Abstract
Gustave de Beaumont was a close friend and collaborator of Alexis de Tocqueville. In 1839, Beaumont published Ireland: Social, Political and Religious. It earned its author a prize from the French Academy of Moral and Political Sciences and was reprinted many times in the following three decades. It was translated into English in the same year, but was never reprinted and had been almost completely forgotten. No reader should be naïve enough to think this book is being resurrected to add direct historical evidence, or nuanced interpretation, to the historiography of Ireland. As a Frenchman in the age of revolutions, Beaumont is fascinated by the relationship between political institutions and social outcomes. In this respect, British rule in Ireland presents an intriguing puzzle.
Beaumont blames Ireland's misery on an English Protestant aristocracy. His denunciations of the aristocracy in Ireland are so ringing because he is an anglophile: ‘England was the most civilised nation in the world, having a government which was the wisest and most enlightened on the planet’ (p. 382). Beaumont argues that the liberal institutions that work so well in England are ‘vicious’ in Ireland because of its different social structure and history. He proposes an enlightened English despotism, which would prepare Ireland for democracy by undoing its aristocratic institutions, creating a larger Catholic middle class and transforming Irishmen's attitude to the law. Sometimes choosing the institutions most likely to produce the best social outcomes is politically impossible. Ireland and England are like Siamese twins. They are forced to live together even though their needs and tastes are separate. England is trapped into a ‘sad system of concessions’ (p. 369), which make the aristocratic system weaker, and the Catholic opposition stronger, but is unable to deliver the democracy that Ireland needs.
The introduction argues that Tocqueville and Beaumont were a ‘two-man Department of Political Sociology’ (p. vi) and are impossible to understand individually. This book will be fascinating for those concerned with the prehistory of their subject. Nonetheless, interesting as Beaumont is, he does not have Tocqueville's timeless brilliance. This means that the length, detail and grandiloquent style of this book will deter most political scientists.
Iain Mcmenamin
(Dublin City University)
An edited collection produced to commemorate 50 years of research by the Institute of Community Studies, Porcupines in Winter is designed to delineate new territory for the Institute's replacement, the Young Foundation. Celebrating the value of sociology in uncovering the existence of underlying social structures and impersonal forces (p. 11), the collection rejects the general approach by governments and other public bodies to categorise real people and communities as simply statistics and aggregates.
The book examines the personal relationships and networks valued by ordinary people in contemporary Britain. Privileging the everyday insights people have into their own lives, communities and society, the first part of the book concentrates on individual portraits of life from several non-geographical communities. In the second part, a collection of essays examines broader trends such as marriage, old age and friendship and investigates the mechanisms people use to make new connections with others; for example, the workplace and the voluntary sector (p. 14).
Although the book serves as an interesting insight into the experiences and views of a variety of diverse groups and individuals, the manner in which it is organised fails to convey its central arguments, set out in the introduction. It argues that the biggest changes experienced in the last 50 years are the transformation in relations between men and women and increasing global interconnectedness, which have both impacted upon communities and personal relationships (p. 7). Despite this, however, the book argues that these developments have not altered the attachment that most people have towards places and others, a finding echoed in earlier studies conducted by the Institute (p. 10). Although the insights presented by the book certainly reveal the latter detail, they fail to unearth the former contentions: the underlying structures at work, a central argument propounded in favour of its sociological positioning. These issues begin to be explored in the second part of the book through the collection of essays; however, too little is space is awarded to each author to allow them to develop such arguments in order to allow the inclusion of more topics. Thus, they, like the rest of the book remain interesting as an insight into contemporary Britain but undeveloped as a piece of critical literature.
Caroline Kenny
(University of Birmingham)
The UK government's decision to invade Iraq in March 2003 has stirred up many debates about British foreign policy. The authors of Not in Our Name are chiefly exercised by the process through which this decision was taken. They use it as a springboard into a broader analysis of the executive's iron grip over UK foreign policy-making. In particular, the authors provide a critique of the executive's dominance, especially its use of the royal prerogative, and offer a series of proposals for making the existing (minimal) oversight mechanisms more effective.
After a concise overview of the patchwork system of conventions that govern UK foreign policy-making, the authors examine the issues of oversight and accountability through a series of short case studies: the UK's bilateral relationship with the US and the decision to invade Iraq; the UK's export policy; Britain's relationship with the European Union; and the government's role in a series of ‘major international organisations’ (the World Bank, IMF, G7/8, UN, NATO, WHO and the WTO). They paint a worrying picture of a murky bureaucratic world where few relevant parliamentary questions are asked and even fewer are genuinely answered. They also reveal that the Foreign and Commonwealth Office is unsure how many international treaties the UK is party to (its best guess is 14,712) and does not possess a comprehensive list of international organisations of which the UK is a member. In addition, the book laments the creeping politicisation of the diplomatic corps in such instances as Labour minister Paul Boateng's appointment as High Commissioner to South Africa and Lord Levy's role in the Middle East.
The conclusions about the state of oversight and accountability in UK foreign policy are equally damning. Parliamentary oversight is all ex post facto and parliament itself is described as suffering from ‘a chronic lack of information’ about the UK's external policies (p. 182). The main instruments at parliament's disposal, the select committees, are shown to be far too selective in the topics they tackle and so under-resourced that they are unable to conduct even a limited agenda effectively. The MPs who should be making them more effective are preoccupied with other issues, most notably their constituencies, party loyalty and their future ministerial career paths. The authors also suggest that many committee members are far too deferential to the executive. As for solutions, changing parliament's culture is said to hold the key but the book settles instead for suggesting some institutional innovations. First and foremost, the authors insist the royal prerogative ‘has no place in a modern democracy’ and ‘should be abolished, or at the very least substantially reformed’ (p. 187). Second, an effective War Powers Act should be introduced along with two new institutions: a Legal Counsel's Office to provide legal advice primarily to parliamentary committees, and a Parliamentary External Audit Office to ‘give select committees impartial factual advice about the likely impact in the UK and elsewhere of proposed new European legislation or other international obligations’ (p. 195). On their own, these reforms would be unlikely to have the desired effect. Nevertheless, anyone wanting a clear and sensible guide through the antiquated labyrinth of UK foreign policy-making would do well to start with this useful book.
Paul D. Williams
(University of Birmingham)
Academics all too often lead the way when it comes to producing writing that is dull, cheerless and frequently downright mind numbing. Philip Cowley, however, cannot stand so accused: not for him is the pedestrian style and insipid approach that is characteristic of so many of the volumes under which our bookshelves groan. His recent offering tells the story of backbench behaviour in the 2001–5 parliament, and how revolts impacted upon the government's legislative programme. Those who are familiar with Cowley's previous work in this area, Revolts and Rebellions (2002, Politico's), will be interested in how ‘rebel’ Labour MPs progressed from being a mild headache for the government in the 1997 parliament to something approaching a bit of a migraine after 2001, and in speculating on whether or not they have escalated into a dangerous brain tumour in the current parliament. Cowley takes to task those who describe MPs as mindless sheep who simply do what the whips tell them, who argue that MPs have no noticeable impact on public policy and who describe the House of Commons as supine and spineless. The Rebels examines the events surrounding key legislation from the 2001 parliament, such as anti-terrorism, foundation hospitals, top-up fees and fox-hunting, as well as the vote on the Iraq war debate, where a record 139 Labour MPs voted against the whip. These examples illustrate exactly why MPs matter and why parliament therefore matters. While making the case that the 2001 parliament was notable for the size and frequency of its backbench revolts, Cowley is nevertheless clear that party cohesion, while weakened, by no means collapsed, and demonstrates the extent to which the government was willing to negotiate with its backbenchers in order to keep revolts to a manageable size. The book draws on extensive, and entertaining, interviews with MPs, and avoids the temptation to include reams of tables and statistics; some people will miss these and complain a bit, which probably says more about them than about the book, but for those who must have their statistical fix, Cowley recommends a consultation session with the book's sister website (www.revolts.co.uk). There are not many politics books which can truthfully be described as enjoyable; this is definitely one of them.
Alexandra Kelso
(University of Southampton)
The stated purpose of Giles Edwards’ slim volume, British Politics Unravelled, is to act as a ‘guide through the pathways of power’ (p. ix) for the politically unaware and disengaged. It is designed to show the reader why politics matters and how to ‘influence what happens’ (p. ix). To that end, Edwards takes his readers on a whirlwind tour of British political life – with short chapters on such mammoth topics as ‘government', ‘parliament', ‘the economy’ and ‘the media'– and even more hurried excursions around various devolved bodies and international institutions.
To a point, the book fulfils its goals, though Edwards’ suggestions about having an influence are of the ‘write to your MP’ rather than the ‘join a political party’ kind. The author does a decent job of simplifying for mass consumption issues ranging from Burkean representative government to the structure of the European Union and the strengths and weaknesses of first-past-the-post. Some useful comparative points are made too (principally with the USA), drawing out key features of British politics such as the unwritten constitution and overlap between the three branches of government.
In some chapters (e.g. on the central government institutions and the media), Edwards – a researcher on the BBC Politics Show – writes with insight and insider knowledge. Other sections can give the impression of a writer straying outside his area of expertise, allowing occasional factual errors to creep in: the Scottish Parliament can vary income tax by 3p not 1p (p. 105); and the importance of the royal prerogative is certainly no ‘recent development’ (p. 6).
There are odd omissions too. A timeline of Irish history misses the 1800 Union with Great Britain (p. 109) and a list of basic constitutional principles (pp. 5–9) neglects to mention collective Cabinet responsibility (though this is later recognised as ‘probably the most important doctrine in government’ [p. 28]). And while including an opening chapter on the constitution is sensible, definitions of principles are sometimes lax and there is little attempt to integrate the conceptual and substantive sections. The Human Rights Act, for instance, is not discussed in terms of its effect on parliamentary sovereignty, despite the latter's inclusion in the basic principles section.
However, it may be unfair to criticise the book for its lack of coherent narrative. For the political ingénue, this volume is no bad place to begin and its underlying assumption that political disengagement can be remedied by well-targeted public education is admirable, if arguable.
Akash Paun
(The Constitution Unit, University College London)
Changing Parties is a welcome in-depth study of the transformation of the British party conferences. The book tracks the rise of the professionally-organised conference, set against the background of the evolution of political parties from mass movements to electoral professional organisations. Indeed, the author argues that the party conferences provide a unique insight into the transformation of parties, and in particular the evolving interrelationship between the leadership and the rank and file. While there have been previous academic studies of these annual events none has had the range and scope of this study, which examines the three main political parties’ autumn conferences, and the Greens, over roughly a ten-year period – this in its own right is an impressive feat.
The author adopts an interpretivist approach to explore the changes that have occurred. Such an approach, she argues, unlike those in traditional political science, provides greater insight into ‘complexity of context', exoticising the familiar and mundane and shining a light on elements of conference that would otherwise remain hidden in studies adopting a more instrumentalist approach. The book does succeed in providing an insight into the motivations of ordinary party members who attend conference, and illustrates the importance such actors place on the need to belong and on rituals. In fact, a key aspect of the study is the notion of ritual. Conferences are comprised of a series of ritual acts, practices that have emerged and have become established over time, but which bestow legitimacy on proceedings. Party elites bent on changing conference and parties work within these rituals and create new ones that are fit for purpose in the twenty-first century.
This is a thoroughly-researched book which provides a welcome insight into the transformation of these annual seaside gatherings and the changes within British political parties in the 1990s; it is a welcome addition to the study of political parties and more generally to British political ethnography.
James Stanyer
(Loughborough University)
This volume is a timely response to the governmental focus on encouraging local authorities to improve their performance and alter the way they deliver local services. The study uses evidence from some of the most prominent and important government-funded research commissioned in recent years about these issues.
The volume is divided into an introduction and nine substantive chapters. Entwistle and colleagues supply a useful examination of the role of local politicians in the process of improving local authority performance and the growing activism of executive councillors. Sullivan and Gillanders evaluate the operation of Local Public Service Agreements (LPSAs) and argue that LPSAs alter the central–local government relationship. Millward's study also focuses on the evolution of the relationship between central and local government and considers the extent to which local authorities have adopted the language of performance. Grace supplies a comprehensive study of the latest developments in public service inspection and audit. Quirk considers the managerial and political challenges linked to the efficiency drive and argues that the current initiative focuses on increasing productivity in order to redirect resources. Turner and Whiteman's chapter reports research findings about the recovery of ‘poor’ or ‘weak’ local authorities and identifies factors associated with recovery, while Jones presents a case for the Local Government Improvement Programme and compares it favourably with other performance mechanisms. De Groot describes the development of the Improvement and Development Agency (IDeA), while Rashman and colleagues evaluate the Beacon Council scheme.
This volume is well written and supplies useful information and authoritative research. It will be valuable to the research community. In particular, De Groot's chapter on the IDeA is especially welcome given the lack of scholarship about that important organisation; a book about the IDeA would be welcome. Like any multi-authored volume of contributions on separate but connected topics there is scope for criticism about the coherence of the volume; however, this book manages to link individual themes better than most of its kind. The title is, however, a misjudgement: although every chapter focuses on the performance of local authorities, the title fails to acknowledge that the book is concerned with local government and instead implies a wider governmental focus. It should confuse students and librarians alike. Do the publishers hope some central government specialists will buy it in error?
Michael Cole
(University of Plymouth)
Stuart McAnulla sets out in this succinct book to provide an introduction for students to British politics that avoids excessive institutional description but instead concentrates on the theoretical interpretations of the political process. The first section examines traditional approaches such as the Westminster model, pluralist and Marxist accounts and then looks at more recent perspectives such as the differentiated-polity and the asymmetric-power models. After discussing competing normative political ideas and the recent evolution of the British state, McAnulla's final chapters provide a stimulating assessment of the significance of New Labour's period of office. He argues that the dominant tradition of British politics, whereby the central government shapes and manipulates the behaviour of institutions and society, has been maintained and developed under Tony Blair's administration. Labour has not so much challenged the traditional elitist style of government as refashioned it. This is a well-argued book which makes a refreshing change from the rather weighty multi-authored textbooks which tend to confront today's undergraduates. There is some perceptive discussion of the significance of such issues as ‘joined-up government’ and the proliferation of the audit/inspection culture. The picture that emerges is a rather bleak one with the British state being characterised by ‘segmented centralisation’ in which the old constitutional checks and balances of the informal polity have eroded. It could be argued that the focus of the book is somewhat narrow with no real analysis of the impact of the vast social changes in class and gender relations since the 1960s upon politics, especially parties and elections. Nor is there anything in the section on ideologies of the rise of Green political ideas and the challenge they pose to the dominant values. McAnulla also somewhat downplays the influence of the EU upon the substance of policy-making. Nonetheless he succeeds in placing both the ideas and the practice of New Labour government in the context both of historical developments and the contemporary academic debates about the nature of governance in Britain today.
John Greenaway
(University of East Anglia)
This collection of sixteen short essays (all by the author) responds to the 1994 publication of Social Justice: Strategies for National Renewal by the (UK) Commission on Social Justice. The essays cover a variety of public policy issues and, generally, seek to juxtapose these issues with considerations of social justice. Selected topics include education, health care, unemployment and affirmative action. Not all of the essays respond specifically to the Report, some entries discuss postmodernism and (briefly) contemporary political theory. Throughout, the author combines what appears to be a broadly libertarian approach to justice with criticism of a justice-based approach to public policy. The fundamental theme is that good public policy requires more than moral reflection. The intended audience of the book is uncertain. It may come too late to make an impact on public debate surrounding the Report. Moreover, the book will be unlikely to find many enthusiastic readers among political theorists. The work simply lacks reflection upon theoretical work done in relevant literature. For example, the author discusses the relationship of justice, rights and needs in three pages. Not only does this discussion fail to offer a sustained engagement with this rather complicated and contentious question, it dispenses with a consideration of any contribution apart from that of the author. (He cites Julian Savulescu as pointing out that people ‘need’ to be born, but this is only in support of the author's suggestion that needs have nothing to do with rights). Indeed, this lack of engagement is apparent in the four-and-a-bit-page bibliography. Very nearly half of these citations are to the author's own works. This is not to say the book is without merit; there are a significant number of suggestive comments that could potentially underpin interesting research. Perhaps the intent of the book is to influence the ‘politically engaged public', these being voters or members of political parties. If so, I would advise potential readers to proceed carefully.
Stephen Winter
(University of Oxford)
As Lord Saatchi notes in his prologue, Conservatives have struggled for some time to find an answer to the question, ‘who needs the Tories?’ (p. viii). This short book attempts to provide an answer. It is a blueprint for a Conservative electoral revival, which for the authors is axiomatic with a better Britain. The collection contains contributions from six recent (unsuccessful) Conservative parliamentary candidates, and is edited by the Camden councillor and former chairman of the Bow Group, Chris Philp. The authors share a desire to modernise the Conservative party, and support their case with previously unpublished polling data, gathered by Populus in the aftermath of the 2005 general election.
The first chapter discusses the electoral problem, in terms of poor party image, an ageing support base, the loss of the traditional Conservative lead among the professional classes and the relatively low level of support for the party outside of southern and eastern England. Later chapters consider how the Conservative ‘brand’ can be reinvigorated. Two key themes emerge. Firstly, the importance of the electorate's perception of a party's ‘vision and values’ is highlighted (p. 44). Secondly, the authors stress the need for Conservative MPs to be more representative of the general population, a message that has been advocated strongly by David Cameron. However, like Cameron, the authors retain a traditional Conservative suspicion of all-women shortlists, advocating instead limited reform of the candidate selection process.
The most insightful commentary is provided in chapter 5, ‘The New Labour Legacy'. This reverses the tendency that has characterised much recent Conservative thinking, namely introspective musing about the causes of defeat. Rather, the importance of New Labour, both in accounting for the party's electoral problems, and in terms of the formation of the current political context, is acknowledged. The emerging New Labour settlement, with the battleground of public service delivery at its heart, presents a challenge to which the Conservatives have been slow to respond. This book begins to meet that challenge, but the ‘vision’ it offers lacks depth or inspiration. It is constituted of a call for a ‘compassionate society’ (p. 150), by which the authors appear to mean little more than the retention of the public services, slightly lower taxes and ‘opportunity for all’ (p. 154), with doses of Euro-scepticism and modish environmentalism thrown in. The authors’ recognition of the electoral need for a positive vision is perhaps more significant than the vision they present. Nonetheless, this book is useful to researchers interested in Conservative party strategy, providing as it does a clear statement of the modernisation agenda that is currently in vogue.
Richard Hayton
(University of Sheffield)
This book, written by someone who has published a number of books recently on Northern Ireland, is in the ‘Hot Spots in Global Politics’ series. The overall theme is to understand the conflict and its main paramilitary and security actors and to examine the developments in and possibilities for the peace process. Usefully the book opens with a review of theories of conflict. It examines a series of arguments advanced to explain and, in some cases, justify, the conflict. Thus for example the argument that the fundamental issue is British colonialism is explored and rejected. The chapter also explores ethnonational explanations, together with the favoured solution from these, namely consociational power sharing. Chapter two discusses the main republican paramilitary grouping, namely the Provisional IRA, offering a history of PIRA, as well as some explanations of recent developments. The tensions between the ‘physical force’ and political approaches within the republican elements – and to some extent within the wider nationalist community – are interestingly explored, something Tonge returns to in a couple of chapters later in the book. The next two chapters seek to examine the responses of the UK government to PIRA. Chapter three relates the military approach to managing PIRA – I say ‘managing’ as it became clear to the security forces that PIRA almost certainly could not be defeated militarily. The summary of the decline in relations between the British Army – initially seen as rescuers – and the nationalist population is clear and succinct, as that community saw the Army and the police in the same light. The chapter then moves through various issues – internment for example – culminating in a discussion of the Patten report and the gradual acceptance by elements within the nationalist community of the reformed police service. The chapter does move at a reasonable speed but perhaps it might have spent a little more time on the Ulsterisation of security policy. It does nonetheless offer a useful description of security policy. Chapter four deals with what it calls the covert war against the IRA, for example the use of informers, security services collusion with loyalist paramilitaries and the use of agents. The chapter locates these methods in a broader political context, outlining some key cases and arguing that despite the various reforms a number of issues associated with collusion have never really been resolved and, as Tonge makes clear, remain important. Tonge turns in chapter five to the rise of Sinn Fein as a political force. Two issues need explanation, namely how and why Sinn Fein moved from a paramilitary to a political movement and, second, why it was so successful politically. Tonge is good on the first issue and while he deals with the second, perhaps spends less time on it. It also leaves the question of those republicans who have not gone down the political road with Sinn Fein and Tonge examines these in chapter six. His analysis of the relative insignificance of these ultras is accurate, but equally, as he points out, their continued existence, with the loyalist paramilitaries and sectarian violence, reminds us that the divided and violent nature of Northern Ireland society remains, albeit of a more subdued character. Tonge discusses loyalist violence together with their own understandings of why they went down this path. A simple colonialist version of events falls down when we explore loyalism. Tonge's discussion of the similarities and dissimilarities with republicans is interesting. For one thing the loyalists have never had the same level of political support, though the interesting admission recently by Sir Reg Empey, current leader of the Ulster Unionist party, the more moderate of the two main unionist parties, that unionist politicians used loyalist paramilitaries for their own purposes suggests relationships between politicians and paramilitaries are worth exploring. Tonge's discussion of that issue is instructive. The continued inter-loyalist warfare is easily understood after reading this chapter, as indeed is the relative absence of inter-republican violence on reading chapter six. Tonge finally turns to the broader political scene by exploring the party system and its competitive pressures (intra-community) as well as its stable elements (inter-community). Here again he asks some interesting questions – can Sinn Fein and the SDLP survive together and is there room for a centralist cross-community party. Finally he concludes by auditing (his word) the peace process, with its political dimensions and providing some interesting reflections on the future.
This book is one to be recommended to students of politics and conflict studies and general readers. It is a well-written and coherently structured text, which covers the story of Northern Ireland and the tensions well. The balance of the book is towards the struggle between the paramilitaries and the government response, located in its political context. On a few occasions I thought some of his comments could have been expanded – was the old Nationalist party really a party? – and, given his expertise, it would have been interesting to hear his reflections on conflict management resulting from the NI case. Nonetheless the author provides a neat summary of the recent history, while raising important issues that are thought provoking and give rise to debate. All who read it will do so with profit.
Michael Connolly
(University of Glamorgan)
The Constitution Unit has been doing a remarkable job since 2000 analysing devolution through its ‘The State of the Nations’ series. The Dynamics of Devolution represents the fifth and final volume in this series.
The structure of the book is largely the same as previous editions, with contributions from a multitude of authors from different backgrounds: Part I looks at developments and prospects in each of the four relevant regions, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and England; Part II considers UK-wide issues, with chapters on public opinion, intergovernmental relations and finance; and Part III analyses public policy matters, specifically health and regional economic policy. As such The Dynamics of Devolution is comprehensive in its coverage. Where this edition differs from its predecessors, however, is in the focus on the future of devolution, rather than developments over the past year. The rationale behind this is the notion that ‘devolution is a process, not an event'. Thus the purpose of the book is to consider ‘some of the ways in which devolution is and remains a process’ (p. 1). It does not seek to make predictions about the future, however, but rather to analyse what is open to change.
An example is the potential for an ideological gap developing between Scotland and Westminster, and the impact this may have on the integrity of the state (ch. 2). Should such a development be frustrated in order to maintain the balance of the state? What are the implications for political legitimacy of devolution? The raising of such questions throughout reminds us not to take devolution for granted – despite the apparent resilience of the state thus far, devolution has opened up certain constitutional and political cracks and wedges which, if they deepen, could have significant effects on the wider British state over the long term.
A criticism that can be made is that Dynamics is a purely empirical work, and as such it is devoid of theory or a conceptual framework of analysis. It might have been useful for the authors to consider theories and approaches to the British state, such as multi-level governance or intergovernmental relations, to assist them in assessing the future prospects for devolution, and also to speculate on how the potential development of devolution may affect such concepts. This would have added a more rounded feel to the book. Nonetheless, this is a comprehensive and thought-provoking analysis, and the series as a whole is a commendable achievement.
Matthew Denton
(University of Sheffield)
This book, written by a member of the Law Department at Essex University, straddles the disciplines of law and political science, and covers academic and practical aspects of both. Watt's theme is the examination of issues relating to electoral law within a theoretical context, but the book is more successful as an accessible guide to legal precedent and practice than as a work of democratic theory.
Certainly he has performed a considerable service by undertaking extensive literature, statute and case law reviews, and in bringing much of this material together in one place for the first time. The creation of the Electoral Commission and the range of legislation since 1997 (in particular the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act) also make it very topical. It is interesting to read about the development and application of the law on such subjects as ‘The Nomination of Candidates’ and ‘Challenging the Result of an Election', and Watt has an engaging style which far removes his book from the image of a sterile legal text.
However, that same engaging style is used to try to seduce the reader into sharing some of his more controversial opinions. He identifies, and is clearly opposed to, what he calls the ‘market system of elections’ (p. 203) whereby voters merely buy what is on offer rather than participate in a process of self-government. He believes that this has contributed to a decline in electoral participation, but offers no real evidence for the view that ‘as the franchise has grown the turnout has dropped and the discussion of political issues has become less rigorous’ (p. 51). He is similarly opposed to all-postal and remote electronic voting not simply on the grounds of the threat to the security and integrity of the ballot, but because (in the words of Vallely in a 1999 New Republic article which he quotes approvingly), ‘far from enriching democracy … [they push) us towards political anomie’ (p. 90).
There is also an extended discussion on whether the vote-swapping propagated by Billy Bragg and others in Dorset at the 2001 and 2005 general elections constitutes a fraudulent device (Watt thinks that it does), and some rather tart comments on how Labour has used its parliamentary majority to pass electoral laws which are likely to be parti pris.
If readers are prepared to cut through the hyperbole, and take several of Watt's claims about the ills of the operation of electoral law with a pinch of salt, they will find a useful introduction to the subject for non-lawyers. However, given the pending Electoral Administration Act and likely further legislation to deal with current controversies over both postal vote fraud and party funding, a second edition may be required sooner rather than later.
Colin Rallings
(University of Plymouth)
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