Cross-Border Corruption and Persistence of Human Trafficking Along Nigeria—Benin Republic Migratory Corridor

The Concept of Border

A border defines the geographical area under a government’s jurisdiction that serves as both a physical and symbolic marker. In Africa, many current borders date back to the colonial era, especially the intercolonial borders established between British and French territories. The lack of consideration for natural geographic features in drawing these borders resulted in disputes and unclear demarcations (Osimen et al., 2017). We can categorize borders into three types: natural, geometric, and cultural (Guo, 2015). Natural borders follow geographic features like rivers and mountains, providing clear division lines. Geometric borders, such as those in the Middle East, are based on straight lines drawn on maps, often following latitude or longitude curves. Cultural borders separate ethnic, linguistic, or cultural communities that often result from historical conflicts. Vogeler (2010) also classifies borders as either soft or hard. Soft borders permit unrestricted movement of people and goods, whereas rigid borders impose stringent controls and frequently undergo fortification. The Nigeria–Benin border is considered a soft border due to weak enforcement, allowing illicit activities such as human trafficking and smuggling.

The Concept of Corruption

Corruption is a global phenomenon, typically defined as the misuse of public office for personal gain (Adesina, 2019). In Africa, corruption takes many forms, including bribery, extortion, and the illegal use of public assets. Jancsics (2019) specifically defines corruption at borders as the practice of bribing law enforcement officers, who are in charge of customs and security, to neglect their duties. This allows unauthorized crossings and illegal activities like smuggling and human trafficking to thrive. Rose-Ackerman (1989) identified four types of corrupt states: kleptocracies, where rulers extract rent for personal gain; bilateral monopolies, where a single ruler faces a monopolist briber; mafia-dominated states, with weak governance and freelance bribery; and competitive-bribery states, where corruption is widespread and involves multiple actors. Bribery, where officials receive payments to facilitate illegal crossings, is the primary form of corruption at the Nigeria–Benin border.

The Concept of Human Trafficking

The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) defines human trafficking as the coercion of individuals into exploitative situations that violate their human rights (IOM, 2011). In this study, the concept of human trafficking is used to explain the illegal movement of people in and out of the Nigeria–Benin corridor.

The Nexus Between Border Corruption and Trafficking

Corruption at borders plays a critical role in enabling human trafficking. In developing countries like Nigeria and Benin, porous borders and weak governance make it easier for traffickers to bribe officials. In 2006, the World Bank estimated that border corruption led to the smuggling of over $2.4 billion worth of goods from Benin into Nigeria (Raballand & Mjekiqi, 2010). This implies that corruption exacerbates human trafficking along the Nigeria–Benin corridor. Traffickers use bribes to move their victims across borders without detection.

Historical Overview of Border Corruption and Human Trafficking in Africa

Human trafficking in West Africa dates back to the precolonial era, facilitated by trans-Saharan and trans-Atlantic trade routes (Chirikure, 2017; Holdal, 2019). According to Jerven (2015), African economies had structured labor systems, including slavery. Colonialism disrupted these systems by criminalizing practices such as trafficking that were once embedded in traditional economies (Mahoney, 2010). The 1885 Berlin Conference facilitated Africa’s partition, leading to arbitrary border demarcations (Paine et al., 2024). Colonial policies prioritized resource extraction and taxation, often leading to informal economies marked by bribery and smuggling (Gwaindepi, 2023; Roitman, 2005). However, in the postcolonial era, many African states failed to reverse systemic issues such as weak border control, giving rise to what Brown (2010) calls “de-sovereignization.” Borders became zones of informal negotiation where corrupt officials facilitate trafficking (Sassen, 2005; Waziri-Azi, 2024). Blundo and de Sardan (2006) argue that corruption is entrenched in social and bureaucratic systems, where routine governance often includes bribery. These practices have normalized trafficking, making it a survival strategy for many amid economic inequality and institutional failure.

Thus, human trafficking reflects more than a criminal activity; it signifies systemic failure, deeply tied to generational corruption and institutional weakness. Some scholars trace the persistence of these issues to socioeconomic cycles of poverty and marginalization (Obikaeze et al., 2021; Okeshola & Adenugba, 2018; Onuoha, 2013). Hence, addressing trafficking requires strategies that not only support victims but also dismantle the systemic corruption sustaining it.

The Prevalence of Human Trafficking Along the Nigeria–Benin Republic Border

Human trafficking is a global issue, driven by a demand for cheap labor and sexual exploitation. Developing countries like Nigeria are often on the supply side due to poverty and unemployment. Cross-border human trafficking between Nigeria and Benin is particularly prevalent on the Seme-Idiroko border. Between 2011 and 2021, 46% of the 818 cross-border trafficking victims rescued in the Benin Republic were Nigerians, according to NAPTIP (2021). This highlights the vulnerability of the Nigeria–Benin border and the role of corruption in enabling trafficking. Human trafficking persists due to pervasive corruption, weak border security, and socioeconomic conditions that make individuals vulnerable to exploitation.

Theoretical Framework: Routine Activity Theory (RAT)

Lawrence E. Cohen and Marcus Felson introduced Routine Activity Theory (RAT) in 1979. The theory suggests that crime occurs when three key elements converge: a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the absence of a capable guardian. RAT shifts focus from the motivations of offenders to the conditions that make crime likely, emphasizing how daily routines create opportunities for criminal acts. It helps explain how structural weaknesses, such as corruption and poor border security, enable human trafficking. According to RAT, crime occurs when three elements converge: a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the absence of a capable guardian (Aktualisiert & Wickert, 2020). In this context, the motivated offenders are human traffickers, driven by profit. The suitable targets are vulnerable individuals, often women and children, who are susceptible due to poverty and social instability. The absence of capable guardians refers to ineffective or corrupt border officials who, through bribery, fail to enforce laws and prevent illegal crossings. This theory illustrates how corruption, weak enforcement, and socioeconomic vulnerabilities create the perfect conditions for human trafficking to thrive along the Nigeria–Benin corridor.

Research Design

This study employs a qualitative research design aimed at exploring the nature of cross-border corruption and human trafficking along the Nigeria–Benin Republic corridor. Qualitative research focuses on understanding the meanings, experiences, and perspectives of individuals directly involved in the subject matter. The research design is suited for a comprehensive exploration of the historical patterns of corruption, the persistence of human trafficking, and the social dynamics at the Nigeria–Benin border.

Study Area

The research focuses on the Nigeria–Benin Idiroko border in Ogun State, Nigeria. Located in Ipokia Local Government Area, Idiroko is a prominent border town along the Lagos–Badagry–Porto Novo Highway. The area has significant trans-border economic activity, and cross-border trading is a predominant feature of the community. Idiroko’s strategic position as a key border crossing point justifies the decision to focus on it. The town is home to Nigerian police, army, customs, and immigration services, all of which play critical roles in border management. The area’s high volume of cross-border trade and migration also contributes to the prevalence of border corruption and human trafficking, making it an ideal location for this research.

Research Population

The population for this study comprises key stakeholders directly involved or affected by border activities, and this includes the inter-border transporters, traders, and community elders in Idiroko. These individuals have firsthand knowledge of the dynamics of border corruption and human trafficking in the region.

Sampling Technique

This study employs a purposive sampling method. We use purposive sampling to select participants based on specific characteristics or knowledge relevant to the research topic. The researcher selected participants who had direct involvement or insight into border activities, ensuring that the sample represented the population of interest. The study selected a total of 15 participants. The sample includes 5 members of the inter-border transporters association, 5 traders at the border, and 5 community elders from Idiroko. This selection provided a balanced representation of individuals involved in or impacted by cross-border activities and, as such, offers varied perspectives on the issue of border corruption and human trafficking.

Data Collection

Key informant interviews (KIIs) were the primary method of data collection. We structured the interviews to enable participants to provide detailed insights into the research problem. We chose this method because it gathered in-depth information that enabled the researchers to delve into the emotions, frustrations, and experiences of the participants. The researcher conducted the interviews in person to observe body language and reactions, which further contextualized the verbal responses. The researchers developed an interview guide with structured questions aligned with the research objectives. Interviews covered topics such as the historical evolution of border corruption, corruption patterns and trends, and corruption’s role in facilitating human trafficking. The interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed.

Data Analysis

We used thematic and content analysis techniques to analyze the data collected from the interviews. Thematic analysis involves identifying recurring themes, patterns, or topics in the data. We used content analysis to systematically categorize and code the data into manageable sections for analysis.

The analysis process involved several stages:

Ethical Considerations

Ethical considerations were a priority throughout the research process. We assured participants of confidentiality and anonymity. We provided each participant with signed consent forms that explained the purpose of the research, their rights as participants, and the measures taken to protect their identity. We securely stored the data and will destroy them after 5 years to protect the participants' privacy.

Reliability and Validity

To ensure the reliability and validity of the study, the researchers employed well-established data collection and analysis techniques. The use of KIIs, a proven method in qualitative research, contributed to the reliability of the data. We carefully crafted the interview questions to align with the research objectives, ensuring that the responses were both relevant and insightful.

We used data triangulation to cross-verify the information we collected from different participants. By interviewing traders, transporters, and community elders, the researchers ensured that the data were comprehensive and represented different perspectives. The use of thematic analysis, which is also a robust method for analyzing qualitative data, further reinforced the validity of the findings. This method allowed the researchers to identify patterns and themes that were consistent across the interviews in order to ensure that the findings accurately reflected the views of the participants.

Category: Community Stakeholders

This group encompasses three types of people: Traders, Transporters, and Community Elders.

Border post and trans-border traders, as well as drivers, are in a unique position to spot and explain patterns of cross-border corruption. They are critical firsthand witnesses because they have personally gone through bureaucratic obstacles, unlawful fines, and bribery requests. Malechi and Mathias (2021) found that while the majority of the working population in Idiroko villages engages in subsistence farming, trans-border trade is the primary activity in Idiroko, making both merchants and drivers valuable participants in this study. Community elders, on the other hand, are longtime residents who possess extensive knowledge regarding border corruption patterns. Their strong connections within the community allow them to discreetly gather information and offer historical details about observed activities.

Precolonial

In the precolonial period, what is today known as border management was informal, decentralized, and often dominated by local chieftains and elite power structures. These leaders exercised control over trade routes and entry points into various kingdoms and communities. While this system enabled local governance and trade regulation, it also laid the groundwork for exploitative practices that resonate with contemporary patterns of border corruption and human trafficking.

The absence of standardized rules or centralized enforcement meant that entry, movement, and trade were largely negotiable, which is often in exchange for tributes, favors, or informal alliances. This kind of discretionary control is analogous to modern-day corrupt border practices, where movement is enabled not by legal right but by negotiated or transactional access. A community elder from Idiroko reflected on this dynamic, drawing a parallel between historical chieftain behaviors and current border officials:

“Border corruption as it may seem goes far back to the precolonial era, when the people in power particularly the tycoons in the community made informal agreements with some set of individuals from another community that only benefits them. . . this can be related to the modern-day corruption at our border post. Those security personnel are like the chieftains and as long as the smugglers pay them their dues, they will always pardon them” (Male, 60 years, community elder, Idiroko).

These arrangements created a culture of privileged movement for some and exclusion for others, depending on the ability to pay or offer something in return. In such a structure, vulnerable individuals such as captives, marginalized groups, or indebted persons could be traded or moved across territories without formal accountability or protection. Another elder emphasized the role of self-interest and the erosion of regulatory power, noting:

“The frequent occurrence of internal and external dispute by different factions that led to the fall of great empires in the 19th century was majorly as a result of corruption. . . Although the ruling constitution then allows for nationwide trading and tourism, corrupt activities of officials, high chieftains and the businessmen of then [allowed] the influences of externals within the system” (Community elder, Idiroko).

These insights indicate that the precolonial systems of informal power and corruption enabled unauthorized and, at times, exploitative cross-border movements. This created conditions where vulnerable populations could be trafficked without formal checks, mirroring modern human trafficking pathways where corrupt actors override legal enforcement for personal gain.

Colonial

During the colonial era, border corruption became more institutionalized, driven by poorly enforced artificial boundaries and customs systems imposed by European colonial powers. The creation of borders by colonial administrators, which did not take into consideration the indigenous political or social boundaries, introduced bureaucratic procedures for movement and trade that were often weakly enforced. This laxity, combined with economic exploitation and a lack of accountability, created fertile ground for corruption among customs officers and traditional elites. The corruption that flourished under colonial rule served as a conduit for illicit trade and movement, including the trafficking of humans. Weak borders such as those in Idiroko, along the Nigeria–Benin corridor, became hotspots for unauthorized transit. One respondent noted:

“Idiroko is located along the Nigeria-Benin border, which was a major route for illicit trade and smuggling during the colonial period. . . the border received fewer patrols, which allowed smuggling to thrive with the complicity of customs officers and local chiefs” (Male, 57 years, community elder, Idiroko).

This quote underscores the role of geographic neglect and complicity between officials and local power brokers in enabling smuggling and the unregulated movement of people. Such environments provided cover for traffickers, who exploited the weak control mechanisms and corrupt relationships to move individuals across borders, especially women and children, for labor or servitude. Moreover, these corrupt practices often became entrenched, with positions in customs and border control later passed through networks of patronage:

“corrupt practices became entrenched over time, with officials' children and associates later becoming government officials themselves” (Male, 57 years, community elder, Idiroko)

These dynastic and complicit relationships reinforced a system where human trafficking could persist unchecked, as the same officials who were meant to prevent it were either indifferent or actively benefiting from it. The combination of ineffective surveillance, local resistance to colonial policies, and collusion between customs officers and chiefs allowed traffickers to manipulate the border with minimal resistance. Colonial corruption, therefore, did not merely reflect administrative failure, but also actively facilitated the exploitation and trafficking of human beings across artificially created boundaries.

Postcolonial

Following Nigeria’s independence, the challenges of border governance persisted and, in many cases, intensified. The postcolonial period has been marked by continued structural weaknesses such as poor infrastructure, underfunded agencies, and a lack of accountability, which have allowed border corruption to become systemic. These conditions have made it easier for human traffickers to exploit both the physical and institutional weaknesses of Nigeria’s border system. Respondents consistently pointed to the continuity of corruption from colonial to postcolonial administrations, with little to no improvement in oversight or enforcement:

“Border operations after independence have remained largely unchanged from the colonial period. The only difference is the colour; aside from that, nothing has changed positively; in fact, we can even say it is getting worse” (Male, 65 years, community elder, Idiroko).

This stagnation in border reform means that the same routes and methods once used for smuggling and corruption during colonial times are still operational today, now facilitating the movement of trafficked persons. The porousness of the borders allows traffickers to bypass official checkpoints and move victims without documentation or scrutiny. Another elder reinforced the sentiment of neglect and exploitation:

“Both border officers and government are uninterested in serving the people, just as our colonial masters [were] only interested in exploiting us rather than providing a good framework for better governance. . . the border has been the scene of numerous atrocities” (Male, 57 years, community elder, Idiroko).

This response reveals the deep mistrust between local communities and state institutions, where border posts are perceived as zones of exploitation rather than protection. Traffickers take advantage of this vacuum of trust and effective regulation to move vulnerable individuals, especially women and children, across borders for sexual exploitation, forced labor, or other illicit purposes. Furthermore, underfunding has directly impacted the performance and integrity of border officers:

“Due to a lack of funding, border agencies struggle to provide proper training and salary to the border officials. As a result, low-paid officials accept bribes to supplement their income. . . Bribery starts with tipping. . . this was the approach adopted by the elite back then before it became normalized by the security themselves” (Male, 57 years, community elder, Idiroko).

Low remuneration and poor working conditions create a climate in which bribery is normalized. Human traffickers use this vulnerability to bribe officials into granting safe passage through border checkpoints or ignoring forged documents. In effect, postcolonial Nigeria has inherited not only the physical borders drawn by colonial powers, but also the corrupt practices and administrative fragility that accompanied them.

Poor Border Management and Control

One of the most critical enablers of human trafficking along the Nigeria–Benin Republic corridor is poor border management and control. The lack of modern infrastructure, inadequate surveillance systems, and insufficient personnel at border posts have made it significantly easier for traffickers to operate undetected. These systemic weaknesses contribute to the porosity of borders, allowing the illicit movement of people and goods. Participants highlighted how Nigeria’s border management has remained weak and outdated, with little improvement from precolonial and colonial times:

“Nigeria has struggled with poor border administration and control, a problem that has persisted from precolonial to colonial and beyond. . . allowing for illegal operations including smuggling, human trafficking, and the flow of contraband commodities” (Inter-border driver, 47 years)

This systemic failure has created an environment where border control systems are either easily bypassed or manipulated, providing traffickers with opportunities to move people across borders through unofficial or under-monitored routes. The failure of enforcement and surveillance is compounded by the fact that some border officers are actively complicit. Instead of checking documentation and cargo, many are more focused on collecting informal payments. A respondent described the ease with which illegal movement occurs through unregulated crossings:

“We usually pass through another route aside from the main checkpoint. At this point both border operatives are at this route and their main activity was to collect money from us. They don’t check those people we carry or their luggage.” (Driver, 32 years).

This practice, known as route diversion, illustrates the operational breakdown of official border control mechanisms. Traffickers exploit these unofficial routes to avoid inspection and accountability, moving victims across borders without documentation or resistance from the authorities. Moreover, the weakness in documentation control facilitates the trafficking of individuals using fake identities. Another respondent emphasized the complicity of officers in allowing forged documents:

“The porosity of the border has given room for many forms of illegal activities to take place. Officers at the border post collaborate with perpetrators. . . fake document is not something people are afraid of carrying because the officers are aware of it” (Inter-border driver, 47 years).

This response underscores how poor documentation systems and lax verification procedures allow traffickers to smuggle victims using forged or fraudulent papers. Border officials, rather than enforcing checks, are often seen as collaborators when bribed, enabling traffickers to pass freely.

In essence, poor border management has created fertile ground for human trafficking. These weaknesses are exploited not only by traffickers but often with the complicity of border officers, thereby institutionalizing corruption and making trafficking a persistent challenge in Nigeria’s border regions.

Bribery

Bribery is a deeply entrenched pattern of border corruption in Nigeria, with border personnel routinely engaging in the solicitation and acceptance of bribes from individuals attempting to cross the border, either legally or illegally. This corrupt practice takes various forms, such as demanding “facilitation fees” to expedite document processing, or turning a blind eye to irregularities. The pervasiveness of bribery at Nigeria’s borders not only undermines the integrity of the border management system, but also enables the continuous movement of vulnerable individuals.

“Bribery is very rampant at our border here. The officers collect money from us and the amount varies depending the quantity and the nature of our goods. So that they don’t delay us we like to pay them ahead and they are already familiar with many of us that deals with bale cloths and many others that brings fruit especially apple to the country. Once they see a new face they always know that the person is new to the business except they come along with an experience person who travel frequently through the route, the person will be given a tough time and most of the times, their goods are been sized” (50 Years old, Female, cross-border merchant).

Firstly, the response highlights the routine and systematic nature of bribery, where border officials regularly demand payments from individuals and merchants in exchange for allowing them to cross the border. This shows a deeply entrenched culture of corruption that has become an integral part of the border crossing process. Secondly, the response indicates that the bribery amounts are often determined based on the quantity and nature of the goods being transported, with the officials being familiar with the regular cross-border traders and their operations. This points to a level of collusion and complicity, where the officers have established networks and relationships with certain merchants, effectively acting as gatekeepers who can facilitate or hinder the movement of people and goods across the border.

Document Forgery

Document forgery is another deeply concerning pattern of corrupt practice observed along the Nigeria–Benin border. Border officials, often in cahoots with criminal syndicates, engage in the fraudulent issuance and acceptance of forged travel documents, including passports and other identification papers. This enables the illegal cross-border movement of individuals, including trafficking victims. Addressing this pattern of corruption is crucial for strengthening border controls and safeguarding the lives of victims.

“The porosity of the border has given room for many forms of illegal activities to take place. Officers at the border post collaborate with perpetrators. For example, now, fake document is not something people are afraid of carrying because the officers are aware of it and there is always a return that will be given to them by those producing it. So immunity covers both the producers and the buyer” (Inter-borer driver, 47 Years)

The response highlights the “porosity of the border,” which has created an environment conducive to various forms of illegal activities. This shows a lack of effective border controls and management, allowing for the unchecked movement of people and goods across the frontier. The lack of effective border controls and the complicity of the authorities create an environment where traffickers can more easily target and move these individuals across the border. Furthermore, the response indicates a clear pattern of collusion between border officials and criminal networks. The officials are described as being “aware” of the use of fake documents and complicit in accepting them, in exchange for some form of “return” or bribe. This points to a systemic breakdown of integrity and accountability within the border management system.

Route Diversion

Root diversion, which is the act of creating an unofficial route that leads in and out of the border, provides a more nuanced understanding of this pattern of corrupt practice along the Nigeria–Benin border. Rather than merely misappropriating resources, corrupt border personnel actively participate in the establishment of unauthorized entry and exit points along the border. These unofficial “routes” enable the unregulated movement of goods, people, and illicit activities.

“We usually pass through another route aside from the main checkpoint. At this point both border operatives are at this route and their main activity was to collect money from us. They don’t check those people we carry or their luggage” (Driver, 32 Years).

This response indicates the presence of alternative, unauthorized routes that bypass the main border checkpoints. This points to a lack of comprehensive border control and management, which allows for the creation and utilization of these unofficial crossing points. The drivers explicitly state that the officials at these alternative crossings do not check the passengers or their luggage, implying that the movement of individuals and goods across the border is completely unregulated. This raises significant concerns about the potential for human trafficking and the smuggling of contraband, as these unofficial routes provide a means to bypass any meaningful oversight or enforcement.

Ticketing

Ticketing is another prevalent pattern of corrupt practice observed along the Nigeria–Benin border. Border officials, in collusion with transportation companies, use the ticketing system as a means to facilitate the movement of people and goods through these unauthorized “root” pathways, allowing them to circumvent customs duties, immigration controls, and security measures. This demonstrates a direct connection between the issuance of fraudulent or inflated tickets and the diversion of movement through unofficial pathways that circumvent official checkpoints.

“There is a mandatory ticket we must collect at least three times a day. Without this ticket, you will not be allowed to operate for the day and we still have to settle the officers at Benin border too, and as far as we have settled them, whatever the passenger is carrying does not really concern the” (Bikeman, 29 Years).

"We pay for tickets several times a day, and bribe border officials to avoid trouble. Once paid, they turn a blind eye to what we carry, allowing us to transport anything without scrutiny." (Trader, 42 years)

This response highlights a mandatory ticket system, where cross-border operators are required to purchase tickets multiple times a day in order to be allowed to continue their activities. This shows the existence of an institutionalized and exploitative revenue-generation scheme, where the border officials have effectively created a parallel system of informal taxation that is disconnected from any legitimate regulatory or security functions. The response directly states that the payment of bribes allows the transportation of “anything without scrutiny,” indicating that the corrupt practices at the border have effectively eliminated any meaningful oversight or regulation of the movement of goods and people across the frontier. This creates an environment conducive to the smuggling of illicit and potentially dangerous items, including those that may be associated with human trafficking.

Summary

This study aims to examine cross-border corruption and the persistence of human trafficking along the Nigeria–Benin Republic migratory corridor. Toward this, the study conducted an in-depth interview with key informants to fully understand border corruption from a historical perspective, the patterns of corruption in this area, and how it facilitates the persistence of human trafficking. This study, in an attempt to fully understand the pattern of border corruption, gathered primary data from stakeholders which are Community elders, Transporters, and inter-border and borderline traders. The study examines border corruption from a historical perspective and how corruption-related activities at the border facilitate the persistence of human trafficking. It was discovered that these corruption-related activities aid the movement of people in and out of the border. The existence of corruption at the border facilitates the continuous engagement of perpetrators in this illicit act.

Recommendations

Based on the findings, this study provides the following recommendations: