of Russian politics. Rose and Munro argue that order is embodied by the modern democratic state, characterized by the rule of law, parliamentary accountability to citizens and a vibrant civil society.
The narrative reveals a fascinating portrait of Russian society wrought through a series of snapshots based in public opinion data from the past decade. The picture is assembled to support an explanation of why the trappings of democracy, and in particular free elections, have not produced order in the new Russia. The variables mustered to explain this phenomenon include: the Soviet legacy and nature of transition, the political institutions of the new state, the lack of a developed party system and the ruling strategies of Vladimir Putin. The authors strongly contend that the lack of a modern state at the point when elections were introduced extended and even deepened the disorder rooted in the Soviet period.
The argument is most successful when addressing the relationship between repeated elections and parliamentary accountability. Here, the authors utilize their mass survey data to its greatest advantage and are able to speak directly to their causal framework. Following the growing literature, political parties are identified as a key element of generating mechanisms of accountability, and the authors present rich evidence to support the claim that parties have failed to take root in Russia.
Although uneven in its deployment of evidence, this provocative and far-reaching discussion is likely to spark a great deal of debate and new research in the field. The book will have wide appeal as a text in advanced undergraduate and postgraduate courses. It also makes a significant contribution to the scholarly debates over the nature of post-Soviet Russian politics.
Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press 2001. 272, $45.00, ISBN 0 8018 6741 X
Reviewer: NEIL MELVIN
(University of Leeds)
For much of the 1990s, the Russian city of Yaroslavl’ became something of a magnet for a group of scholars working on the relatively new area of regional studies in the Russian Federation. This edited collection of papers, contributed by American and Russian writers, represents some of the fruits of this concentrated fieldwork.
The volume consists of seven substantial chapters and an Introduction and Conclusions written by the editor. The volume provides some useful observations and strong accounts of individual elements of transformation in Yaroslavl’. The editor offers an interesting analysis of political culture in the city, based upon extensive survey research. He reports a broad decline in support for democratic values and institutions over the first years of independence. In a rare attempt at comparative work, Beth Mitchnick has written an innovative study of governance regimes in Yaroslavl’ and Udmurtia. Employing survey and interview material, she steps beyond broad description of developments in these regions to demonstrate how ‘Russian regional governance regimes favour the interests of government institutions and private business over broad public participation’ (p. 188). Blair Ruble and Susan Goodrich Lehmann provide an account of the changing urban social geography of the city. They suggest that as a result of marketization and privatization, the spatial organization of the Soviet city is being altered, with wealthier social groups concentrating in the city centre.
Despite these original contributions, the volume as a whole comes across as something less than the sum of its parts. Since the early 1990s, the study of Russia's regions has considerably advanced in the range of issues examined, the geographical spread of studies and the sophistication of the methods employed. Theories and approaches drawn from other areas of the world have also been applied to study of political transformation in Russia's regions. Unfortunately there is little systematic engagement with this literature in the volume. While Yaroslavl' is certainly an interesting case, it is also hard to draw broader conclusions about political development at the regional level in the Russian Federation from this collection of papers. Curiously, the relationship of Yaroslavl' to Moscow in this crucial period for federalism in Russia goes unexamined. Ultimately, this eclectic set of papers lacks sufficient focus to support broader conclusions about the nature of democratization in Russia. While providing an interesting set of vignettes of Yaroslavl' in the 1990s, the volume raises more questions than it answers.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. 223, £47.50, ISBN 0521811996
Reviewer: Daivd O'Reilly
***(King's College London)***
Political economists remain absorbed by the phenomenon of ‘globalisation’. Australia presents an intriguing case study, the nation having undergone a complete transformation over the last quarter century. The apparently solid edifice of its early twentieth century founding ‘settlement’ – protective tariffs, institutionalised wage fixation, whites-only immigration, state provision of infrastructure, and so on – has been torn down and quickly replaced by the free market practices of the ‘new’ global neoliberalism. Galligan, Roberts and Trifiletti agree that the current age of anxiety has left Australia a troubled nation, beset with widening social inequality, bereft of a clear sense of national identity, and with a mood ‘tinged with anxiety, confusion and lack of confidence’. Yet they seem to think that all will come good in the end.
Globalisation literature falls into two schools-one apocalyptic, the other cautioning that we've seen it all before. This book rather falls into the second. Bravely looking at the globalisation process through the prism of Australian ‘citizenship’, Galligan et al. conclude that that other contention thesis, the foretelling of the end of the nation-state, is also overdone. They contend that Australia is now developing a new, rich citizenship, which blends the local and global, ‘glocalisation’, and in which the ‘national’ dimension is receding in importance. Australia's government, Galligan et al. say, are struggling to mediate the impact of global influences. But the book concludes that national power in Australia has never been absolutely sovereign, that citizenship has always been ‘multi-layered’ and that Australia has a ‘long history of robust government through multiple polities’. In their conclusion, the authors go so far as to suggest that this ‘heritage of complexity’ means that Australia is better able to negotiate the challenges of globalisation than Britain or Europe where such complexities are only now being emulated. One is still left wondering, however, whether this really can be the end of the story.
Other Areas
New books received
African Development Bank (2002) African Development Report 2002: rural development for poverty reduction in Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 267, £15.99, ISBN 0 19 925384 6
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im (ed.) (2003) Human Rights under African Constitutions: realizing the promise for ourselves. Philadelphia PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 444, £45.50, ISBN 0 8122 3677 7
John Duke Anthony (2002) The United Arab Emirates: dynamics of state formation. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 132, ISBN 9948 00 242 3
Anthony Arnove (ed.) (2003) Iraq under Siege: the deadly impact of sanctions and war. Updated edition, with a new afterword by Denis Halliday. London: Pluto, 262, £12.99, ISBN 0 7453 2033 3
Edwin Bacon and Mark Sandle (eds) (2002) Brezhnev Reconsidered. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 241, £47.50, ISBN 0 333 79463 X
Jonathan A. Becker (2002) Soviet and Russian Press Coverage of the United States: press, politics and identity in transition. Paperback. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 287, £17.99, ISBN 0 333 94965 X
Glen Biglaiser (2002) Guardians of the Nation? Economists, generals, and economic reform in Latin America. Notre Dame IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 250, $23.50, ISBN 0 268 03875 9
Geoffrey Brennan and Francis G. Castles (eds) (2002) Australia Reshaped: 200 years of institutional transformation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 312, £19.95, ISBN 0 521 52075 4
Noam Chomsky (2003) Middle East Illusions. Lanham MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 315, £14.99, ISBN 0 7425 3309 3
Ben Corbett (2002) This is Cuba: an outlaw culture survives. Boulder CO: Westview, 302, £16.99, ISBN 0 8133 3826 3
Peter K. Cornelius (ed.) (2003) The Arab World Competitiveness Report 2002–2003. New York: Oxford University Press, 408, £35.00, ISBN 0 19 516170 X
Rawdon Dalrymple (2003) Continental Drift: Australia's search for a regional identity. Aldershot: Ashgate, 243, £45.00, ISBN 0 7546 3446 9
Adeed Dawisha (2003) Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: from triumph to despair. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 348, £19.95, ISBN 0 691 10273 2
Ariel Dorfman (2002) Exorcising Terror: the incredible unending trial of General Augusto Pinochet. Second edition. London: Pluto, 218, £7.99, ISBN 0 7453 2067 8
Matthew Evangelista (2002) The Chechen Wars: will Russia go the way of the Soviet Union? Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 255, £14.50, ISBN 0 8157 2499 3
James L. Gibson and Amanda Gouws (2003) Overcoming Intolerance in South Africa: experiments in democratic persuasion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 278, £40.00, ISBN 0 521 81390 5
Edward L. Glaeser and John R. Meyer (eds) Chile: political economy of urban development. Cambridge MA: John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, 295, £15.50, ISBN 0 674 00256 3
Louise Haagh and Camilla Helgø (eds) (2002) Social Policy Reform and Market Governance in Latin America. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 304, £50.00, ISBN 0 333 99865 0
David L. Hoffmann (ed.) (2003) Stalinism: the essential readings. Oxford: Blackwell, 331, £15.99, ISBN 0 631 22891 8
Derek S. Hutcheson (2003) Political Parties in the Russian Regions. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 208, £60.00, ISBN 0 415 30218 8
Steve Kayizzi-Mugerwa (ed.) (2003) Reforming Africa's Institutions: ownership, incentives, and capabilities. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 372, $37.95, ISBN 92 808 1082 0
Fabrice E. Lehoucq and Iván Molina (2002) Stuffing the Ballot Box: fraud, electoral reform, and democratization in Costa Rica. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 293, £45.00, ISBN 0 521 81045 0
Steven Levitsky (2003) Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in comparative perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 304, £18.95, ISBN 0 521 01697 5
William Maley (2002) The Afghanistan Wars. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 350, £13.99, ISBN 0 333 80291 8
Christopher Marsh and Nikolas K. Gvosdev (eds) (2002) Civil Society and the Search for Justice in Russia. Lanham MD: Lexington Books, 199, £18.95, ISBN 0 7391 0359 8
Roy Medvedev [translated and edited by George Shriver] (2002) Post-Soviet Russia: a journey through the Yeltsin era. New York: Columbia University Press, 402, £16.00, ISBN 0 231 10607 6
Jonathan Mendilow (2003) Ideology, Party Change, and Electoral Campaigns in Israel, 1965–2001. Albany NY: State University of New York Press, 310, $27.95, ISBN 0 7914 5588 2
Tom Pierre Najem and Martin Hetherington (eds) (2003) Good Governance in the Middle East Oil Monarchies. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 157, £55.00, ISBN 0 415 29740 0
Yitzhak Nakash (2003) The Shi'is of Iraq. Second paperback edition, with a new introduction by the author. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 336, £13.95, ISBN 0 691 11575 3
Ephraim Nimni (ed.) (2003) The Challenge of Post-Zionism: alternatives to Israeli fundamentalist politics. London: Zed, 223, £14.95, ISBN 1 85649 894 8
Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler (2002) The Global Political Economy of Israel. London: Pluto, 421, £19.95, ISBN 0 7453 1675 1
Neamatollah Nojumi (2002) The Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan: mass mobilization, civil war, and the future of the region. New York: Palgrave, 272, £12.99, ISBN 0 312 295847
Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja (2002) The Congo from Leopold to Kabila: a people's history. London: Zed, 320, £14.95, ISBN 1 84277 053 5
Adriana Petryna (2002) Life Exposed: biological citizens after Chernobyl. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 284, £13.95, ISBN 0 691 09019 X
Richard Pipes (2003) The Degaev Affair: terror and treason in tsarist Russia. New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 167, £15.95, ISBN 0 3000 09848 0
Robert C. Rowland and David A. Frank (2002) Shared Land, Conflicting Identity: trajectories of Israeli and Palestinian Symbol Use. East Lansing MI: Michigan State University Press, 405, $74.95, ISBN 0 87013 635 6
Blair A. Ruble, Jodi Koehn and Nancy E. Popson (2001) Fragmented Space in the Russian Federation. Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 353, £35.50, ISBN 0 8018 6570 0
William Rugh (2002) Diplomacy and Defense Policy of the United Arab Emirates. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 158, ISBN 9948 00 300 4
Amin Saikal and Albrecht Schnabel (eds) (2003) Democratization in the Middle East: experiences, struggles, challenges. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 221, $21.95, ISBN 92 808 1085 5
David Samuels (2003) Ambition, Federalism, and Legislative Politics in Brazil. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 264, £47.50, ISBN 0 521 81671 8
Peter Saunders (2002) The Ends and Means of Welfare: coping with economic and social change in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 313, £18.95, ISBN 0 521 52443 1
Gerd Schönwälder (2002) Linking Civil Society and the State: urban popular movements, the left, and local government in Peru, 1980–1992. University Park PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 256, $50.00, ISBN 0 271 02180 2
Brenda Shaffer (2002) Borders and Brethren: Iran and the challenge of Azerbaijani identity. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 251, £15.50, ISBN 0 262 69277 5
Gershon Shafir and Yoav Peled (2002) Being Israeli: the dynamics of multiple citizenship. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 409, £15.95, ISBN 0 521 79672 5
Nicolas Spulber (2003) Russia's Economic Transitions: from late tsarism to the new millennium. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 444, £55.00, ISBN 0 521 81699 8
Sinclair Thomson (2002) We Alone Will Rule: native Andean politics in the age of insurgency. Madison WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 399, $24.95, ISBN 0 299 17794 7
Frédéric Volpi (2003) Islam and Democracy: the failure of dialogue in Algeria. London: Pluto, 176, £14.99, ISBN 0 7453 1976 9