Abstract
The central notion of Hybrid Sovereignty in the Arab Middle East is that Western notions of sovereignty and of states do not fit with the political entities that came to form the states in the Middle East. The encroachment and overlaying of these Western ideas on top of traditional tribal structures ignored the realities and differences inherent in Arab society. Gokhan Bacik therefore describes the sovereignty that pervades the Middle East as being hybrid in nature: not fully Western, not fully ‘Arab’ and not fully ‘working’. After a chapter offering a theoretical framework in which the thesis is firmly placed in the veritable cornucopia of literature discussing this topic, the historical context is set.
Aspects of modernisation were undertaken by the Ottomans with, for example, the establishment of a central taxation system as well as a more centralised form of government in Jordan in the nineteenth century (pp. 72–3). Subsequently, the British began imposing ever more Western practices through treaties, trade agreements, the imposition of borders and other rules more generally across much of the Middle East. Bacik's handling of this plotted history is not particularly impressive as he appears unable to decide whether to conduct the analysis country by country or around general themes. In the end, there is a somewhat mixed approach which does not present the information overly clearly. Nazih Ayubi's Overstating the Arab State and Rosemarie Said Zahlan's The Making of Modern Gulf States, which Bacik quotes from, are both vastly superior at explaining the same processes.
Bacik has chosen to concentrate on Kuwait, Jordan and Iraq as case studies. These are well chosen and provide good examples for his argument. The most interesting thing to note stemming from these chapters is the way that Kuwait and Jordan (as well as most of the Gulf states) suffer(ed) from a general failure of sovereignty, as Bacik puts it. Therefore, the leaders of these countries have chosen to recast the basis of their legitimacy and now engage in economic and political liberalisation to engender more popular legitimacy. Bacik rightly highlights this trend.
Overall, however, the book appears to be answering a question that has already been answered: no, Western ideas and practices do not fit snugly on to the Arab political system. Unfortunately, given the calibre of some of the earlier discussions of these sorts of questions (as mentioned above), not to mention Bacik's clumsy phrasing and curious word choice, there are undoubtedly better alternatives for students seeking to learn about the modern history of the Arab state.
David B. Roberts
(University of Durham)
This book can be considered the first critical study to be published on Dubai. Christopher Davidson's work is a fascinating and highly insightful study that examines the history, politics and economic development of Dubai in the era before and after the establishment of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 1971. It highlights several key problems that lie beneath Dubai's glittering facades (p. 2), where it uncovers some ‘hidden facts’.
The book is divided into eight chapters, where each one is a study in its own right. Following a detailed historical overview of Dubai's origins in chapter 1, the author examines how the spread of Arab nationalism by expatriates in Dubai became the focal point of opposition to British rule in the lower Gulf (now UAE) (p. 39). In chapters 3 and 4 he highlights the economic development of Dubai before and after the inception of the UAE in 1971. Dubai's current economy depends, to a great extent, on light manufacturing, foreign direct investment-free zones, luxury tourism and real estate. In chapter 5 Davidson then explores how Dubai has managed to stay intact and overcome the ‘sheikh's dilemma’ of pursuing economic reform without succumbing to meaningful political reform (p. 137).
Chapter 7 discusses Dubai in the wider context of the UAE federation. Davidson argues that despite the emirate's ability to survive on its own under the umbrella of external support, the federation of the United Arab Emirates provides it with much-needed collective security. Furthermore, he demonstrates that Dubai is now beginning to drift further away from the federal model as it aspires to become a postmodern city state that is capable of addressing its own development needs (p. 219). However, he goes further by investigating in detail the internal problems of the other emirates. In the last chapter the author analyses the internal and external threats faced by Dubai. He assesses the emirate's defensive capability within the context of Lawson, G. (2008) A Realistic Utopia? Nancy Fraser, the Abu Dhabi-led UAE armed forces, and looks at the emirate's historical and contemporary role as a hub for criminal organisation and its relationship with various terrorist groups.
Davidson tries to offer an alternative analysis and examination of Dubai by providing some unfamiliar facts. Unfortunately, there are also some inaccurate statements, information and outdated figures (for example see p. 149, p. 152, p. 224). However, the book is an excellent investigation of Dubai's political and economic aspects. Davidson's study will be of benefit for advanced undergraduate and research students, as well as academics and practitioners interested in the economics and politics of the Gulf, as it is accessible, well written and informative.
Khalid S. Almezaini
(University of Exeter)
Democracy in Iran: History and the Quest for Liberty is an insightful historiography of democratisation in Iran from the 1906 Constitutional Revolution to the present day. It offers an inspiring analytical narrative of the emergence of the modern state which focuses, in particular, on the interaction between the politics of state building and democracy, as well as on the unique role of ideologies in creating state institutions and the implications for democratic transition/consolidation.
The purpose of the book is to trace the ongoing debate over the need to balance democracy promotion with the evolution of the state in the changing ideological context of nationalism, developmentalism, Marxism, anti-imperialism, Islamism and liberalism over the course of the last hundred years. The modern state in Iran was shaped by the objectives and aspirations of the Constitutional Revolution: its concern to restrain the monarchy, establish the rule of law (constitution) and further centralise power. It endorsed both democratisation and state building, making it possible for future regimes to pursue modernisation and developmentalism. However, the collectivist ideologies that became incorporated into state policies were not necessarily amenable to pluralistic democracy and competed with democratic values in the public sphere. The resulting societal and state processes have nevertheless allowed for democratic norms and practices to take root, generating a solid base within the Iranian populace of those who accept democratic practices, participate in elections and believe that their vote affects political outcomes. 1
The authors' pursuit of a holistic approach in lieu of micro-level analysis brings clarity and a fresh perspective to the forum of debate on democracy in Iran. Although they do not present a comprehensive political history of modern Iran, their argument concerning the continuity of the modern state, in spite of an uneven political development dotted with breakages, revolutions, ideological warfare and foreign intrigues, is convincing and illuminating. The book provides a framework for further analyses of state–society relations, and although the book does not offer a detailed account of these relations, the authors achieve their goal of providing a big picture of the ebb and flow of both state building and democratisation.
The book offers a well-articulated and clearly organised elaboration of its argument that should make it accessible to non-experts, and it should be of interest not only to those concerned with Iranian affairs, but also to scholars with an interest in the broader fields of democratic transition and development studies.
Amir Farr
(Royal Holloway, University of London)
Turkey in the Modern World is the fourth and last volume of ‘The Cambridge History of Modern Turkey’ series, a collection of highly informative works dealing with the history of Anatolian Seljuk, Ottoman and Turkish-dominated territories from 1071 onwards. This volume consists of eighteen chapters written by different scholars, including authorities like Hanioğlu, Mango and Ahmad. The book examines the making and development of modern Turkey roughly over two periods: the ‘Ottoman background and transition’ era from the Westernisation reforms of Sultan Mahmud II up until the struggle of liberation from Allied occupation following the First World War; and the Republican era beginning in 1923. However, not all chapters are organised in chronological order and the volume contains both biographical essays (e.g. ‘Ataturk’ by Mango) and thematic ones (e.g. ‘Art and Architecture in Modern Turkey’ by Bozdoğan) that examine the Ottoman and Republican eras together.
Reşat Kasaba, the editor of the volume, may be an ‘unknown’ scholar to some readers. His introduction gives us the impression that he leans towards the conservative conception of modern Turkish history, which constitutes one of the two main ideologically motivated narratives in Turkish historiography (the other being the Kemalist paradigm). However, Kasaba has obviously produced a valuable work by gathering together all the material in this volume. What is striking about the book is that, alongside chapters that focus on political history, it also deals with social/societal issues such as women's struggle, the history of Istanbul, art and architecture and the novel in Turkish. Research on such issues constitutes a relatively underdeveloped domain in the study of Turkish politics and history to date and for this reason the book makes a very valuable contribution to the literature.
As is common with edited volumes, the essays vary in quality. Yükleyen's analysis of Sufism and Islamic groups is too short, poorly referenced and insufficient for readers familiar with the topic. Pamuk's essay on the Turkish economy is a good summary, but in general the book does not pay enough attention to the political implications of economic developments. Thus readers would be advised to complement Pamuk's summary with Zürcher's Turkey, a Modern History (I. B. Tauris, 2004) for a better understanding of Turkish economic history. However, the rest of the book is almost impeccable, and Bozarslan's analysis of the Kurdish issue and Cizre's discussion on the military's involvement in politics are both brilliant.
Burak Cop
(University of Nottingham)
Given that many advanced democracies can claim to have moved into the era of valence rather than position politics, the study of leadership may well become a more explicit concern for political scientists across the world. If so, there is no reason why we should limit our case studies to the major powers: even smaller countries can help us understand something we all need and recognise, even if we find it hard to nail down.
This book concentrates on a small country, but one whose neoliberal revolution and switch to proportional representation make it an interesting laboratory for studying political leadership, as well as political economy and electoral systems. Contemporary New Zealand leaders, as the useful introductory chapter points out, now have to cope with a much more fluid and challenging parliamentary context; they also operate in an environment where, compared to their predecessors, they have few levers to pull or bells to push. That introduction goes on to suggest that there may be fruitful parallels between leadership in politics and leadership in business – the latter a topic that obsesses not just management school academics but also the aspiring CEOs keen to snap up their books in order to learn the secrets of success they supposedly unlock.
The approach taken by the book's fourteen contributors is wholly qualitative and often historical. That said, an effort is made to provide some context so that the reader unfamiliar with Kiwi political culture, systems and personalities will be able to see his or her way through the inevitable thicket of detail. Scholars of political parties and cabinet in particular will find much of interest in the chapters by Raymond Miller and Elizabeth McLeay. Political communication experts will also find the chapter on leadership and the media by Margie Comrie a useful reminder that global trends in this respect extend a long way beyond the US and Europe, where most research is conducted. Meanwhile, anyone interested in the politics of multicultural and multi-ethnic societies would gain something from Ranginui Walker's chapter on indigenous conceptions of leadership, which of course can differ quite markedly from those imported by settlers.
The book ends with a concluding chapter that calls for more explicitly comparative work on political leadership. While they are not in and of themselves comparative, some of the contributions – and not just those singled out above – might well be useful to anyone heeding that call.
Tim Bale
(University of Sussex)
Nowadays, much is said and written about women in Islam. These deliberations, however, are often limited to the sphere of tradition and culture, and sometimes of politics. But the role of women seems to be equally essential both in the political arena and in transnational dialogue. Encountering the Transnational: Women, Islam and the Politics of Interpretation offers another position within the current literature on women in the Muslim world. The title may undoubtedly arouse emotions, as it is constructed of powerful ideas which are even more powerful when placed so close to one another. Moreover, this title specifies very precisely the book's focus, namely, women and Islam. It represents an introduction to the research on the role of transnational activism in creating the identity of Muslim women. Although the problem of women and Islam, as well as of transnationality, has already been considered by many authors, there are few works that focus on the influence of transnational Muslim policy on women. Hence, this study is an attempt to complement the existing literature and the author's analysis, as well as the results of her research, provides an interesting contribution to the field.
Meena Sharify-Funk has based her book on numerous interviews conducted among a selected group of Muslim women coming from various regions and countries from Morocco to Pakistan. These discussions with the thinkers and activists of some non-governmental organisations cover issues of dialogue, self-perception and women's place in society and the world, and they demonstrate how dialogue and transnational cooperation have altered these women's identities as Muslims, citizens and activists. Their international relations and involvement in international matters have ‘made’ them change their perception of their own selves and redefine cultural determinants, morality and even religiosity by making them reinterpret the religious records.
Yet the choice of such a narrow and in many ways specific group for the study results in an incomplete image, with many things left unsaid. Therefore, the book's conclusions do not represent all or even the majority of women of the Middle East, and thus leave the reader with many questions unanswered.
A great value of this book is certainly the comprehensive presentation of the problem of transnationality when confronted with dynamic changes and modernisation in the Middle East. Sharify-Funk has tried to demonstrate arduous relations between the state, religion and society in the Muslim world, as well as to determine the position and place of modern Muslim women within that reality. In terms of presentation, Encountering the Transnational is written in a direct way that is an easy and pleasurable read. What is more, the author uses some Arabic and Persian terminology, which significantly increases the scientific value of this publication.
As a result of the author's hard work, this is a publication that breaks many old ‘fixed’ stereotypes concerning women in Middle East culture and I have no hesitation in recommending it to sociologists and scientists interested in the Middle East, as well as to those who are concerned about the concepts of transnationality, modernisation and contemporary Muslim society.
Katarzyna Jarecka-Stępień
(Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland)
We welcome short reviews of books in all areas of politics and international relations. For guidelines on submitting reviews, and to see an up-to-date listing of books available for review, please visit http://www.politicalstudiesreview.org/.
Footnotes
1
This review was written prior to the presidential election and subsequent events in Iran in June 2009.