Abstract
Democratisation and economic liberalisation in East Asia, with impressive exceptions, are uneven and incomplete. One explanatory narrative, primarily propagated by Asian elites, invokes the cultural exceptionalism implicit in the ‘Asian values’ which supposedly make Asian citizens less receptive to democratic or market principles. By contrast, this important and genuinely comparative study based on World Values Survey opinion data (1999–2002) for nine Asian societies and four Western democracies, ‘gives voice to the citizens of East Asia’ (p. 4, emphasis added). Predictably perhaps, but no less compelling for that, the seamlessly connected analyses in this volume reveal a substantial disconnect between elite power holders and mass opinion.
Drawing on political culture and social modernisation theory to link the long-term prospects for socio-economic development to popular orientations towards the economic and political systems, this study assesses the fit and relationships between social, political and economic values and existing institutions. At its base is the question of whether ‘the values and orientations of East Asian publics are congruent with the development of democratic institutions and market economies’ (p. 3).
Divided into four sections, the first locates East Asian societies within the global context of modernisation and value change. Section 2 examines democratic and social values, including an assessment of democratic support and attitudes towards authority relations. Section 3 analyses attitudes towards marketisation and globalisation, including a detailed case study of Vietnam, an economy currently undergoing transition; while section 4 examines the interrelationships between public attitudes to democracy and the economic system.
Contributors discover broad region-wide support for democracy and market principles, although the two are not always linked. Substantial variation exists between Asian publics, but there is no evidence of a systematic East-West gap. Citizens frequently evince universal human beliefs rather than a circumscribed set of ‘Asian values’. Citizen orientations and aspirations are often incongruent with prevailing political institutions.
Dalton and Shin conclude that public attitudes are not an impediment to further politico-economic development or liberalisation in the region; rather, the obstacle lies in change-resistant elites and the ‘inability of challenging elites and social groups to erode entrenched autocratic structures’ (p. 16). Having identified the problem, it is somewhat disappointing that the book does not, for example, engage with the literature on social movements or explore citizen attitudes towards actively instigating change. Nonetheless, the book represents a significant advance in the study of public opinion in East Asia, and offers a convincing argument for why it matters.
Jonathan Sullivan
(University of Nottingham)
What explains the economically hot but politically cold relationship between China and Japan? This edited book, based on a 2005 workshop organized by the Griffith Asian Institute, attempts to crack the puzzle by examining Sino-Japanese relations from an interdisciplinary perspective. The contributors are a group of experts in East Asian affairs and hail from several disciplines: history, anthropology, sociology, literary studies, political science, economics and international relations.
Anti-Japanese demonstrations in several Chinese cities in 2005 serve as a reminder that history casts a long shadow on today's China-Japan relations. ‘Questions about how perceptions of the past are shaped by the present are … central to understanding the “hot-cold” nature of Sino-Japanese relations’ (p. 3). The most conspicuous source of political tension is Japan's past invasion of China. ‘This wound in the national psyche of both nations is exacerbated by rising nationalist sentiment in China and Japan’, specifically by events such as former prime minister Koizumi's repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine (p. 4). Neither side seems able to move on from historical memories; instead, they have interpreted history differently. And dynamic economic interactions between the two countries have failed to spill over into the political arena. Yet the contributors sound optimistic in suggesting that the willingness of the two nations to participate in a greater number of multilateral regional fora will serve to lower the temperature of the bilateral relationship. Indeed, political leaders from both countries have been trying to improve relations lately, but public opinion in both is still very negative about the other country. This is worrisome since a stable relationship cannot be sustained without the broad support of the public on either side.
One glaring omission from the book is a discussion of America's role in Sino-Japanese relations. The United States is the only great power that has considerable influence over both China and Japan, yet disappointingly it has done little to help bring the two Asian rivals together, choosing instead to remain silent whenever they point their fingers at each other. Not only is this unfortunate for China and Japan, it is also not in the best interests of the United States.
The state of China-Japan relations has a direct bearing on peace and prosperity in East Asia. This book is significant in that it provides fresh insights into the Sino-Japanese relationship and suggests ways for the two nations to enhance cooperation in the future.
Zhiqun Zhu
(University of Bridgeport, Connecticut)
This book looks at the regional community that has evolved in response to the strategic uncertainties created by the end of the Cold War. The central argument is that ASEAN has been proactive, and successful, in drawing Japan and China into an ‘ASEAN-ized pattern of intra-regional diplomacy’ (p. 223) that promotes economic stability and regional security. In this emerging ‘neighborly community’, ASEAN is cast in a non-threatening initiator role, keeping big power rivalries in check, socialising China and reducing suspicions about Japan. For these reasons, the authors claim that ‘the most likely engine of regional diplomacy continues to be ASEAN’ (p. 23).
In chapter 2 the authors give a brief overview of three mainstream IR theories (neo-realism, neoliberalism and constructivism) and argue that none have done very well in predicting developments in East Asia since the end of the Cold War. They therefore advocate a more ‘problem-driven approach’ (p. 31). Chapters 3–5 give a historical account of the evolving political, economic and security relations between ASEAN, Japan and China. Chapter 6 presents case studies of maritime disputes that ‘shed light on how China, Japan and ASEAN have turned the SE China Sea from a source of conflict to one of community building’ (p. 25). Chapter 7 deals with regional responses to the Asian financial crisis.
The authors’ account of ASEAN's endeavours to retain its relevance and reduce uncertainties given the rise of China and relative decline of Japan is convincing; their sanguine appraisal of the motivations of the ‘big two’ and the strength of the community structure is less so. The authors argue that ‘for nearly a decade the ASEAN-centred intra-regional process has served as a useful platform on which Beijing and Tokyo can engage one another’ (p. 26). However, while the ASEAN/community modus operandi has thus far been expedient for both Japan and China, it is unlikely that either actor would defer to it were core interests at stake. One such example, Taiwan, is rather glossed over in the book; as is the role of the US.
As a teaching or introductory text, this book has a lot to recommend it: it is accessible, well written and informative. The contribution to the research literature is less clear. Specialists will not find anything here that is not already covered in the substantial literature on East Asian regionalism, and the lack of theoretically informed analysis reduces the strength of the authors’ arguments.
Jonathan Sullivan
(University of Nottingham)
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