Abstract
EUROPE WITHOUT BORDERS: remapping territory, citizenship, and identity in a transnational age
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Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004. 319, £15.00, ISBN 0 8018 7437 8
Readership: Advanced undergraduates, postgraduates, academic/research
Rating: ***
Reviewer: CHRIS RUMFORD
(Royal Holloway, University of London)
The territorial or spatial dimensions of European integration are not well covered in the EU studies literature and this book is a welcome addition to an emerging field. The theme of this edited collection of eleven essays is reflected in the book's subtitle: the relation between territory, citizenship and identity. Despite the title however the book does not concern itself with borders to any great extent, which is a shame as the construction of Europe's borders is arguably the most significant dimension of European territoriality.
Kumar, Entrikin, and Brenner explore the relationship between territory and identity most interestingly in the chapters. Krishan Kumar, in his discussion of European identity, makes the point that transnationalism is not new: Europe has always been a transnational space and has long depended upon interaction between Europeans and those beyond. Nicholas Entrikin adds a valuable cosmopolitan dimension, and looks at the way in which the European Union is concerned to construct a single, homogenous European space, which both increases mobility within Europe and opens up Europeans to a wider world community. Neil Brenner's densely argued chapter is concerned with the rescaling of state space in Europe, particularly as it affects urban governance. Cities and regions became orientated towards European and global circuits of capital as Keynesian planning gave way to neo-liberalism through the 1980s. More recently, and in light of the uneven territorial development produced by earlier regimes, there has been a shift towards new forms of governance designed to better manage unbalanced growth.
Overall, the editors display a rather conservative approach to the subject, interpreting the spatial recalibration of Europe in terms of a reorganization of existing spaces: discussion of the novelty of European space, particularly in the light of the contradictory impact of globalization on Europe's cities, regions, nation-states, trans-border networks, for example, is largely absent.
SPAIN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
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Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. 274, £18.50, ISBN 0 333 75339 9
Readership: Undergraduates, postgraduates, academic/research
Rating: ****
Reviewer: JENNIFER SANDS
(University of Bradford)
Using a broadly neo-institutionalist approach in order to provide a comprehensive analysis, this book examines the relationship between Spain and the European Union (EU). It comprises nine chapters, beginning with a historical account of the relationship between Spain and Europe, which also traces the route to Spanish accession. The next eight chapters cover the changing attitudes towards Europe of the Spanish public, political parties and interest groups (emphasising how domestic issues have influenced EU policy); the adaptations made to the Spanish executive, legislature and judiciary as a result of EU membership; the impact of integration on Spain's regions; the extent to which Spain seeks to promote national interests in various arenas; and how Europeanization has had an impact on a number of domestic policies. Throughout, the authors provide convincing arguments and examples to demonstrate how Spain has become Europeanized in its policies and politics, whilst simultaneously using the EU as an arena in which to resolve specific domestic issues, and to recuperate a national project: ‘the realization of Spain's historic destiny in the heartland of Europe’ (p. 5).
The book is relatively comprehensive in terms of the policies and areas covered, although some chapters/topics are perhaps more detailed than others. The text is also clear and easy to follow (although some understanding of the subject matter is needed to appreciate the book to its fullest). This is undoubtedly an important resource to any scholar of Europeanization, yet readers with an interest in EU or Spanish politics/policies would also find the book useful. As such, it is a valuable addition to Palgrave Macmillan's ‘European Union Series’ and an updated edition in time (to include how the recent EU enlargement and election of the PSOE government may have affected the relationship between Spain and the EU) could be a worthwhile project.
THE POLITICS OF EXCLUSION: institutions and immigration policy in contemporary Germany
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Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004. 162, £45.00, ISBN 0 7190 6588 7
Readership: Postgraduates, academic/research
Rating: *****
Reviewer: ROSS CAMPBELL
(University of Strathclyde)
There are (at least) two traps to be avoided when writing a book on Ausländerpolitik. First, losing the reader in an arid legal labyrinth. Second, being distracted from explaining the policies to simply explaining how the policies were developed by their practitioners. It is a remarkable testament to Simon Green's ability that this book falls into neither of these traps.
The book's focus is Germany's Ausländerpolitik between 1955 and 2002. Green defines Ausländerpolitik as (1) immigration; (2) policy towards foreigners with ordinary residence; and (3) citizenship policy. Examined through Katzenstein's semisovereignty model, Green attributes incremental change in Germany's Ausländerpolitik to the German political process. Chapter 2 traces the sources of path dependency to Germany's self-perception as a country of non-immigration up to 1982 when Helmut Kohl became German Chancellor. Chapter 3 moves on to show how these principles proved difficult to depart from when a more restrictive policy agenda was sought in the mid-1980s. Chapters 4 and 5 then turn to the developments between 1990 and 2002. This is a key section of the book because far-reaching policy change was widely anticipated when the SPD entered into coalition with the Greens in 1998.
This is an exceptionally good book that succeeds on many levels. The book is meticulously researched, the writing engaging and cogent, and the argument strengthened by refreshing data and rigorous analysis. But more than this, it is Green's reconstruction of the domestic context within which legislative activity (or inactivity) took place that is particularly skilful. Given this emphasis on context it is perhaps surprising that the book does not pay more attention to the wider European dimension and its impact on German Ausländerpolitik. Nevertheless, the book remains essential reading for those seeking an insight into the issues and debates surrounding Ausländerpolitik in the Federal Republic of Germany.
MULTILEVEL NETWORKS IN EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY
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Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003. 193, ISBN 0 7546 0941 3
Readership: Postgraduates, academic/research
Rating: ****
Reviewer: MICHAEL J. STEFFENS
(University of Sheffield)
In this publication, Elke Krahmann suggests that the British policy network approach offers a suitable basis for the development of a multilevel theory of European foreign policy. Krahmann also opted for a rational choice model of multilevel action as opposed to dialectical approaches to network governance. The author links rational choice theory to network approaches in a unique manner and even manages to operationalize the theoretical framework into testable hypotheses. This contribution to multilevel explanations of European policy is based on a dense amount of empirical observations which derive from the following three case studies: European Union: The Dual-Use Control Agreement; Transatlantic Community: Air strikes in Bosnia; and the United Kingdom: The tactical Air-to-Surface Missile. The main question, which runs through all three case studies, is whether multilevel interaction between particular actors changed their preferences and therefore had an effect on political outcomes. While the author aims to create a conceptual bridge between models of foreign policy-making and international relations theory, the book concludes that multilevel network theory can make a contribution to this end, especially when it incorporates testable hypotheses regarding decision-making processes as an intermediate variable between structure and outcomes. The empirical application is carefully carried out by allocating different levels of pressure on individual actors calculated on basis of their individual network. For example, seven out of 39 actors who were directly linked to the British prime minister pressed him in May 1992 to support air strikes in order to contain the Serb advances in Bosnia. So, 7/39 equals 18 percent of pressure on the prime minister to go ahead with the air strikes. To summarize, we may say that this contribution to multilevel explanations of foreign policy shows some remarkable methodological considerations as well as theoretical findings to build on.
THE LINE: women, partition and the gender order in Cyprus
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London: Zed Books, 2004. 226, $75.00, ISBN 1 84277 420 4
Reviewer: HALEH AFSHAR
(York University)
Cynthia Cockburn's analysis of the violence and the burgeoning movements towards reconciliation across the divide in Cyprus is a scholarly, readable, thoughtful and thought provoking study. Anchored in a meticulous study and based on the author's collaborative work with the women about whom she writes, the work is presented with passion, commitment and a clear sightedness that is exemplary.
At the core of the study is the engagement of ‘Hands Across the Divide’ a women's group set up to bridge the gap for those who sought Cockburn's help and advice. Women who, despite all odds, are determined to change the status quo and claim the identity ‘Cypriot’. The struggle for change is the focus of this volume. At the same time interviews with older women throw light on the ‘gendered and familial ethno-national processes’ (p. 17) that rule the lives of women on both side of the divide.
Cockburn delineates and analyses the processes by which intellectual concepts such as ‘difference’, ‘otherness’ and ‘identity’ find specific material and extremely painful expressions in Cyprus. The way that language builds culture and collective identities are constructed through stories and words of praise and warning (p. 25). These create an ascribed identity that has to be overcome if the participants’ real sense of self is to find an expression (p. 38). The women struggled to create a qualifier to the divided sense of selves by introducing a bi-communal sense of self.
This volume demonstrates that there are torches of hopes lit and carried by feminists that enable women, and perhaps in the future, men, to envisage a future that has communality and cohesion even when the past is drenched in blood and violence.
TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS OF THE ENVIRONMENT: the European Union and the environmental policy in Central and Eastern Europe
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Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 2004. 253, £14.95, ISBN 0 262 51179 7
Readership: Academic/research, professional
Rating: ****
Reviewer: DIMITER D. TOSHKOV
(Leiden University)
This book deals with the impact of the European Union on the domestic environmental politics in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Poland during the first decade of post-communist transition (1990–2000). The main argument is that the process of European Integration changes the environmental preferences and strategies of industrial actors and, as a result, the development of environmental regulation. Looking beyond the formal transposition of EU directives, the book investigates the practical implementation of EU policies in the areas of chemical safety and air pollution. Against the prevailing skepticism whether the transition countries from Central and Eastern Europe would be able to apply the costly EU environmental regulation, the book successfully argues that in the case of chemical safety the Czech Republic, Poland, and Bulgaria have to a great extent achieved rapid harmonization with EU directives. The support of export-competitive companies benefiting from easier access to EU markets has been essential for the success. In the case of air pollution regulation, however, the electricity sectors, serving largely the domestic markets, have been able to block reforms and then win extensive exemptions resulting in weak implementation (in the case of Bulgaria) and significantly delayed reforms (in the case of Poland). Still, the experience of the Czech Republic shows that the domestic capacity for compensation, together with weak power of business to veto policy change in the sector, has allowed for a rapid reform and proper implementation. The book shows how the interplay of industries, international norms and domestic institutions shape the paths of environmental policy development and provides important insights for the studies of Europeanization, and internationalization of domestic politics in general. The clearly presented arguments would appeal to all interested in the development of regional environmental regulation.
BUILDING A DYNAMIC EUROPE: key policy debates
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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. $80.00, ISBN 0 521 82734 5
Readership: Postgraduates, academic/research, professional
Rating: ****
Reviewer: LEE McGOWAN
(Queen's University Belfast)
This edited work brings a very welcome contribution to the literature on some of the economic challenges currently facing the European Union. In general this book is timely and provides a thoroughly interesting and thought provoking work from start to finish on ways to overcome the EU's most lacklustre economic performance over the last decade. It sets the discussions against the backdrop of the targets set at the 2001 Lisbon European Council summit. The actual title of this work is, however, somewhat misleading and arguably a minor alteration to the subtitle to include the word ‘economic’ (that is, the key ‘economic’ policy debates) would have given potential readers a truer indication of the content and disciplinary approach of this work. The book stems from a conference on economic reform and comprises five chapters. Professors of economics have written all five. The four substantive policy chapters focus on specific economic issues and these are: The European Social model; the liberalisation of gas and electricity services; the challenges for macro-economic policy in EMU and finally, EU banking markets. The theme that unites most of the contributions is a consensus that meaningful and lasting economic reforms can only be realised upon a drastic overhaul of the EU decision-making processes. The first chapter specifically address this point and contemplates the need for a new, streamlined approach to EU decision-making and urges the creation of a presidential system and a strong executive with clearly defined competencies. This particular recommendation will be of interest to students of politics and governance, though it should be said that this chapter refers to the Convention and predates the ‘Constitution for Europe’. In short, this work is about economic analyses of four specific and salient issues. It is best geared towards practitioners and more advanced postgraduate students rather than undergraduates.
EUROPEAN UNION ENLARGEMENT
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Basingstoke: Palgrave Macillan, 2004. 312, £18.99, ISBN 1 4039 1353 6
Readership: Advanced undergraduates
Rating: ****
Reviewer: MAREK RYBAR
(Comenius University, Slovakia)
This is an accessible and timely volume that analyses a perennial issue in the process of European integration – the enlargement of the European Community/European Union. The book successfully demonstrates that the latest enlargement round (referred to as the ‘10+2 round’ in the volume) has been unprecedented, both in terms of number of successful applicants and in the extent to which the candidate states as well as the EU institutions needed to adjust to accommodate the resulting diversity in the enlarged Union. At the same time, all enlargement rounds have taken place within essentially the same framework, being dominated and driven on both sides by elites in what was basically an asymmetrical model of negotiations laying the most ‘conditions and requirements’ on the shoulders of the applicants.
The book consists of three parts. The first four chapters written by the editor nicely explore the various EU enlargement rounds with a special focus on the latest accession of ten new states. The enlargement is treated here both as a challenge to the way the EU has functioned, and as an (additional) pressure and opportunity to search for new solutions and much-needed (institutional as well as policy) reforms. In the second part (Chs 5 to 9) issues of European identity, legitimacy, and EU governance are assessed together with related questions of complex intergovernmental relations in the EU of 25.
Finally, chapters 10 to 18 deal with various internal policies of the EU (including internal market, budgetary problems, economic and monetary union, and justice and home affairs) and also scrutinise the enlarged Union as an international actor in economic, political and development (foreign aid) policies. Their main goal is to assess how the latest enlargement round has influenced the functioning and international position of the EU. None of the chapters deserve substantial criticism and many of them provide excellent overview of the topic (especially chapters on identity, budget and internal market), thus making the collection important reading in courses on European Union politics.
THE EUROPEAN DREAM: how Europe's vision of the future is quietly eclipsing the American dream
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Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004. 434, £15.99, ISBN 0 7456 3464 8
Readership: Academic/research
Rating: ***
Reviewer: EMILIAN KAVALSKI
(Loughborough University)
The European Dream is going to attract those interested in reading an American perspective on the current transatlantic tensions. Moreover, it would be of interest to readers who would like to learn more about the thinking informing Jeremy Rifkin, one of the key advisers to Romano Prodi, the outgoing president of the European Commission.
Rifkin prompts an analysis of the American and the European Dreams. He makes it plain from the outset that his bias lies with the latter. Rifkin's reasoning is that the American Dream has become a ‘death cult’ (p. 380), owing to the failings of its own precepts – individualism and material advancement. Thence, the content of the American Dream has shifted from the ability to affect one's destiny to feeling good about oneself (p. 12). On the contrary, the European Dream is presented as inclusive, emphasising community relationships, cultural diversity, quality of life and global cooperation. And, as Rifkin argues, it came to fulfil the hope of the 1960s protests in America. In order to drive home these points, Rifkin traces the different historical and conceptual trajectories of both ‘Dreams’, establishing an evolutionary justification for their current discrepancies.
Although a good example of its genre, The European Dream suffers from most of the shortcomings of such all-purpose literature. For instance, the lack of circumspection is apparent in Rifkin's insistence on the defeat of the American Dream, which does not take into account its re-articulation in the current discourses on counter-terrorism (p. 178). Furthermore, Rifkin's contention is premised on broad generalisations and based on a compilation of truisms. Thence, one is often befuddled by his dubious associations between mobile technology and steamships, the fall of Rome and highspeed ‘grids’, the 19th century enterprise of Thomas Cook and network commerce. Such intellectual mishmash does not contribute to the author's case, nor does it further the objectives of the book. Hence, Rifkin's book is broadly informative, but does not contribute any new knowledge to the study of the ongoing redefinition of the relationship between Europe and America.
CATALAN NATIONALISM: Francosim, transition and democracy
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London: Routledge, 2004. 200, £60, ISBN 0 415 32240 5
Readership: Postgraduates, academic/research
Rating: **
Reviewer: PIETER VAN HOUTEN
(University of Cambridge)
Catalan nationalism is a strong force in Spanish politics, and has significantly shaped Spanish democracy in the post-Franco period. A detailed account of the nature of contemporary nationalism in Catalonia, as promised by this book, is therefore welcome. The book first indicates the main challenges currently facing Catalan nationalism (most importantly, the changed nature of its most significant ‘other’, Spanish identity and the Spanish state), and discusses the nature of nationalism and the role of intellectuals in ‘nations without states’. It then provides concise accounts of Franco's regime, the re-emergence of Catalan nationalism under this regime, and its development and role in the Spanish transition to democracy. The most original part of the book is a detailed discussion and content analysis of the nationalist positions of the Catalan political parties. This analysis indicates both commonalities and differences in party positions on issues such as Catalan identity, Catalan nationalism, relations with Spain, immigration, and relations with the European Union. The concluding chapter stresses the challenges provided by globalisation for nations without states, and advocates the formation of a ‘cosmopolitan Catalan identity’ to respond to these challenges.
The detailed account of the party positions is very useful for researchers interested in Catalan and Spanish politics, although a more extensive analysis of how the parties have practically pursued these objectives would have strengthened the discussion. The book is, however, of limited use for a wider audience, as the theoretical and conceptual discussions (on nationalism in nations without states, the role of intellectuals, nationalist strategies under an authoritarian regime, and the challenge of globalisation) are underdeveloped and not closely tied to the empirical discussion on Catalonia. To give one example, the conclusion fails to discuss how a cosmopolitan identity is already reflected in, or can build on, the existing positions of the Catalan parties.
EUROPEANIZATION AND REGIONALIZATION IN THE EU'S ENLARGEMENT TO CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE: the myth of conditionality
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Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. 331, £45.00, ISBN 1 4039 3987 X
Readership: Advanced undergraduates, postgraduates, academic/research, professional
Rating: ***
Reviewer: DAVID J. GALBREATH
(University of Aberdeen)
This cumbersomely-titled tome is a much-needed addition to the paucity of literature on European Union ‘conditionality’ and ‘Europeanisation’. Specifically, the book does two things. First, the authors challenge the assumption that there existed a power asymmetry between the EU and prospective member-states. Looking at how well the EU was able to shape sub-regional policies based on its own regional policy tests this assumption. They argue that ‘regional policy should have been one of the most significant elements in the incentive structure for enlargement given its financial implications for both the Union and the new members’ (p. 4). Second, the book looks at the process of ‘Europeanisation’ by testing knowledge-transfer from the Union to regional elites in perspective member-states. In particular, the authors look at one locality in Hungary, Slovenia, Estonia and Poland.
While the book encouragingly challenges the many untested assumptions that exist in the enlargement literature, the authors’ policy study poses a methodological problem. First, although the authors want to engage with earlier examinations of ‘conditionality’, they move forward with an altered perception of this concept. Unsurprising given the subtitle, this new perception is then setup to fail. Second, we must ask if regional policy is the best issue-area in which to test this proposition. The importance of regional policy is based on the assumption that financial interests make it a key issue for conditionality. While there is little doubt that regional policy was important to the EU, this does not mean that it was at the top of the list. Regional policy was further reduced in importance with the restructuring of PHARE in 1997. This impairs the ability for the authors to generalise beyond the issue of regional policy in the enlargement process. Nevertheless, founded on competent research, the book does supply a much-needed discussion on this process.
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN FRANCE: towards a new citizenship
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Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. 181, £45, ISBN 0 333 77043 9
Readership: Undergraduate, advanced undergraduates, postgraduates, academic/research, professional
Reviewer: AKINBOLA E. AKINWUMI
(University of Ibadan, Nigeria)
The French political scene has never been more rife with conflict, the essence of much of this agitation becoming increasingly emboldened and de-traditionalized of late. Societal change has, however, remained the top quest of a plethora of social movements in the country. Mostly bound by collective struggles and spaces of contest, their intensity and tenacity has been both powerful and transformative. Though they commonly speak on behalf of marginalized and disenfranchised individuals, a distinction is usually made between the previous generations of movements in France and the contemporary ones. Unlike the earlier movements, contemporary groups, largely averse to formal structures, organize solely to offer succour to ordinary people whilst challenging hitherto dominant notions of citizenship. As Sarah Waters ably shows in this compact book, the parameters of recent social movements encapsulates issues that dog various hues of the ‘sans,’ who are dehumanized by immigration laws, unemployment, lack or illness, or otherwise victimized by the politics of identity. Indeed, the successes of the ‘antiracist movement’, the ‘movement of the unemployed’, the ‘solidarity movement’ and the ‘new associative movements’ in France proves that there is a ‘growing tendency for the French to join movements … at the expense of formal types of political engagement’ (p. 5). Although this book helps to counter viewpoints that enmesh all emerging social movements as championing ‘post-material’ values of a post-modern, post-industrial (and therefore post-economic) society, Waters’ central thesis is that the idea of ‘new citizenship’ is a more apt framework for studying the proliferating social movements in France and for articulating processes for interpreting and reinventing social and political life. The paradigm she espouses is clearly inclusive and multidimensional vis-à-vis the prevailing ‘state-driven universalist version of citizenship’ (p. 63) and its rigid republican underpinnings. The book is likely to become a key instrument not only for analyzing citizenship discourses but also for advancing equity and pluralism in France and beyond.
DEMOCRACY IN MODERN SPAIN
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New Haven CT: Yale University, 2004. 478, £26.00, ISBN 0 300 10152 X
Reviewer: DIEGO MURO (King's College London)
This outstanding book introduces the history and institutions of contemporary Spain. Written by three political scientists who have long focused on Spain, this study is not only a review of political actors but also a vigorous attempt to debunk the culture-based idea of Spanish exceptionalism. According to the authors, since the 1970s Spain has experienced a ‘process of convergence with Western Europe’ and can ‘no longer be regarded as an exceptional case’ (p. 20). As they correctly point out in the chapter on political culture, the country has traditionally been pigeonholed by an academic literature, which has based its interpretations on particular stereotypes of the Spanish national character. In order to consolidate the idea that ‘Spain is no longer different’ the book provides a state of the art representation of Spanish political science. An obvious benefit of this approach is that, as it frames the peculiarities of the Spanish democracy within wider political science debates, the book is placed within reach of Hispanists – as well as university students and scholars interested in the comparative method. The didactic tone of the book will be greatly appreciated by newcomers, whereas the high number of tables and graphs will be particularly useful to those involved in education.
This is a coherent and well-written book that follows the work of Lipset and Huntington in arguing that the processes of socio-economic modernization culminated in the emergence of democratic values, behaviours, and institutions. Meant as a textbook, this work does not intend to make a single point but establish Spain as a sound case study for scholars of democracy and democratisation. As if this was not enough, Gunther, Montero and Botella have managed to create a sound, lucid and colourful picture of the Spanish political system. Nevertheless, one could argue that too much information has been condensed in only seven chapters, and that the reader could have benefited from shorter chapters and a concluding summary. Also, not enough attention was paid to explaining the most important anomaly of the Spanish democracy: the ongoing conflict in the Basque Provinces. In any case, Democracy in Modern Spain is a timely contribution, which is likely to remain the book about Spain's political system for years to come.
NEW STATE SPACES: urban governance and the rescaling of statehood
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Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 351, £55.00, ISBN 0 19 927005 8
Readership: Advanced undergraduates, postgraduates, academic/research
Rating: *****
Reviewer: CHRIS RUMFORD
(Royal Holloway, University of London)
It is only relatively recently that the spatial dimensions of Europe have become a focus of attention. Neil Brenner's new book on recent transformations in statehood advances a ‘new political economy of scale’ (p. 11), and in doing so adds significantly to an emerging literature and provides a comprehensive account of the changing role of cities and urban regions within the supra-national architecture of Europe.
The book outlines the ways in which spatial Keynsianism (dominant until the mid-80s) has given way to more entrepreneurial forms of governance, focused on urban growth centres and aimed at building the global competitive advantage of European city regions. The post-Keynesian competition state has responded to the challenges of globalization and Europeanization by working to enhance the ‘supranational territorial competitiveness of major cities and city-regions’ (p. 259). This implies a shift from policies designed to bring about sociospatial redistribution towards strategies to optimise urban economic advantage: from alleviating uneven development to intensifying it (p. 16).
Brenner is successful in accounting for the rescaling of European space; in particular the way states mobilize space to develop a competitive advantage in the global capitalist economy. He also gives a clear account of the connection between supranationalism and the resurgence of urban and regional economies in a globalizing Europe. He makes great play of the need to overcome state-centrism in our understanding of spatial scales in contemporary Europe. In other words, that the territorialization and nationalization associated with nation-state space should be seen as historically contingent rather than natural or given. However, there is another dimension to state-centrism not recognized by Brenner. In this book, the state is at the centre of all change: there is no role accorded to social dynamics, and state and society are conflated. Despite the dense text students will find the argument and analysis (supported by many useful boxes, summaries, figures, and maps) very much to their liking.
Europe
New books received
Richard Bellamy, Dario Castiglione and Emilio Santoro (2004) Lineages of European Citizenship: rights, belonging and participation in eleven nation-states. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 235, £50.00, ISBN 0 333 98683 0
Charles B. Blankart (2004) A Constitution for the European Union. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 266, £22.95, ISBN 0 262 02566 3
Peter Bleses and Martin Seeleib-Kaiser (2004) The Dual Transformation of the German Welfare State. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 192, £45.00, ISBN 1 4039 1784 1
Bruno Coppieters, Michael Emerson, Michel Huysseune, Tamara Kovziridze, Gergana Noutcheva, Nathalie Tocci and Marius Vahl (2004) Europeanization and Conflict Resolution: case studies from the European periphery. Gent: Academia Press, 258, €8.50, ISBN 9038206488.
Oliver J. Daddow (2004) Britain and Europe since 1945: historiographical perspectives on integration. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 252, £47.50, ISBN 0 7190 6137 7
Helen Irving (2004) Five Things to Know About the Austrian Constitution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 162, £15.99, ISBN 0 521 60370 6
Joseph Jupille (2004) Procedural Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 274, ISBN 0 521 83253 5
Nathalie Karaginiannis (2004) Avoiding Responsibility: the politics and discourse of European development policy. London: Pluto Press, 195, £15.99, ISBN 07453 2189 5
R. Daniel Kelemen (2004) The Rules of Federalism: institutions and regulatory politics in the EU and beyond. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 244, £32.95, ISBN 0 674 01309 3
Judith G. Kelley (2004) Ethics Politics in Europe: the power of norms and incentives. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 276, £22.95, ISBN 0 691 11798 5
Lennart J. Lundqvist (2004) Sweden and Ecological Governance. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 246, £50.00, ISBN 0 7190 6902 5
Paul Marginson and Keith Sisson (2004) European Integration and Industrial Relations: multi-level governance in the making. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 359, £60.00, ISBN 0 333 96866 2
Andrew Martin and George Ross (2004) Euros and Europeans: monetary integration and the European model of society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 385, ISBN 0 521 54363 0
Eli Nathans (2004) The Politics of Citizenship in Germany. Oxford: Berg, 294, £16.99, ISBN 185973781 1
Steven Van Hecke and Emmanuel Gerard (2004) Christian Democratic Parties in Europe since the End of the Cold War. Louvain: Leuven University Press, 342, €29, ISBN 90 5867 377 4