Child Victimization and Poly-Victimization Among Men and Women Justice-Involved in Northern Chile

Abstract

This study aimed to identify the magnitude of child victimization and polyvictimization in incarcerated individuals in northern Chile. A sample of 229 adults deprived of liberty in northern Chile was recruited. The results showed that incarcerated individuals presented significant percentages of child abuse and sexual victimization experiences (58.6% and 58.4%, respectively). In the analysis by sex, males suffer more frequently victimization by common crimes and peer victimization in their childhood. Sexual victimization was reported more frequently in females. The results reflect the high rates of child victimization and polyvictimization among the incarcerated population in northern Chile. The results can be useful in developing public policy for incarcerated individuals sensitive to their childhood victimization experiences and their mental health.

Keywords

criminals violence victimology

Introduction

The processes of victimization and polyvictimization due to interpersonal violence have acquired a scientific and social interest in recent decades, mainly because these manifestations of violence affect some of the most vulnerable groups in society, such as children and adolescents (Finkelhor, 2007), generating severe consequences for their physical, psychological, and social development (Finkelhor, Shattuck et al., 2011; Finkelhor, Turner et al., 2011; Heleniak & McLaughlin, 2020; Renner & Boel-Studt, 2017; Turner et al., 2010; Wolfe, 2018). These impairments worsen in those who suffer polyvictimization (multiple forms of violence in different contexts) (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007; Finkelhor et al., 2009). Likewise, a strong relationship has been established between childhood victimization and vulnerability to suffering new types of abuse (physical, sexual, or emotional) (Källström et al., 2020; Witt et al., 2016) in other life stages, such as adolescence or adulthood (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007; Finkelhor et al., 2014). This generates a cumulative risk effect, which worsens the well-being of victims, such as difficulties in social adaptation (Ford & Delker, 2018), posttraumatic stress (Briggs-Gowan et al., 2012; Scheeringa et al., 2012; Segura et al., 2016), dissociation (Leibowitz et al., 2010; Teicher et al., 2006), suicide risk (Grigorenko et al., 2015; Soler et al., 2013), depression, irritability, and drug use (Ford et al., 2010).

The intersection between childhood victimization experiences and later social adaptation has led to a significant field of study that attempts to understand how childhood experiences of violence can influence the complexities of social adaptation, such as conflicts with justice, criminality, legal problems, and even deprivation of liberty (Croysdale et al., 2008; Cudmore et al., 2017; Debowska & Boduszek, 2017; Ford et al., 2010; Williams & Herrera, 2007). Similarly, it has been reported that child victimization is more prevalent among people in conflict with the

law than in the general population (Stouthamer-Loeber et al., 2001), it has also been established that child abuse and sexual victimization are experiences that have significant associations with the commission of criminal acts at an early age (Pereda et al., 2017), which could progress into adulthood without proper intervention (Lynch et al., 2014; Yanos et al., 2010).

Previous studies have documented the extent of this issue. For example, in Canada, it was reported that half of the people in prisons suffered some child victimization; more specifically, 51.5% reported neglect, 51.5% psychological maltreatment, 50.4% sexual abuse, and 47.7% reported physical maltreatment (Bodkin et al., 2019). In the United States, other studies showed that 21.6% of male inmates reported sexual victimization in childhood (Zgoba et al., 2012), and 14.6% reported physical abuse (Roxburgh & MacArthur, 2014). Research on this topic is scarce in Latin America. However, an emerging study analyzed the relationship between childhood victimization and criminal behavior in inmates in eight countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, Mexico, and Peru). Findings indicated that 32% of participants experienced indirect violence in childhood (exposure to violence between parents), and 47% experienced direct violence (child maltreatment) (Safranoff & Tiravassi, 2018). Although this study only measured two forms of victimization, it is still a significant finding given the sample size and the inclusion of participants from different Latin American countries.

An important limitation of these studies is the absence of a polyvictimization approach (accumulation of victimization experiences throughout life) in the understanding of criminal behaviors; however, in recent times, this approach has been considered a criminogenic factor (Berg et al., 2012; Wemmers et al., 2018). Specifically, research on child victimization and criminality has traditionally studied physical abuse, sexual abuse, or neglect, leaving aside other types of victimization (exposure to violence, common crimes, bullying, etc.) that also affect children in different contexts (such as the community, school, neighborhood), which could eventually have some impact on the current situation of people deprived of liberty.

Several recent studies including the polyvictimization approach, have argued that child victimization is not an isolated event for people deprived of liberty, but are recurrent experiences (Caravaca-Sánchez & Wolff, 2021), with one group chronically presenting victimization experiences (Azimi et al., 2021). Although other studies have focused exclusively on samples of females, there is a strong relationship between polyvictimization and mental health problems, either in the same period of incarceration or post-incarceration (Kennedy et al., 2021; Radatz & Wright, 2017). The studies described above represent fundamental advances in understanding the influence of polyvictimization on criminality. However, these initiatives are still scarce and have been conducted mostly in Anglo-Saxon and European countries. Their results have been contradictory, which could be due to the use of different methodologies, sociodemographic factors considered, or the types of samples used (White & Frisch-Scott, 2023). Therefore, it is relevant to deepen this area of study, especially in different cultural contexts, such as Chile.

Prison System in Chile

Chile is a Latin American country with one of the largest prison populations per capita, and it exhibits a constant increase in this population; therefore, rehabilitation and social reintegration are hindered by severe overcrowding (Dammert, 2006; Poblete et al., 2014; Sanhueza, 2014). Concerning this matter, the incarcerated population in Chile amounts to 40,908 individuals, comprising 35,513 (91.7%) males and 3,395 (8.3%) females (Gendarmería de Chile, 2018). In the extreme northern region of Chile, the location of the current study, the complete incarcerated populace stands at 1,852, consisting of 1,654 males (89.3%) and 198 females (10.7%). These numbers lead to full capacity utilization within the region’s correctional facilities, with an occupancy rate reaching 94.9%. Even though the prison facilities in the region are not overwhelmed, there are shortcomings in terms of infrastructure and livability conditions (Gendarmería de Chile, 2018). These figures hold significance, considering that on a national level, the predominant approach in penitentiary facilities is to return the damage caused by the offender, visualizing scarce possibilities regarding social reintegration (Olivares & Pérez, 2018). This perspective could be contradictory, considering that there is a profound relationship between child victimization and criminal trajectories, as discussed so far. In this context, addressing the child victimization lifetime trajectories in intervention plans for social integration in people involved in justice could be very significant.

From this perspective, the results in Chile are congruent with the international evidence, where people who are deprived of liberty report high rates of neglect during childhood, pointing to their caregivers as distant and cold, with particular emphasis on the absence of supervision (Cabrera & Gallardo, 2013). For example, Sanhueza et al. (2019) stated that 44.7% of Chilean female prisoners reported having suffered domestic violence and 26% reported sexual abuse during childhood and adolescence.

On the other hand, another research conducted with a group of incarcerated Chilean women (Larroulet et al., 2021) revealed that 62% of the participants had undergone childhood maltreatment. Specifically, 48% encountered verbal abuse, while 45% disclosed experiencing physical and/or sexual abuse. In relation to other adverse experiences, 64% of them left their homes before becoming adults, 17% lived on the streets, and 13% were placed under the care of state institutions.

Although these percentages allow a preliminary approximation to the problem in the national context, few researchers have considered the study of child victimization and polyvictimization in samples of people deprived of liberty in Chile

In this sense, it is necessary to continue researching this topic based on the following reasons: (1) The study of victimization in imprisoned individuals has traditionally been conducted from a single type of victimization approach, with few studies that consider polyvictimization (Finkelhor, Shattuck et al., 2011; Finkelhor, Turner et al., 2011); (2) previous studies point out that research on victimization and incarcerated people has been conducted predominantly with males, with little presence of females (White & Frisch-Scott, 2023); (3) the scarce attention given to the other forms of victimization in childhood with the incarcerated population as most studies focus on sexual abuse and physical mistreatment (Fagan, 2005); (4) the need to conduct research in localized contexts (White & Frisch-Scott, 2023), such as Chile because, to the best of our knowledge, this problem has not been studied in Latin American samples in general, or Chilean samples in particular.

Considering the approach to child victimization and polyvictimization (Finkelhor, Shattuck et al., 2011), this study aimed to identify the magnitude of child victimization and polyvictimization in people deprived of liberty in northern Chile and generate knowledge about violence in childhood and its relationship with delinquent behaviors in adulthood in the Chilean context. The results could help establish points of comparison with other studies that have examined similar variables in countries with a higher level of development or with samples with other sociodemographic characteristics. This study is one of the first to examine victimization and polyvictimization in a particularly complex prison population, such as those serving sentences in high-security penitentiaries; these prisons house inmates whose conduct may endanger the lives, or physical or psychological integrity of third parties, or the prison’s order and security (Ministry of Justice of Chile, 2018).

Materials and Methods

Participants

This study was conducted using a non-probabilistic sample. The final sample was composed of 229 adult inmates in high-security penitentiary centers in northern Chile, with a mean age of 38.78 years (SD = 12.83). Table 1 shows the frequency distribution of the sample concerning their sociodemographic characteristics.

Table 1.

Sample Characteristics.

	Male		Female		Total
Variable	n	%	n	%	n	%
Age
19–29	18	15.8	39	33.9	57	24.0
30–40	30	26.3	34	29.6	64	27.9
41–51	45	39.5	28	24.3	73	31.9
52–60	14	12.3	11	9.6	25	10.9
>61	7	6.1	3	2.6	10	4.4
Nationality
Chilean	84	74.3	60	52.6	144	63.4
Bolivian	8	7.1	36	31.6	44	19.4
Peruvian	15	13.3	8	7.0	23	10.1
Other	6	5.3	10	8.8	16	7.0
Educational level
Elementary/Middle	25	23.4	33	29.2	58	26.4
High school	50	46.8	55	48.7	105	47.1
Technical degree	21	19.6	15	13.3	36	16.3
Higher education	11	10.2	10	8.9	21	9.5
Ethnic background
Latino-American	36	34.3	32	34.4	68	34.3
Aymara	41	39.0	32	34.4	73	36.9
European o Caucasian	4	3.8	1	1.1	5	2.5
Afro-descendent	5	4.8	1	1.1	6	3.0
Asian	0	0	2	2.2	2	2.2
Other	19	18.1	25	26.9	44	22.2
Income
<257 USD	25	22.9	48	44.9	73	33.8
258–514 USD	25	22.9	30	28.0	55	25.5
515–1,029 USD	29	26.6	21	19.6	50	23.1
1,030–1,544 USD	14	12.8	3	2.8	17	7.9
1,545–2,058 USD	4	3.7	2	1.9	6	2.8
2,059–2,573 USD	1	0.9	0	0	1	0.5
>2,574 USD	11	10.1	3	2.8	14	6.5
Time spent incarcerate
<1 year	3	3.8	0	0	3	1.4
1 year	4	3.7	0	0	4	1.9
2 years	6	5.5	12	11.3	18	8.4
3 years	7	6.4	16	15.1	23	10.6
4 years	89	81.7	78	73.6	167	77.7

Note. The differences in sample sizes are due to participants omitting responses to certain items.

From the information collected in Table 1, it is worth mentioning that 49.8% of the sample were males and 50.2% females, with ages ranging from 19 to 77 years (M = 38.7; SD = 12.8), and 31.9% were between 41 and 51 years old. Regarding place of birth, 63.4% indicated that they were born in Chile and 36.5% in foreign countries, such as Bolivia, Peru, or other Latin American countries, and 36.9% belonged to the Aymara ethnic group. In terms of educational level, the majority of participants had completed secondary school (47.1%). Regarding income level, 33.8% had received less than 257 US dollars per month before incarceration. Finally, 77.7% had been in prison for approximately 4 years.

Measures

Sociodemographic Questionnaire

A questionnaire on socio-demographic information, which was answered by each participant, was used. It collected information regarding binary gender groups and ethnic groups by which the participant identified, age, nationality, level of education, economic income prior to incarceration, and duration of incarceration. Education level was divided into general basic education, secondary education, technical professional education, and university studies. For income level, seven categories were established: (1) up to 257 USD, (2) 258–514 USD, (3) 515–1,029 USD, (4) 1,030–1,544 USD, (5) 1,545–2,058 USD, (6) 2,059–2,573 USD, and (7) 2,574 USD or more.

Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire (JVQ)

The adult version of the Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire (JVQ) (Hamby et al., 2005) was used to assess victimization and polyvictimization. JVQ inquiries about childhood victimization experiences retrospectively and is composed of 34 items grouped into five modules: (a) victimization by common crimes (eight items), (b) child maltreatment (four items), (c) peer victimization (six items), (d) sexual victimization (seven items), and (e) exposure to violence (nine items). It is a self-report questionnaire, and an example item is, “During your childhood, did you see any of your parents being beaten by the other parent or their boyfriend or girlfriend?” The respondent must answer regarding the number of times they have experienced, throughout their life, the situation of violence consulted using the following scale: 1 = 1 time, 2 = 2 times, 3 = 3 times, 4 = 4 times, and 5 = 5 times, or more. The respondent can also answer negatively if they never experienced violence. The original version of the instrument had adequate reliability (Hamby et al., 2005). The adult Chilean population has shown good psychometric properties with omega coefficients (ω) of 0.84 for the standard crime module, 0.78 for the child maltreatment domain, 0.75 in peer victimization, 0.88 for the sexual victimization domain, and 0.83 for indirect victimization (Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021).

Procedure

Data was collected by contacting the highest regional authority on penitentiary matters in northern Chile to request authorization to conduct the study. After authorization was obtained and because the study was conducted inside the prisons, the research team received a brief induction from the prison service professionals regarding the prison context, security measures, and characteristics of the population to be surveyed. The study was designed by the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki for research with human beings, as well as a research protocol that was reviewed by a university scientific and ethical committee. The prison authorities contacted the participants who informed them about the study and the voluntary nature of their participation. Questionnaires were administered for 4 days, and the research team was present each day in the prison complex in a large room, where the participants were expected to come in different groups. Participants were provided with a written informed consent form that guaranteed confidentiality and voluntary participation. Participants could also stop participating at any time they chose and at any stage. All participants agreed to answer the questionnaires and there were no refusals to participate in the study. Because the questionnaires investigated sensitive personal issues, information was provided on the intra-prison resources available and to which they could have access in terms of counseling, mental health, medical, and psychosocial care, should they require it. No participants requested professional assistance after participating in the study.

Statistical Analysis

Sample characteristics were examined, and univariate analysis was performed to estimate the proportion and percentage of child victimization. The criteria of the JVQ in adult populations (Bogolyubova et al., 2015; Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021) were used as a reference to calculate the victimization and polyvictimization groups, establishing the categories of no victimization, minor victimization (1–4 types), low polyvictimization (5–7 types), and high polyvictimization (8–21 types). The 10% cut-off point allowed us to identify participants with extreme victimization (Finkelhor et al., 2009). Additionally, segmented analyses were performed by binary gender groups. A subsample of participants who experienced the most extreme victimization (22+ types) was identified. Binary gender groups-related differences between victimization types were estimated using Pearson’s chi-square test, and the odds ratio (OR) was calculated with 95% confidence intervals (CI), excluding a value of 1. Binary gender groups-related differences and polyvictimization were estimated by summing the mean polyvictimization across all victimization types, resulting in a continuous variable (polyvictimization). Contingency tables were used to analyze polyvictimization and types of victimization according to the levels established by the literature. The mean number of victimizations was calculated as a function of binary gender groups and each module of the JVQ. The Mann-Whitney U test was used to compare differences between groups (scores on all scales were not normally distributed; therefore, nonparametric tests were used).

Results

Of the 229 participants, 93.9% (n = 215) reported at least one type of childhood victimization.

Conventional Crimes

Approximately 73.7% of the participants (75% males and 72.2% females) reported having been victims of conventional crimes. Vandalism (47.4%), robbery (42.6%), and assault without weapons (43.9%) were the most commonly reported conventional crimes. Assault with a weapon was reported by 37.8% of participants and was more frequent in males (OR = 2.45, 95% CI [1.40, 4.26]). A total of 9.1% of the participants were victims of kidnapping. Further details can be found in Table 2.

Table 2.

Lifetime Childhood Victimization.

	Lifetime childhood victimization
	Victimized		Binary gender groups (%)
Victimization	n	%	M	F	O.R
Module A: conventional crime	157	73.7	75	72.2	1.15
C1 Robbery	62	27	24.6	29.6	0.77
C2 Personal theft	98	42.6	36	44.3	0.70
C3 Vandalism	109	47.4	43.9	47.8	0.87
C4 Assault with a weapon	87	37.8	47.8	27.2	2.45*
C5 Assault without a weapon	101	43.9	45.6	40	1.30
C6 Attempted assault	69	30	12.4	11.3	1.02
C7 Kidnapping	21	9.1	5.4	8.8	0.58
C8 Bias attack	28	12.2	12.4	11.3	1.11
Module B: child maltreatment	133	58.6	55.4	61.4	0.77
M1 Physical abuse by caregiver	86	37.4	33.3	40.9	0.72
M2 Psychological/emotional abuse	92	40	36.3	42.6	0.76
M3 Neglect	51	22.2	17.7	26.1	0.60
M4 Custodial interference/family abduction	49	21.4	17.1	24.6	0.66
Module C: peer and sibling victimization	149	66.2	70.3	61.9	1.45
P1 Gang or group assault	49	21.3	26.5	14.9	2.06*
P2 Peer or sibling assault	111	48.3	50.9	45.2	1.25
P3 Nonsexual genital assault	43	18.7	17.5	19.1	0.89
P4 Bullying	47	20.4	18.6	21.7	0.82
P5 Emotional bullying	78	33.9	26.5	40.9	0.52*
P6 Dating violence	77	33.5	32.7	33.3	0.97
Module D: sexual victimization and assault	129	58.4	48.6	67.9	0.44*
S1 Sexual assault by a known adult	35	15.2	—	29.8	—
S2 Sexual assault by unknown adult	24	10.4	—	20.9	—
S3 Sexual assault by peer	14	6.1	3.5	8.7	0.38
S4 Rape: attempted or completed	32	13.9	2.6	24.6	0.08*
S5 Flashing/sexual exposure	29	12.6	1.8	21.9	0.06*
S6 Verbal sexual harassment	36	15.7	7.1	22.1	0.26*
S7 Statutory rape/sexual misconduct	111	48.3	47.8	47.4	1.01
Module E: witnessing and indirect victimization	182	83.1	84.3	81.8	1.19
W1 Witness to domestic violence	94	40.9	36.8	45.2	0.70
W2 Witness to parent/sibling assault	68	29.6	26.5	21	0.80
W3 Witness to assault with a weapon	125	54.3	57.9	50	1.37
W4 Witness to assault without a weapon	140	60.9	63.7	57.4	1.30
W5 Burglary or family household	99	43	38.9	47	0.72
W6 Murder of a family member or friend	90	39.1	38.1	40	0.92
W7 Witness to murder	78	33.9	32.7	32.1	1.02
W8 Exposure to random shootings, terrorism, or riots	97	42.2	38.4	45.2	0.75
W9 Exposure to war or ethnic conflict	30	13	15.8	10.4	1.60

Note. The percentages obtained are related to the total number of participants. M = male; F = Female; OR = odds ratio.

p < .05.

Child Abuse

A total of 58.6% of the adults reported maltreatment during childhood. Psychological abuse (40%) and physical abuse (37.4%) were the most common types of maltreatment. Lower, but equally considerable percentages were found for neglect (22.2%) and custodial interference (22.2%).

Victimization by Peers and Siblings

Of the participants, 66.2% reported having suffered at least one type of victimization by their peers or siblings. The most frequent victimizations were aggression by peers or siblings (48.3%), emotional bullying (33.9%), and dating violence (33.5%). Less frequent were group or gang aggression (21.3%), bullying (20.4%), and non-sexual genital aggression (18.7%). No gender-related differences were observed.

Victimization and Sexual Aggression

A total of 58.4% of participants reported having been victims of sexual abuse during childhood. The most frequently reported types of sexual aggression were rape (48.3%), verbal sexual harassment (15.7%), and sexual aggression by an adult acquaintance (15.2%). The case of sexual aggression by a known or unknown adult was only reported by females. Furthermore, in this module, females were more likely to report attempted or completed rape (OR = 0.08, 95% CI [0.02, 0.28]), exhibitionism (OR = 0.06, 95% CI [0.01, 0.27]), and verbal sexual harassment (OR = 0.26, 95% CI [0.11, 0.62]). At the global level, the sexual victimization and assault module also maintained binary gender groups-related differences (OR = 0.44, 95% CI [0.25, 0.77]); that is, females were more likely to report sexual assault or victimization than males.

Witnesses and Indirect Victimization

Of the participants, 83.1% experienced indirect victimization during childhood or adolescence. The most frequent types of indirect victimization were witnessing an assault without a weapon (60.9%), witnessing an assault with a weapon (54.3%), robbery in the home or family (43%), and exposure to random shooting, terrorism, or riots (42.2%). Lower percentages were found for exposure to war or ethnic conflict (13%), and witnessing a parent or sibling being assaulted (29.6%). There were no significant binary gender group-related differences.

Polyvictimization

As shown in Table 3, the four groups of polyvictimization and their respective percentages are described according to the data analysis section. The lowest victimization group (1–4 types of victimization) represented 22.7% (n = 49) of the sample, the group described as “low” polyvictimization (5–7 types) reached 17.1% (n = 37), and the “high” polyvictimization group (8–21 types) included 111 participants (49.6%) (n = 106). In contrast, the “extreme” polyvictimization group (22+ types) reached 10.6% with 24 people. This threshold was established following the criteria provided in the literature, which allude to 10% of participants with extreme victimization (Finkelhor et al., 2009); therefore, we considered 22 types of victimization in this study. These forms of victimization were analyzed by binary gender groups, type, and frequency of occurrence, which were reported in the corresponding instrument.

Table 3.

Polyvictimization and Types of Victimization by Binary Gender Groups.

	Victimization category (%)
					Polyvictimized
	Any		Less victimized		Low		High		Extreme
	1–22+ Types		(1–4 types)		(5–7 types)		(8–21 types)		(22+ types)
	n = 215		n = 49		n = 37		n = 106		n = 23
	M (%)	F (%)	M (%)	F (%)	M (%)	F (%)	M (%)	F (%)	M (%)	F (%)
	92.1	95.7	22.9	22.7	15.2	19.7	55.2	43.6	6.7	14.5
Conventional crime	76.3	73.9	10.3	9.4	16.1	20	65.5	51.8	8.1	18.8
Child maltreatment	54.4	60.9	4.8	12.9	8.1	11.4	75.8	52.9	11.3	22.8
Peer and sibling victimization	71.1	62.6	8.6	5.6	16	11.1	66.7	61.1	8.7	22.2
Sexual victimization and assault	49.1	67.8	14.3	9	12.5	17.9	60.7	52.6	12.5	20.5
Witnessing/indirect victimization	85.1	82.6	16.5	13.7	16.5	20	59.8	49.5	7.2	16.8

Note. The 215 participants who reported at least one victimization experience were included. M = male; F = female.

As displayed in Table 4, significant binary gender groups-related differences were found regarding sexual victimization (U = 4986.00, p = .00, d = 0.56), indicating a medium effect size. The results indicate that females experienced more sexual victimization than males. No significant binary gender group differences were found in the remaining victimization modules.

Table 4.

Polyvictimization and Binary Gender Groups-Related Differences.

	Males	Females
Factor	M (SD)	M (SD)	U	p	d
Polyvictimization	23.70 (23.88)	29.20 (29.84)	6,019.50	.28	0.20
Conventional crime	5.65 (7.09)	6.10 (7.75)	6,511.50	.93	0.06
Child maltreatment	2.83 (4.24)	3.96 (5.55)	5,853.50	.14	0.22
Peer and sibling victimization	3.85 (4.79)	4.41 (5.72)	6,536.50	.97	0.10
Sexual victimization	1.71 (2.29)	4.53 (6.65)	4,986.00	.00*	0.56
Witnessing and indirect victimization	9.64 (9.64)	10.19 (9.67)	6,429.00	.80	0.05

Note. M = mean; SD = standard deviation; U = U Mann-Whitney; d = Cohen’s d. * p ≤ 0.001.

Discussion

This study aimed to identify the magnitude of the problem of child victimization and polyvictimization in people deprived of liberty in northern Chile, considering possible differences according to the type and frequency of victimization and binary gender groups. The results showed that a large part of the sample reported having suffered some form of child victimization (93.9%) during their lifetime. This figure is higher than that found in previous studies on child victimization in prison populations in other countries (Bodkin et al., 2019; Safranoff & Tiravassi, 2018). These data could account for a higher frequency of child victimization in the prison population in Chile; however, it should be considered that studies conducted in other contexts (Bodkin et al., 2019; Roxburgh & MacArthur, 2014) used different methodologies; for example, the study by Bodkin et al. (2019) corresponded to a systematic review of several studies involving different measurement instruments and sample types. By contrast, in the study by Roxburgh and MacArthur (2014) in the United States, a specific instrument was created to measure victimization, which could influence the comparison and differences in victimization figures. However, we cannot reject the possibility that in Chile, child victimization in the criminal population is higher; this is due to two main reasons; first, because in the present study, an instrument was used that measures a wide range of victimizations and that has been shown to have adequate psychometric properties (Hamby et al., 2005; Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021), and second, because of the high rates of violence toward children and criminality that have been reported in Latin American countries (Imbusch et al., 2011; Vilalta, 2020).

Regarding the specific types of victimization, we observed that incarcerated people were more frequently affected in their childhood by victimizations related to common crimes, indirect victimization, and victimization by peers or siblings. Additionally, participants also presented significant percentages for child abuse and sexual victimization (58.6% and 58.4%, respectively). In this first analysis, it can be highlighted that people deprived of liberty in Chile suffered in their childhood predominantly from types of violence that occurred in extrafamilial contexts, such as school or communities, which has also been confirmed in other studies (Jennings et al., 2012; Perez, 2019).

A high amount of child abuse and sexual victimization found in this present study provided new data about the relationships between childhood victimization of various types and adult crime. In addition, the high percentages of victimization by common crimes and indirect victimization (extrafamilial) lead us to pay attention to this type of victimization as background and possible criminogenic risk factors of the criminal trajectories of people deprived of liberty in Chile. Future research should explore the role played by social learning and victimization in the context of street socialization in this specific cultural context.

As mentioned, in the present study, the figures for child abuse and sexual victimization were very high, which is a significant finding, as these types of victimization have been reported to be important predictors of criminal trajectory in the criminal population (Grogan-Kaylor & Otis, 2003). Particularly, sexual victimization (McGrath et al., 2011) which has been reported in a previous research conducted in Chile with incarcerated people (see Sanhueza et al., 2019). Furthermore, when comparing the figures of the present study with a previous study conducted in the same region of Chile using retrospective JVQ with a sample of young people from the general population (Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021), we found similar results, given that in the general population, the most frequent types were victimization by common crimes, peer victimization, and indirect victimization, as in the present study (Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021). However, all figures in the general population were slightly higher than those in the prison population, which could be because the general population study included a younger age cohort of participants and a larger sample (the average age of the general population study was 21.6 years, and the prison population study was 38.7 years). A striking finding was that sexual victimization was higher in the prison population study. As mentioned above, these results should be further investigated in the future as they may provide significant evidence regarding the relationship between sexual victimization and criminal trajectories.

Victimization by Binary Gender Groups

We found binary gender groups-related differences in the sample studied; the data reflected that incarcerated males experienced more frequent victimization by common crimes (assaults with weapons) and peer victimization (assaults by groups or gangs) during childhood. These differences are consistent with the results of a previous study conducted on the general population of this geographic area (Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021), in which males also reported more significant exposure to common crimes. However, a difference is appreciated because, in the study on the general population, indirect victimization was reported as the second most frequent. All types of victimization respond primarily to extrafamilial contexts and peer interactions. In the case of women, some differences were also found; for example, in a study on a general population sample (Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021), women reported victimization by common crimes, victimization by peers, and indirect victimization more frequently, similar to men. However, in the correctional sample, victimization by common crimes and indirect victimization were also more common in women. Nevertheless, in contrast to the general population, sexual victimization was reported more frequently.

These findings prompt us to consider some relevant issues; for example, considering the theoretical aspects related to gender socialization, because concerning the victimization of males in contexts of community or street or peer socialization, it has been wrongly argued that males are in a better position to defend themselves, and therefore, require less care than woman, a situation that leaves them more exposed to this type of violence (Alaggia & Millington, 2008), something that should be meditated. However, it must be considered that these findings are specific to the sociocultural context in which the research was conducted. Following the line of analysis based on binary gender groups, women deprived of liberty showed a greater probability of experiencing sexual victimization, which is consistent with the global prevalence studies (Finkelhor & Dziuba-Leatherman, 1994; Pereda et al., 2009); In this context, the higher prevalence of sexual victimization in woman has been associated with traditional values, such as male chauvinism, in societies where processes of sexual objectification of women occur (Szymanski et al., 2011), which is common to varying degrees in most modern societies.

Lastly, the fact that sexual victimization is a considerable problem among women deprived of liberty should be considered a major social problem to prevent and eradicate. Because this type of violence not only compromises women’s rights, and their physical and mental health but also their psychological and social adjustment, which can be reflected in criminal trajectories. Nevertheless, sexual victimization in men should also be analyzed. This is especially important considering that in our study, men reported not having experienced sexual abuse by either known or unknown adults. This could be attributed to the fact that, in general, men tend to be more reluctant to acknowledge sexual victimization (Rice et al., 2022). This could be explained by issues related to gender roles and expectations associated with masculinity, which could serve as a barrier to reporting sexual abuse in men (Zepeda, 2022).

Polyvictimization

In this study, the group with the highest levels of polyvictimization (defined as the top 10% of the distribution) (Finkelhor et al., 2009) reported having experienced 22 or more types of victimization before the age of 18. On average, this was higher than the 15 or more events identified in the general Russian population (Bogolyubova et al., 2015) and the 18 or more events found in the general Chilean population (Pinto-Cortez et al., 2021). This suggests that individuals deprived of liberty seem to be more vulnerable to victimization in childhood and experience more types of victimization in different contexts than the general population. Furthermore, both men and women generally concentrated in the group of 8 to 21 types of victimization experienced, that is, in the high polyvictimization group. These findings complement the previous data on the general population, suggesting that the study sample was generally concentrated in the high polyvictimization range, similar to what was found by Pinto-Cortez et al. (2021) although with the caveat that in our study the percentages of people concentrated in this range were higher and were divided by binary gender groups. Regarding these incipient findings, we could hypothesize that as victimizations accumulate throughout life, the psychological and social adjustment of these people deteriorates and becomes increasingly closer to negative behaviors for society, such as criminal behaviors and transgression of norms, which would be consistent with the postulates of developmental victimology (Finkelhor, 2007), although further research and deepening in this aspect is necessary. Likewise, the data on polyvictimization indicated that the average number of victimizations by binary gender groups continues to be higher in women, and for sexual victimization again, which reflects the chronicity of this type of violence and contributes to what has already been described as the effects of sexual victimization in women who incur crime (DeHart, 2008; Kerig, 2018).

Feminist criminology offers a perspective through which it becomes possible to understand the high levels of polyvictimization in women, originating from early histories of victimization. According to this theoretical framework, the susceptibility associated with gender is evident not just in a heightened occurrence of childhood victimization incidents, but also in inadequate responses from the societal context once these incidents transpire (Larroulet et al., 2021) which could facilitate the re-victimization of women (Dirks, 2004).

In summary, most inmates to participate in the present study suffering different forms of violence across their lifetime (conventional crime, child abuse, peer victimization, sexual violence, and indirect victimization), and build genuine polyvictimization trajectories throughout their development.

Limitations

This study is one of the few in Latin America that examined the different forms of victimization and polyvictimization in the prison population, analyzing binary gender groups-related differences in polyvictimization including each form of victimization. To the best of our knowledge, in Chile, this study is one of the first efforts to gain access to convicts in high-security prisons, whose level of complexity allows for more precise evidence of the recurrent forms of victimization experienced by people in conflict with the law during childhood and adolescence.

The limitations of this study are related to the study population and the applicability of the results. By focusing on participants from northern Chile, this study does not intend to generalize its conclusions to other regions of the country, highlighting the need to develop future studies in different macro-areas. Furthermore, we found a low acknowledgment among male participants regarding sexual abuse, which could be attributed to the barriers and challenges that men face when disclosing this type of crime (Rice et al., 2022). This could imply that our results may only provide an approximation of the actual situation of sexual victimization in men.

Likewise, it would be necessary to conduct further research on other types of prisons, such as low-complexity prisons, to compare victimization patterns in populations with different levels of complexity. Additionally, being a retrospective study, it is subject to memory biases that participants may incur when recalling victimization events that occurred in the past, particularly when studying a victimized population. It may be difficult for participants to be accurate in this regard.

Practical Implications

This study highlights the need for protection systems that can promptly intervene in child and adolescent victimization, with sufficient resources available, and adopting evidence-based models. These systems would make it possible to interrupt victim trajectories, repair the severe consequences in victims’ lives, and constitute a form of tertiary prevention of eventual criminal behavior. Additionally, it is necessary to adopt a trauma-informed approach to intervene in the prison population as it is necessary to address the generalized violence the inmates experience and the cumulative harmful effects of these experiences (Aizpurua et al., 2023). Finally, as Aizpurua et al. (2023) point out, the harm generated by adverse childhood situations may increase the risk of experiencing interpersonal violence during incarceration. Following the recommendations of Caravaca Sánchez et al. (2017), identifying inmates exposed to trauma and violence during their childhood and those with mental health problems can allow prison teams to focus efforts on reducing victimization risks inside prisons. Nevertheless, as proposed by Salisbury et al. (2018), this highlights the importance of integrating trauma-informed treatments adapted to different populations, as well as implementing gender-sensitive intervention strategies to address the distinct requirements of incarcerated women.

Conclusions

The results of the present study reflect the high rates of child and youth victimization and polyvictimization in people deprived of liberty in the extreme north of Chile, with victimization for common crimes, indirect victimization, peer victimization, child abuse, and sexual victimization. Showing differences by binary gender groups, for example, victimization in extrafamilial contexts was more common among male inmates, and sexual victimization was identified as a significant problem for women inmates. These results are consistent with studies that have referred to the link between childhood victimizations of various types and adult crime in people deprived of liberty and add value by providing a detailed analysis of the accumulated experiences of victimizations (polyvictimization), which could eventually be related to the psychological and social impact of people deprived of liberty. In conclusion, the experiences of child victimization and polyvictimization in people deprived of liberty in northern Chile are a problem of significant dimensions. These findings could be useful for the development of public policies to prevent violence against children, as well as for a deeper understanding of the experiences of people deprived of liberty, which in many cases are marked by victimization and polyvictimization.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported in part by “Proyecto Mayor de Investigación Científica y Tecnológica UTA-Mayor (3774-22),” Universidad de Tarapacá, Chile.

ORCID iD

Cristián Pinto-Cortez

Author Biographies

Cristián Pinto-Cortez, Ph.D., is a Professor and Researcher in the School of Psychology and Philosophy at the University of Tarapacá in Northern Chile. His research focuses in the areas child sexual abuse, child maltreatment, child victimization, polyvictimization, trauma and child and adolescent mental health problems. He has expertise in conducting therapy for traumatized children and adolescents.

Diego Portilla-Saavedra is a doctoral student in Psychology at the Catholic University of north of Antofagasta, Chile. His research focuses in child sexual abuse, child maltreatment, child victimization, poly-victimization and interparental conflict.

Lorena Contreras, Ph.D., is an associate professor at the Faculty of Psychology at the Diego Portales University. As a member of the area of legal psychology. She is dedicated to issues of child and adolescent victimization, particularly in the field of child maltreatment and sexual abuse.

Rodrigo Ferrer-Urbina, Ph.D., is a Professor and Researcher in the School of Psychology and Philosophy at the University of Tarapacá in Northern Chile. His research interests include research methods, psychometrics and data analysis. Research and publications in the in the field of clinical significance, quality of life, immigration, psychometrics and sexual risk behaviors.

Javiera Carvajal is a Psychologist of the University of Tarapacá in Northern Chile.

Marjorie Rojas is a Psychologist of the University of Tarapacá in Northern Chile.

Álvaro Zamora is a Psychologist of the University of Tarapacá in Northern Chile.

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