A Comparison of Chinese Immigrants’ Perceptions of the Police in New York City and Toronto

Abstract

During the past several decades, research on immigrant adaptation and incorporation experience within different host societies has proliferated. Nevertheless, studies comparing how immigrants interact with law enforcement in the largest cities, respectively, in the United States and Canada do not seem to exist. In an attempt to bridge the gap in past literature, this study examines the differences of Chinese immigrants’ perceptions of the police in New York City and Toronto. Analyzing data gathered from 444 Chinese immigrants (151 from New York City and 293 from Toronto), this study compared Chinese immigrants’ attitudes toward police efficacy and their overall perceptions in both cities. The findings indicated that Chinese immigrants in Toronto held more positive overall perceptions of the police than did their counterparts in New York City. With regard to police efficacy in dealing with crime, there were no significant attitudinal differences in Chinese immigrants between New York City and Toronto. Policy implications were discussed.

Keywords

attitudes toward the police perceptions of the police Chinese immigrants New York City Toronto

Introduction

Although there is increased interest in immigrants’ adaptation and incorporation experience within different host societies, current literature focuses primarily on economic issues (Borjas, 1994; Reitz & Sklar, 1997), such as wage assimilation (Cortes, 2004), occupational mobility (Chiswick, 2005; King & Locke, 1980), productivity, and the use or nonuse of state resources. Other interests have centered on the more social aspects of the immigrant experience, such as interpersonal relationships, the evolving dynamics of family and kinship ties (Foner, 1997; Monzó & Rueda, 2006), and the overall impact of these changes on children (Armstrong, Beiser, & Oxman-Martinez, 2005). One area of research that has received relatively little attention is the adaptation to the criminal justice system of the host society. An understanding of this phenomenon is important because the rule of law and the rights of individual citizens comprise the core of Western democratic ideology and thus are reflected in its various institutions, particularly in the police and court systems of a state.

Immigrants from non-Western democratic traditions are often more unfamiliar with these core concepts than those coming from Western democratic-oriented regions. Furthermore, as more and more immigrants enter the United States and Canada from all reaches of the globe, their justice systems based on the ideals of equity and fairness are faced with the daunting task of addressing the new challenges and concerns created by the intermingling of cultures and traditions. These challenges are particularly acute when dealing with the Asian immigrant population, where the language barrier, cultural stigma against seeking help, reluctance of seeking for litigation, and the host society’s stereotype of any Asian group as the “model minority” make it easy for them to be left behind when considering culturally appropriate services and specific needs.

Research on Asian immigrants’ adaptation to the police of adopted countries in the United States and Canada has not kept up with the same pace as that of the flood of immigration from Asia to these countries. Although a few of studies examined Chinese and other Asian immigrants’ perceptions of law enforcement in California (Chu & Hung, 2010; Song, 1992), Colorado (Pogrebin & Poole, 1990), New York City (NYC; Chu, Song, & Dombrink, 2005), and Toronto (Chow, 2002; Chu & Song, 2008), there have been very few (or no) research efforts directed at cross-city or cross-national studies of immigrants’ attitudes toward law enforcement (Weitzer & Tuch, 2007). In light of the continual influx of Chinese immigrants to major metropolitan cities in the United States and Canada, we chose NYC and Toronto as the research sites of this comparative study. There are several reasons why this selection is adopted. First, NYC and Toronto are the largest cities in the United States and Canada, respectively. Second, both NYC and Toronto are featured with a large population of Asian immigrants (especially Chinese immigrants). This sort of comparative study is important because it extends our understanding of the dynamics of ethnicity as well as immigrants’ perceptions of the police in different country settings.

This article begins with an overview of the Asian populations in NYC and Toronto. We next review the literature on perceptions of the police and the policing tactics of New York Police Department (NYPD) and Toronto Police Department (TPD). This is followed by the methodology section, which explains the two dimensions (police efficacy and overall perceptions) measured in our bivariate and multivariate regression analyses. Finally, we suggest some promising directions for future research and discuss policy implications.

Demographics in NYC and Toronto

Both NYC and Toronto have a high proportion of foreign-born residents and have attracted a large number of Asian immigrants in the past 2 decades, particularly Chinese from Mainland China. In NYC, immigrants from China, particularly Fuzhou, Fujian Province, has changed the demographic landscape of the Chinese immigrant community. Mandarin and Fuzhou dialects gradually replaced the Cantonese and Taoshanes dialects that were dominant in earlier immigrants from Gouangzhou Province and Hong Kong; the new Chinese immigrants expanded the boundaries of Manhattan’s Chinatown into the historic Italian neighborhood of Little Italy and Jewish neighborhoods of the lower Eastside.

Demographic statistics indicate that approximately three fourths of the Asian population in New York State resides in NYC. In addition, the Asian population in NYC increased from 509,955 in 1990 to 872,777 in 2000, a 71% increase, or stated another way, about 10% of the residents of NYC are Asians. Among the Asian communities, Chinese is the largest group, numbering approximately 374,321 as of 2000 (Asian American Federation of New York Census Information Center, 2010).

In the past decades, an influx of immigration to Canada has increased the ethnic and cultural diversities of the nation’s population. According to 2006 census data, approximately 5,068,100 residents of Canada belong to a visible minority, which comprises 16.2% of the national population of Canada (Statistics Canada, 2008). According to the 2001 Canadian census statistics, Chinese, with a population of more than one million, make up the largest visible minority group in Canada (Chui, Tran, & Flanders, 2005). Most of these Chinese immigrants came from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. Between 1981 and 2001, an average of 35,400 Chinese from these three nations (regions) migrated to Canada each year (Chui et al., 2005). According to the 2006 census data, Chinese comprise 24% of visible minorities and 4% of the national population in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2008). Most of the Chinese migrating to Canada settled in Toronto (which hosts the largest population) and Vancouver (Statistics Canada, 2008).

Factors Predictive of Public Perceptionsin the United States and Canada

A number of studies conducted in the United States indicate that citizens’ race and age are two demographic variables that are more consistently predictive of public perceptions of the police. Most studies reported that Whites held more positive attitudes toward police than Blacks (e.g., Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Weitzer & Tuch, 2004). Studies also found older people tended to rate police more favorably than did younger people (e.g., Correia, 2010; Huang & Vaughn, 1996, Huo & Tyler, 2000; Reisig & Giacomazzi, 1998). As for other demographic variables, such as gender, income, and education, their effects on evaluations of the police are inconsistent. Some studies have found that income level was negatively associated with an individual’s ratings of the police (e.g., Dowler, 2002), whereas others revealed income was positively correlated to assessments of the police (e.g., Frank, Smith, & Novak, 2005). However, some studies indicated that there were no correlations between income level and perceptions of the police.

The findings regarding the effect of gender on assessments of police have been inconsistent. Some studies found that males were more likely to rate police less favorably (e.g., Correia, 2010; Reisig & Giacomazzi, 1998), whereas some found there were no gender differences in evaluations of the police (Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Jesilow, Meyer, & Mamazzi, 1995). With regard to education, some studies found that higher education was associated with higher ratings of the police (e.g., Frank et al., 2005), whereas other studies indicated that less educated people tended to hold more positive perceptions of the police than more educated people (e.g., Cao, 2001), or there was no correlation between the two variables (e.g., Correia, Reisig, & Lovrich, 1996).

Aside from demographic variables, some studies found that contact with police also affected citizens’ general perceptions of the police (Weitzer & Tuch, 2004). More specifically, researchers indicated that fair and respectful treatment during the police contact had a larger and enduring effect on citizens’ evaluations of the police than did the outcome (a traffic citation or an arrest) of the police contact (Weitzer & Tuch, 2004). In addition, measuring experiences of contact with the police among African Americans, Hispanic, and White residents in Chicago, Rosenbaum, Schuck, Costello, Hawkins, and Ring (2005) found vicarious experience, rather than direct contact, was predictive of attitudes toward the police. They indicated Whites were more likely to hold positive perceptions of the police, whereas minorities were more inclined to harbor negative attitudes toward the police. Those perceptions and attitudes were based on vicarious experience through the media, family members, or neighbors.

In addition, studies have identified that contextual factors, such as neighborhood crime and disorder problems, experience of victimization, fear of crime, were also related to evaluations of the police. For example, Reisig and Giacomazzi (1998) found that perceived neighborhood crime problems were inversely associated with evaluations of the police. In a similar vein, Cao, Frank, and Cullen (1996) found that fear of crime and experience of victimization negatively affected people’s confidence in police.

There are comparatively sparse studies regarding public perceptions of the police in Canada compared with the United States (Mosher, 1996). Among the very few studies examining public perceptions of the police, Wortley (1996) found that Black respondents in Toronto were more likely to perceive injustice and discrimination within the criminal justice system compared with Whites and Asians. In contrast, Asians were less inclined to perceive racial prejudice or unfairness within the criminal justice system. Although police contact negatively influenced Blacks’ perceptions of the police, it did not seem to affect the attitudes of Whites or Asians in the same way (Wortley, 1996). As Waddington and Braddock (1991) indicated, it would be mistaken to assume different ethnic minorities shared a common attitude. Different ethnic communities may have specific needs from the police. For instance, Stevens and Willis (1982) indicated that although Asians tended to have fewer conflicts with the police compared with other minority groups, they were more likely to complain about racial assaults against them or ineffective protection from the police (Waddington & Braddock, 1991).

Analyzing data from the 1999 Canadian General Social Survey, Tufts (2000) found the majority of Canadians were satisfied with police performance. It was found that the public had more confidence in police than in criminal courts, prison, and parole systems. In addition, rural residents, females, individuals 65 years or older and with an education less than high school, and those who were satisfied with their personal safety tended to hold positive attitudes toward the police (Tufts, 2000). In a recent study, O’Connor (2008) found that predictors of public perceptions of the police in Canada were consistent with the findings of most research conducted in the United States. He found that young people and visible minorities tended to rate police less favorably. In addition, perceived neighborhood crime problems, prior victimization, and concerns with safety were inversely associated with assessment of the police (O’Connor, 2008).

Immigrants’ Perceptions of the Police

Immigrants’ perceptions of the police may not be the same as those of native-born citizens. Policing immigrant communities often presents new challenges to well-established police forces in metropolitan areas in the world (Terrill, 2009). Studies conducted in the United States have found that immigrants might harbor negative perceptions about police in their home countries due to personal experiences and political ideologies (Davis, 2000; Pogrebin & Poole, 1990; Song, 1992). Menjivar and Bejarano (2004) found that experiences with the criminal justice agencies of the country of origin influenced perceptions of the police in the host country. Similarly, analyzing data derived from Chinese immigrants in San Francisco, Chu and Hung (2009, 2010) also found that perceptions imported from an individual’s country of origin affected immigrants’ evaluations of the local police. Chinese immigrants who held positive perceptions of the police in their home country were more likely to rate the police in the host country favorably. Gathering data from three rural Missouri communities, Culver (2004) found that both language barriers and fear of the police were factors that hindered the development of police–Hispanic community relationship. Analyzing data collected from Reno, Nevada, Correia (2010) found that predictors of Latino immigrants and nonimmigrants’ perceptions of the police tended to be different. He found that among Latino immigrants, a higher level of church attendance as well as enhanced English communication skills were associated with a lower rating of the local police. Correia (2010) suggested that although Latino immigrants learned more in-depth information about law enforcement officials and American society through strengthened social networks, such as church activities or increased language skills, their attitudes toward the police changed to a negative dimension.

Except for imported perceptions of the police, some studies found that prior police contact also played an important role in shaping immigrants’ perceptions of the police in the host country. For example, Chu et al. (2005) found that Chinese immigrants held more positive attitudes toward the police if they received satisfactory services while calling police for assistance. There are fewer studies in Canada that specifically explored Asian immigrants’ perceptions of the police. Among the few studies regarding this topic, Chu and Song (2008) found Chinese immigrants in Toronto rated police more favorably if they were satisfied while calling the police for assistance.

From the above literature review, it is evident that research on perceptions of police has proliferated in the past decades. However, most studies have focused on public perceptions in a single country, leaving a relative scarcity of information about how immigrants perceive police under different policing styles and country settings. Past research has not directly compared public or immigrants’ perceptions between different countries. This study provides a starting point for exploring factors (e.g., policing styles, specific legislations) that may contribute to variations in immigrants’ perceptions of police under different country settings. The following paragraphs delineate policing styles engaged in the NYPD and TPD, which may affect immigrants’ perceptions of the local police.

Specific Legislation in the Two Countriesand Policing Tactics in NYC and Toronto

In 1980s, NYC was one of the many cities that adopted a community policing model of police service (Davis, Ortiz, Gilinskiy, Ylesseva, & Briller, 2004). Nevertheless, in response to increased crime rates in the 1990s, under the tenure of former NYC Mayor, Rudy Giuliani, the NYPD implemented zero tolerance policing. Zero tolerance policing, primarily based on the philosophy of broken windows theory, is an approach of rigid enforcement of minor offenses and disorderly behavior, such as jaywalking, panhandling, public drunkenness, and graffiti. Zero tolerance policing claims that if little things, such as broken windows or graffiti, are left unattended, it can encourage more disorderly behavior or more crime. Thus, it is argued, the enforcement of laws governing minor offenses, especially public order offenses, can further prevent more serious crime from occurring (Bratton, 1997; Chu, 2007; Kelling, Sousa, & William, 2001). Following the dramatic decline in crime in NYC in the 1990s, critics questioned the aggressive policing approach underlying zero tolerance policing, suggesting that it lead to the abuse of civil liberties by police (Davis et al., 2004; Human Rights Watch, 1998).

In the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001 and the passage of the USA PATRIOT Act (the United and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001), law enforcement agencies at various levels in the United States began shifting their strategies to adopting more aggressive tactics (Brown, 2007). For example, the PATRIOT Act increases federal law enforcement agents’ authority to detain noncitizens. As Brown (2007) suggests, legislation that requires municipal law enforcement to enforce federal immigration law would increase the immigrants’ fear of the police and thus reduce their willingness to report crime and cooperate with the police. Thus, the shift to a more aggressive enforcement strategy affects police–community relationships, especially in areas with large immigrant populations (Brown, 2007).

One of the characteristics that distinguishes Canadians from other people from the world is their tolerance with people with different backgrounds and cultures (Graves, 1997). In 1971, Canada adopted a policy of multiculturalism. The multiculturalism act was officially enacted in 1985 in which the Canadian government declared its policy as to recognize and promote multiculturalism, as a reflection of cultural and racial diversity of Canadian society. It also focuses on recognizing the freedom of all members of Canadian society to conserve, enhance, and share their cultural heritages (Ben-Porat, 2008).

Reacting to the demographic changes in the nature of immigration over the past 4 decades, Canadian police have undertaken a variety of initiatives and activities at both operational and policy levels that address the needs of a multicultural society (Stenning, 2003). The Toronto police claim that they are “a world leader in the policing community when it comes to consultation with its communities” (Toronto Police Service, 2010). To prioritize and identify community problems and strengthen community partnership and communication, three levels of committees, namely, community police liaison, community consultative, and advisory committees are established to facilitate the efficacy and comprehensiveness of the consultative process of the police department (Toronto Police Service, 2010).

Theoretical Frame

As delineated above, the different political structures may have shaped different police operation policies toward immigrants of similar ethnic backgrounds. Different policing responses may explain different interactions with police in their respective Chinese immigrant communities. The zero tolerance initiatives implemented by NYC Mayor, Giuliani, in the 1990s, were targeted at weeding out social nuances in favor of stricter social order maintenance and crime reduction. But this sort of aggressive police style can be seen as producing conformity rather than respecting civil liberties (Davis et al., 2004; Human Rights Watch, 1998). Since the passage of the USA PATRIOT Act, the use of counterterrorism tactics and the increase of law enforcement powers have raised concern among liberals, racial/ethnic minorities, and immigrants (Brown, 2007). The multicultural approach to policing in Toronto is also worth mentioning, where an emphasis on community policing might have eased racial tensions inherent in the police–immigrant interactions.

In view of the different policing styles in NYC and Toronto, it is reasonable to assume that Chinese immigrants in NYC and Toronto would hold different perceptions of the police. The multiculturalism embraced by the Canadian society and community policing initiatives advocated by the TPD would possibly make immigrants feel more welcome and assimilated to the criminal justice system. However, because of the histories of some incidents of mistreatment of minorities by law enforcement officers in the United States (e.g., the beating of Rodney King by the Los Angeles Police) and the comparatively more aggressive policing approach engaged by the NYPD, immigrants might feel more distant from the police and thus hold less favorable attitudes toward the police. Consequently, we hypothesize that Chinese immigrants in Toronto will hold more positive overall perceptions of the police. In terms of perceived police efficacy in dealing with crime, because both NYPD and TPD are equivalently well-equipped metropolitan police departments, we would assume that there will be no significant attitudinal differences in the samples between the two cities. To effectively test the two hypotheses, we include predictors of immigrants’ perceptions identified by previous studies in our models (as control variables).

Method

Data Collection and Samples

This research is based on data collected from two metropolitan cities in the United States and Canada, namely, NYC and Toronto. Both cities experienced an influx of Chinese immigrants in the past 2 decades. With the assistance of the Chinese Cultural Center of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Office in NYC and Toronto, we were able to identify the primary service agencies and community organizations that provide cultural services for Chinese immigrants in both cities. To accommodate the needs of respondent’s different language backgrounds, we prepared three versions of same questionnaire as follows: Traditional Chinese, simplified Chinese, and English. People from China are more used to the simplified Chinese, whereas people from Taiwan and Hong Kong usually read and write in traditional Chinese. The data collection in NYC was conducted between June and August in 2004. One of the authors made several trips to visit the administrators (directors) of a number of community service agencies in the boroughs of Manhattan, Brooklyn, and Queens and explained the purposes of our research. Further arrangements were made during the dates when scheduled social gathering events or classes were held in those centers. During the following visits, Chinese immigrants who attended those social gatherings or classes were invited to voluntarily participate in the on-site survey. For those centers that had no activities scheduled during the author’s stay, the administrators assisted in distributing the questionnaires over a 2-week period. One of the authors later collected these questionnaires. A total of 230 questionnaires were distributed, and 151 were returned, resulting in an approximate 66% response rate.

The data collection in Toronto was conducted between March and May, 2005. The authors made a number of trips to Toronto and met with the directors or administrators of major community agencies or service centers in Toronto. According to the size of their clientele, the administrators and our research team discussed and decided on the number of questionnaires for each community agency. The first goal was to include as many immigrants from different countries (regions) of origin, such as China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Vietnam, as possible. The second goal was to differentiate the study population by age and socioeconomic status. The same survey instrument was used with consent form attached on the top of each questionnaire. In addition, confidentiality was ensured. Out of 508 questionnaires that were distributed, 293 questionnaires were completed and returned, reaching a response rate of approximately 58%.

The survey questionnaire, which consisted of 60 items, was designed to elicit immigrants’ attitudes toward and their interaction with the police. In addition, the survey also solicited information on fear of crime, victimization status, and police recruitment. Respondents were also asked several questions regarding their individual demographic characteristics, immigration status, country of origin, and political affiliation.

Data collection efforts yielded a total of 444 useable surveys. There were 151 respondents from NYC and 293 from Toronto. Although these samples were not randomly selected, they were likely to be representative to Chinese immigrants who participated in various community organizations and cultural services in both cities.

Characteristics of Study Samples

As shown in Table 1, 38% of the respondents in the city of Toronto are males and 62 % are females. In the New York sample, 43% of the respondents are males and 57% are females. The New York respondents are relatively more educated compared with the Toronto samples. Specifically, 58% of New York samples were college graduates (BS/BA) or held graduate degree, whereas only 45% of Toronto sample graduated from college (BS/BA) or held graduate degree.

Table 1.

Characteristics of the Respondents.

	NYC		Toronto
	n	%	n	%
Sex
Male	65	43.3	99	38.1
Female	85	56.7	161	61.9
Total	150	100.0	260	100.0
Marriage
Married	103	70.1	196	72.9
Divorced	9	6.1	16	5.9
Separate	3	2.0	7	2.6
Widowed	4	2.7	13	4.8
Single	28	19.0	37	13.8
Total	147	100.0	269	100.0
Age
18-24	8	5.5	21	7.8
25-34	31	21.2	27	10.1
35-44	24	16.4	70	26.1
45-54	38	26.0	61	22.8
55-64	28	19.2	47	17.5
65 or older	17	11.6	42	15.7
Total	146	100.0	268	100.0
Where did you come from?
Taiwan	77	52.0	58	22.1
China	48	32.4	122	46.4
Hong Kong	15	10.1	58	22.1
Vietnam	1	.7	19	7.2
Other	7	4.7	6	2.3
Total	148	100.0	263	100.0
Status
American (Canadian) citizen	83	56.1	169	63.3
Permanent resident	43	29.1	75	28.1
Other legal status	17	11.5	12	4.5
Undocumented	2	1.4	1	.4
Other	3	2.0	10	3.7
Total	148	100.0	267	100
Income ($^a)
Under $10,000	24	15.9	55	23.9
$10,001-$20,000	28	20.9	44	19.1
$20,001-$30,000	19	14.2	38	16.5
$30,001-$40,000	18	13.4	29	12.6
$40,001-$50,000	8	6.0	17	7.4
More than $50,000	37	27.6	47	20.4
Total	134	100.0	230	100.0
Education (last grade of school completed)
Some high school or below	16	11.0	65	24.3
High school graduate	27	18.5	56	21.0
College	18	12.3	26	9.7
College graduate or more	85	58.2	120	45.0
Total	146	100.0	267	100.0

Note: NYC = New York City

$ refers to US dollars for the NYC sample and Canadian dollars for the Toronto sample.

The mean length of stay in the United States was 15.1 years (SD = 8.90) for the respondents in NYC and 11.5 years (SD = 9.94) for the sample in the city of Toronto. On average, the New York sample resided in the United States for a longer period. Most respondents in the Toronto sample came from China (46.4%; n = 122), 22.1% (n = 58) of the respondents came from Taiwan, and 22.1% (n = 58) were from Hong Kong. In the New York sample, 52% came from Taiwan (n = 77), 32.4% (n = 48) were from China, and 10.1% (n = 15) came from Hong Kong. Table 1 displays the demographic characteristics of the respondents in the city of Toronto and NYC.

Measures

Dependent variables

Five dependent variables were constructed to measure Chinese immigrants’ perceptions of police efficacy and their overall perceptions. The former includes three measures, “dealing with crime”, “slow response,” and “adequate protection” and the latter consists of two measures, “respect for police” and “prejudice against Asians.”

The variable of “dealing with crime” comes from an item in which the respondent was asked “The police in the city where you live are generally effective in dealing with crime problems?” (1 = strongly disagree; 6 = strongly agree).

The second dependent variable “slow response” was a composite measure that was constructed by adding the following two survey items: “How serious is the problem of police failure to pay attention to complaints?” and “How serious is police ‘slow response’ to calls?” (1 = not serious at all; 6 = very serious). The Cronbach’s alpha reliability among the two items is .76, indicating a suitable reliability. A higher score on the measure indicates a higher level of seriousness of slow response. The third dependent variable “adequate protection” was based on one survey item: “You and your family get adequate protection against crime from the police in the city where you live? (1 = disagree strongly; 6 = agree strongly).”

The other dependent variable “respect (for police)” was measured through one question: “Considering everything about the way the police do their job in the city where you live, how would you rate the level of your respect for the police? (1 = little respect; 2 = mixed feeling; 3 = great respect).” A higher score on the measure reflects greater respect for the police.

The last dependent variable “prejudice” was measured by a single item: “How serious is the problem of police prejudice against the Chinese? (1 = not serious at all; 6 = very serious).” A higher score on the measure indicates a more serious problem of perceived police prejudice.

Independent and control variables

The main independent variable is “NYC”, which was coded as a dummy variable with 1 representing respondents from NYC and 0 representing respondents from Toronto. Other control variables include the following: ever contacted police, fear of crime, victimization status, English capacity, poor communication with police, perceived effectiveness of home police, respect for home police, and demographic variables. Collinearity among independent and control variables were examined by variance inflation factor (VIF) measures (results not shown). All of the VIF values are below 1.5, and there is no indication of collinearity.

The demographic control variables include gender, marital status, household income, educational level, and length of residence in the United States (Canada). Previous studies that examine citizens’ evaluations of the police usually include gender, income, and education as control variables. In this study, we also included length of residence in the host country (the United States or Canada). We assume that the immigrants’ length of residence in the United States or Canada is related to levels of assimilation and social stake in their new community. The sense of stability may directly or indirectly affect their evaluations of law enforcement. Gender was coded as a dummy variable with 0 representing female and 1 representing male. Marital status was also coded as a dummy variable with 0 as single, widowed, separated, or divorced and 1 representing currently married. Educational level was coded as ordinal (1 = some high school or less; 2 = high school graduate; 3 = some college; 4 = college graduate; 5 = graduate school or above). Household income was also coded as ordinal (1 = under $10,000; 2 = $10,001 to $20,000; 3 = $20,001 to $30,000; 4 = $30,001 to $40,000; 5 = $40,001 to $50,000; 6 = above $50,000 [$ = US dollars for the NYC sample and Canadian dollars for the Toronto sample]). Length of residence in the United States (Canada) is a continuous variable, which was measured by years. Age was not included in the analysis because it is highly correlated with length of residence in the host countries.

The construct of “contacts with police” was measured by a question in which the respondent was asked if he/she has had any contact with the police in the past. (0 = no; 1 = yes). Previous studies indicate an individual’s fear of crime and previous victimization could also affect his or her perceptions of the police (e.g., Cao et al., 1996; Dowler, 2002). Thus, we also controlled for “fear of victimization” and “being a victim” in the analysis. The variable “fear of victimization” was measured by one item: “Because of crime some people are afraid to go out at night to get together with friends and relatives. How often do you feel this way in the city where you live? (1 = never, 2 = rarely, 3 = sometimes, 4 = frequently)” A higher score on the measure reflects a higher level of fear of crime. The variable of “being a victim” was constructed based on the question, “Have you ever been a victim of a crime in the United State (Canada)? (No = 0; Yes = 1)?”

Some studies (e.g., Menjivar & Bejarano, 2004) indicate that immigrants may carry their perceptions of the police from their countries of origin to the adoptive countries. The proxy of imported perceptions includes “home police effectiveness” and “respect for home police”. The variables were based on the following questions: “The police in the country from which you or your ancestors migrated were effective in dealing with crime problems?” and “Most citizens in the country from which you or your ancestors migrated respected the police? (1 = strongly disagree; 6 = strongly agree)”. Higher scores on these two items reflect more positive perceptions of the police that Chinese immigrants imported from their home country.

Past studies suggested that communication barriers between police and immigrants (e.g., Chu & Song, 2008, Culver, 2004) can influence immigrants’ perceptions of the police. We thus controlled for the variables of “communication barrier”, “English capability”, and “cultural understanding”. The variable of “communication barriers” was based on a single item: “How serious is the problem of poor communication between police and residents? (1 = not serious at all; 6 = very serious).” A higher score represents a higher degree of communication barriers between police and immigrants. The variable of “English capability’ was based on one item: How would you evaluate your English when you have to deal with police? (1 = can’t communicate at all, 2 = barely able to communicate, 3 = not fluent enough, 4 = no problem at all). The variable of “cultural understanding” was based on the following question: “The police in the city where you live understand Chinese people’s cultural background? (1 = strongly disagree; 6 = strongly agree)”.

Analysis plan

Two types of analyses, mean comparison, and multivariate regression, were conducted. The former focused on the mean differences between NYC and Toronto across various dimensions of interaction with the police. In the multivariate analysis, we incorporated ordinary least squares (OLS) regression and ordered logit regression analysis. First, OLS was performed to examine the effects of all explanatory variables on the variables of “dealing with crime,” “slow response,” “adequate protection,” and “police prejudice.”¹ Ordered logit estimate was used to estimate the effect of independent and control variables on ordinal scale, respect for the police.

Findings

Mean Comparison

Table 2 presents the results from the one-way ANOVA. The F ratio associated with the five attitudinal variables were statistically significant, suggesting that respondents in NYC and Toronto differed in their attitudes toward “police efficacy” (dealing with crime, slow response, and adequate protection) and their overall perceptions (respect for the police and perceived prejudice by police). In comparison with their Toronto counterparts, residents in NYC were less likely to perceive police efficacy, less inclined to express respect for the police, and more likely to perceive police prejudice. In addition, New York respondents indicated that they were more afraid to go out at night compared with Toronto residents. Compared with their Toronto counterparts, respondents in New York had more police contact and were more likely to have experienced victimization in the past.

Table 2.

Descriptive Statistics and Mean Comparison by City.

	NYC			Toronto
Variables	M	SD	n	M	SD	n	F ratio^a
Police efficacy
Dealing w/crime	3.10	1.32	142	3.62	1.38	270	13.80***
Slow response	7.82	2.56	144	5.91	2.14	235	60.82***
Adequate protection	3.64	1.49	147	4.16	1.42	275	12.38***
General perceptions
Respect	2.00	0.48	143	2.33	0.57	261	33.58***
Prejudice	4.22	1.28	145	3.33	1.39	248	39.82***
Control variables
Ever contacted police	0.72	0.45	144	0.48	0.50	258	22.45***
Fear of crime	3.06	0.86	150	2.48	0.83	281	46.00***
Victimization	0.25	0.43	136	0.08	0.28	253	21.33***
Gender	0.43	0.50	150	0.38	0.49	260	1.09
Marriage	0.70	0.46	147	0.73	0.45	269	0.37
Years of residence	15.08	8.9	143	11.54	9.94	253	12.46***
Education	3.18	1.09	146	2.75	1.26	267	11.87**
Income	3.51	1.88	134	3.22	1.84	230	2.18
English capability	2.74	1.11	149	2.46	1.05	284	6.99**
Poor communication w/police	4.57	1.41	144	3.89	1.43	250	20.61***
Cultural understanding	2.96	1.56	134	3.40	1.24	266	9.71**
Home police effectiveness	3.23	1.48	138	3.46	1.43	260	2.28
Respect for home police	3.96	1.56	140	3.59	1.48	267	5.52*

Note: NYC = New York City.

One-way ANOVA was used to compute the ratio.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001 (one-tailed).

In addition, Toronto and New York respondents differed significantly in some of their demographic characteristics. Compared with their Toronto counterparts, New York respondents were more likely to have a higher education level. As for the dimension of communication, although possessing better English skills compared with their Toronto counterparts, New York respondents perceived a higher degree of poor communication with the police. Moreover, respondents in NYC were less likely to feel that police understand the culture of Chinese people and are more inclined to perceive home police as more effective in dealing with crime.

Multivariate Analysis

Police efficacy

Table 3 demonstrates the results from the OLS and ordered logit regression analyses. In the dimension of police efficacy, respondents in NYC and Toronto differed significantly in their attitudes toward police’s slow response when called for service, controlling for demographic variables, ever contacted the police, victimization status, fear of crime, poor communication with police, English capability, and perceptions imported from home country. In comparison to the Chinese immigrants in Toronto, those respondents residing in NYC were more likely to perceive slow response for calls for service from the police. Perception of poor communication between the police and residents was also a significant predictor of perceived slow response from the police. Taken together, those independent and control variables explained 42% of the variance on the dependent variable of “slow response.”

Table 3.

Multiple Regression Summary.

	Police Efficacy			Overall Perceptions
Variable	Dealing/w^a Crime	Slow^a Response	Adequate^a Protection	Respect^b	Prejudice^a
NYC	−.252 (.181)	1.093**** (.276)	−.276 (.190)	−1.235*** (.381)	.473**** (.130)
Ever contacted police	−.388** (.178)	−0.110 (.272)	−.207 (.187)	−0.271 (.349)	.112 (.133)
Fear of crime	−.085 (.102)	0.150 (.157)	−.249** (.106)	−0.082 (.191)	—
Victimization	.215 (.233)	0.219 (.353)	−.194 (.245)	−0.168 (.465)	.104 (.171)
Gender	−.179 (.164)	−0.105 (.253)	.453*** (.172)	−0.351 (.318)	.012 (.124)
Married	.084 (.183)	−0.315 (.280)	.330 (.192)	−0.048 (.351)	−.260 (.139)
Years of residence	.014 (.009)	0.026* (.014)	.005 (.009)	−0.014 (.016)	−.005 (.006)
Education	.000 (.082)	−0.066 (.125)	−.148 (.086)	−0.121 (.145)	−.044 (.062)
Income	.005 (.049)	−0.078 (.075)	.013 (.051)	0.005 (.092)	.016 (.036)
English capability	−.006 (.090)	0.068 (.136)	.203** (.094)	—	−.077 (.066)
Poor communication w/ police	−.192*** (.058)	0.836**** (.090)	−.139** (.061)	−0.140 (.116)	.609**** (.043)
Cultural understanding	—	0.002 (.094)	—	0.371*** (.127)	—
Home police effectiveness	.145** (.057)	−0.082 (.086)	.025 (.059)	—	—
Respect for home police	—	—	—	0.078 (.105)	—
R2	.14	.42	.17	.22	.55

Note: NYC = New York City. Entries are unstandardized regression coefficients, with standard errors in parentheses.

Ordinary least squares estimates.

Ordered Logit estimates.

p < .06. **p < .05. ***p < .01. ****p < .001 (one-tailed).

As for the other two measures on perceived police efficacy, dealing with crime attitude and protection from the police, respondents from NYC and Toronto did not differ significantly. Perception of poor communication between the police and residents remained a significant predictor of dealing with crime attitude and perceived adequate protection from the police. In other words, immigrants who perceived poor communication between the police and residents were less likely to consider police as effective in dealing with crime and providing adequate protection.

In addition, perceived efficacy of home police (i.e., their nation of origin police) was a significant predictor of dealing with crime attitude. Respondents who perceived home police as effective were more likely to rate local police as favorable in dealing with crime. Gender was a significant demographic variable predictive of adequate protection. Males were more likely to consider that they received adequate protection from the police when compared with females. Combined, the independent and control variables explained 14% and 17% of the variance on dealing with crime attitude and adequate protection, respectively.

Turing to the dimension of general perceptions, we see that the locality of NYC was a significant predictor of respect for police as well as police prejudice. Chinese immigrants in NYC were less likely to show respect for the police and more likely to perceive prejudice by police. Cultural understanding was significantly predictive of respect for the police. Respondents who perceived that police understood the culture of the Chinese people were more likely to show respect for the police. Poor communication continued to be a significant predictor of perceived police prejudice. Taken together, the independent and control variables explained 22% and 55% of variance on respect for police and perceived police prejudice, respectively. These findings were consistent with our predictions. In general, Chinese immigrants in Toronto were more likely to hold positive perception of the police compared with their counterparts residing in NYC. Respondents in Toronto tended to show more respect for the police and were less likely to perceive police prejudice. In addition, respondents in Toronto were less inclined to perceive slow response from police when calling for service. However, in terms of dealing with crime attitude and perceived protection from the police, there was no significant attitudinal difference between the respondents in NYC and Toronto.

Findings and Discussions

The findings coincide with both of our hypotheses. First, in the overall evaluations, Chinese immigrants in Toronto tended to hold more positive attitudes toward the police than did their New York counterparts. Chinese immigrants in Toronto expressed more respect for the police and were less likely to perceive police prejudice than their New York counterparts. With regard to the dimension of police efficacy in dealing with crime, the attitudes of Chinese immigrants in Toronto and NYC did not differ significantly toward police efficacy and adequate protection. Nevertheless, Chinese immigrants in NYC were more likely to perceive slow response from the police to their complaints than those immigrants residing in Toronto. The differential overall perceptions between Toronto and NYC may be attributed to the different policing styles. While the Toronto police have advocated community policing and embraced the philosophy of multiculturalism, immigrants may feel less alienated from the law enforcement officials. However, in response to a high crime rate and the post-9/11 effect, the aggressive policing approach adopted in NYC may somehow affect the police–Chinese community relationship. With regard to perceived police efficacy in dealing with crime, there were no significant attitudinal differences in respondents between NYC and Toronto. The findings indicated that although the New York respondents were reluctant to appraise the police overall, they did not deny police efficacy in dealing with crime.

With regard to the aspect of interaction with the police, both New York and Toronto samples strongly agreed that to gain co-operation from the ethnic communities, the police must first understand their culture background. As displayed in Table 4, more than 90% of the respondents in both cities stated that there were not enough bilingual police in the city where they live. Only 26% of respondents in the Toronto sample, and 15% in New York sample, reported ever having contacted with a bilingual police. Both the New York and Toronto sample were asked to estimate their ability in English when they had to deal with the police. About 34% (n = 50) of the New York sample stated that they had no problem in communicating with the police in English, whereas only 19% of the Toronto sample claimed they had no problem communicating in English with the police. Approximately 41% of the New York sample and 49% of the Toronto sample indicated that they could barely communicate in English or that they could not communicate at all. Although the New York sample demonstrated better command of English, the level of language skill did not necessarily translate into positive perceptions of the police. This finding is in line of that of Correia’s study (2010) in which he suggests communication is much more complex than we understand. Better communication may not purely build on language and must incorporate with cultural sensitivity.

Table 4.

Interaction With Police and Recruitment.

Questions Regarding Police Contact and Recruitment	New York	Toronto
Questions Regarding Police Contact and Recruitment	n (%)	n (%)
Have you had any police contact in the past?
1 = yes	103 (71.5)	123 (47.7)
0 = no	41 (28.5)	135 (52.3)
Total N (%)	144 (100.0)	258 (100.0)
Have you had any contact with the bilingual officer?
1 = yes	21 (15.0)	70 (25.6)
0 = no	119 (85.0)	203 (74.4)
Total N (%)	140 (100.0)	273 (100.0)
Do you think the police department in the city where you live has too many, not enough, or about the right amount of bilingual officers?
1 = not enough bilingual officers	120 (93.0)	207 (93.7)
2 = about the right amount	6 (4.7)	10 (4.5)
3 = too many bilingual officers	3 (2.3)	4 (1.8)
Total N (%)	129 (100)	221 (100)
How would you evaluate your English when you have to deal with the police?
1 = can’t communicate at all	27 (18.1)	68 (23.9)
2 = barely able to communicate	34 (22.8)	72 (25.4)
3 = not fluent enough	38 (25.5)	90 (31.7)
4 = no problem at all	50 (33.6)	54 (19.0)
Total N (%)	149 (100)	284 (100)
If I am and would be a potential candidate, I wouldn’t mind choosing police as my career
1= strongly agree	46 (33.3)	105 (40.9)
2	15 (10.9)	43 (16.7)
3	21 (15.2)	45 (17.5)
4	20 (14.5)	24 (9.3)
5	19 (13.8)	18 (7.0)
6 = strongly disagree	17 (12.3)	22 (8.6)
Total N (%)	138 (100)	257 (100)

Both study populations were asked, “If you are or would be a potential candidate, would you mind choosing policing as a career?” We found that 57% of Toronto sample versus 44% of New York sample “strongly agreed” or “agreed” that they would choose policing as their career. However, the length of immigrants’ residence in the host country may not necessarily reflect the level of immigrants’ adaptation to law enforcement system. The New York sample, on average, stayed in the United States for a longer period than did the Toronto sample stayed in Canada. However, it seemed that the respondents in the Toronto sample held more positive perceptions of the police than did the New York sample.

Although our study demonstrates notable strengths, limitations remain. First, because it is not a probability sampling, the power of generalization may be limited. As the sample was taken from various Chinese community services organizations in NYC and Toronto, it may be more appropriate to generalize the findings to the participants of those Chinese community and services organizations. Second, the data from the New York sample were collected in July of 2004, whereas the data from the Toronto sample were gathered between March and May of 2005. It is unclear if the difference in time of data collection may account for some of the attitudinal differences between the New York and Toronto samples. Third, there are slightly proportional variations in the demographic characteristics between the New York and Toronto samples; we are not sure if the demographic variations contribute to differential attitudes toward the police.

Policing has become a primary concern for democratic countries with a diverse population (Ben-Porat, 2008). Policing immigrant minorities oftentimes present new challenges to well-established police forces in metropolitan areas in the world (Terrill, 2009). However, to enhance the police’s ability to control crime, they need the cooperation from the community they serve (Brown & Benedict, 2002; Decker, 1985). Trust of police and satisfaction with their services are important gauges of whether police departments are meeting their community’s needs (Goldstein, 1990).

While the Chinese immigrants in NYC held less positive perceptions of the police than did their Toronto counterparts, it may be partially attributed to the long-lasting effect of media portraits of racism in the United States, in general and the aggressive policing approach in NYC, in particular. The enactment of the multiculturalism policy and a lack of serious problems of mistreatment of racial minorities in Canada may also contribute to the comparatively positive attitudes held by the Toronto respondents. Police official in NYC may want to incorporate greater aspects of community policing into counterterrorism tactics and order maintenance strategies in an effort to lessen the negative impacts of aggressive enforcement on their relationships with the minority community.

To establish a rapport between the police and Chinese communities, it is important to minimize the language and culture barrier. Both samples in NYC and Toronto indicated that it is important for the police to know the ethnic community’s culture for effective policing (Chu et al., 2005; Chu & Song, 2008).In addition, cultural understanding is a significant predictor of respect for police. Having more police who can understand Chinese immigrants’ cultural background and language, may enhance mutual communication and trust. Training in cultural sensitivity and ethnic understanding may shorten the distance between the police and Chinese immigrant communities. Recruiting more bilingual officers or bilingual volunteers may improve mutual communication between the police and Chinese immigrants.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article:

This research was supported in part by grants from Arkansas State University and State University of New York, College at Buffalo.

1.

The scales on “dealing with crime” and “adequate protection” range from 1 to 6. When there are five or more than five categories, it is more common to treat the variables as continuous (Zumbo & Zimmerman, 1993). Ordinary least squares was thus used.

Author Biographies

Doris C. Chu is an Associate Professor in the Department of Criminology, Sociology, and Geography at Arkansas State University. She received her Ph.D. in Criminal Justice from the University at Albany, State University of New York in 2003. Her research interests include religiosity and desistance, policing, and comparative criminal justice. Her recent publications appear in Journal of Criminal Justice, Criminal Justice and Behavior, International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, and Families in Society. She is the editor of a book entitled Crime and Punishment Around the World, Vol.3. Asia/Pacific. (Gen. Ed. Graeme R. Newman. 4 vols.) Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO (2010).

John Huey-Long Song is a Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice, State University of New York, College at Buffalo. He received his Ph.D. in Social Ecology from the University of California at Irvine. He has published several articles and book chapters on Asian immigrants’ adaptation to the American system of criminal justice, comparative criminal justice, transnational organized crime, and Asian gangs and victimization.

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