Abstract
Engagement in and transitions between academic institutions may be enhanced for African American urban youth if we consider the role of religiosity, spirituality, and places of worship. This article presents the manner by which African American university students, who attended public high schools, conveyed the influence of their religious and spiritual beliefs on their academic aspirations, engagement, and achievement. Further, these students described how their connections to and support from places of worship assisted them in their educational endeavors. The data from this study, in conjunction with previous research, demonstrate the importance of knowing students’ social and contextual support for academic endeavors beyond the family and school. This type of information has the potential to assist school personnel in knowing, advising, and supporting students.
Religious and spiritual people, and the institutions with which they are associated, have a long history of influencing the educational opportunities and experiences of African Americans (Barrett, 2010; McCray, Grant, & Beachum, 2010; Walker & Dixon, 2002). Although the type of support can vary from person to person and from institution to institution, the general consensus is that there are positive relationships between and among African Americans, religiosity, spirituality, and educational aspirations and experiences (Al-Fadhli & Kersen, 2010; Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Jeynes, 2003; Sang, Ana, & Clark, 2007; Walker & Dixon, 2002). There is a specific body of literature that states that African American students, who attend public schools and live in urban areas, are particularly likely to benefit from these types of relationships (Jeynes, 2003; Timmermans & Booker, 2006; Williams, Davis, Cribbs, Saunders, & Williams, 2002). Yet, in spite of the consistent evidence regarding the positive nature of these relationships, there have been very few formal, systematic, and organized partnerships between public education and religious institutions in supporting academic advancement for African American students. As others have also suggested, the paucity of these types of partnerships may be attributed to the separation between church and state (Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Sang et al., 2007), incongruent philosophical orientations (Timmermans & Booker, 2006), or lack of community cohesion (Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2008). Nonetheless, studies regarding partnerships between educational institutions and places of worship, and studies that have demonstrated a relationship between and among students’ religiosity, spirituality, educational aspirations and experiences, generally reveal encouraging outcomes.
Valid concerns may exist for being hesitant when considering and/or developing these types of relationships; however, research and national statistics provide sufficient impetus for needing to identify methods that enhance the academic aspirations, engagement, and achievement of African American students who attend urban, public schools. Approximately, three fourths of all African American public school students attend K-12 academic institutions where the student body is comprised of somewhere between 50% and 100% students of color and where a majority of the students qualify for free or reduced lunch (Kozol, 2005; Orfield & Lee, 2005; U.S. Department of Education, 2006 a, b). These types of schools, which have been referred to as high minority, high poverty educational facilities, are often underfunded, overcrowded, and lack critical human and material resources (Carey, 2003; Chaney & Lewis, 2007, U.S. Department of Education, 2004 a, b). These conditions may consequently have adverse effects on students’ social, psychological, and educational development. Thus, whether public schools are alienating or students feel alienated by them, the results are often the same—students disengage, whether mentally or physically, and do not satisfactorily complete the requirements for earning a high school diploma. This could be exacerbated when these students are unprepared for postsecondary education, which has the potential to negatively influence their career opportunities and financial security (Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2008). There is considerable research that shows that African American students’ religious and spiritual beliefs have been positively related to their engagement with and success in academic pursuits (Al-Fadhli & Kersen, 2010; Sang et al., 2007; Walker & Dixon, 2002). Research also reveals that students’ affiliation with others who hold similar religious and/or spiritual beliefs positively influences students’ educational outcomes (Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Williams et al., 2002). Finally, these types of results are often magnified for students from urban areas and students from less resourced neighborhoods (Jeynes, 2003; Regnerus & Elder, 2003).
This article demonstrates the manner by which religiosity, spirituality, and places of worship were mentioned in an empirical investigation regarding students’ postsecondary academic aspirations and experiences, and provides some interpretation of those responses through the lens of social cognitive and social capital theories. More specifically, African American university students, who attended urban, public high schools, were asked to discuss factors that influenced their postsecondary education transitions. Students retrospectively considered the people, organizations, and activities that either helped or hindered them as they prepared for their postsecondary goals. Throughout the course of the interviews, respondents revealed that their own beliefs and/or their connection to members from their church community influenced and/or helped them with their postsecondary transitions. The data from this investigation are consistent with other findings that demonstrate the central and important role that religiosity, spirituality, and places of worship play for some students. Further, based on the author’s interpretation of these data, this article concludes by suggesting that public schools should consider forming and maintaining partnerships with places of worship (that demonstrate significant interest in students’ educational aspirations, engagement, and achievement) in an effort to strengthen the academic messages and support that urban youth receive.
Religiosity and Spirituality
The descriptive data from the current investigation demonstrate the manner by which religious and/or spiritual beliefs, as well as affiliation with institutions that support these beliefs, benefit the educational engagement of African American urban youth. Further, these data contribute to a growing body of literature that documents various educational benefits (e.g., academic commitment, satisfactory academic progress, high academic aspirations) associated with religiosity and spirituality based on the self-reports of adolescents and young adults. For the purposes of this discussion, the term religiosity will refer to formal, organized, and publicly recognized beliefs and practices of individuals, and participation in collective worship, whereas spirituality will refer to more individualized and less structured practices with a more intimate, personal, and private connection to a sacred source that provides inspiration, motivation, and opportunities for introspection and self-development. Whether considered individually or collectively, religiosity and spirituality have been found to play an integral role in the lives of most American people (Glanville, Sikkink, & Hernández, 2008; Kneipp, Kelly, & Cyphers, 2009). While research reveals that most Americans do believe these aspects of their lives are important, African Americans are more inclined than non-Hispanic Whites to indicate that both religiosity and spirituality are very important in their lives (Taylor & Chatters, 2010; Walker & Dixon, 2002). This is one compelling reason why it is important to understand the role that religiosity and spirituality play in the lives and academic experiences of African American urban youth.
Places of Worship and African American Communities
Places of worship, and in particular, the “Black Church,” play an integral role in African American communities. Predicated upon a long history that includes providing a haven for the spiritual and religious development of congregants and addressing community and societal issues, the Black Church continues to play an influential role in the lives of many African Americans (Barrett, 2010; McCray et al., 2010; Taylor, Lincoln, & Chatters, 2005; Walker & Dixon, 2002). Although the primary role of places of worship and their leadership is often seen as providing spiritual guidance through religious doctrine and practice, the Black Church is also known for marrying those goals with educating, empowering, mobilizing, and protecting members of the community.
Throughout history, the Black Church has been, and continues to be, instrumental in addressing the exclusion of African Americans from educational institutions and in establishing primary and secondary schools, as well as institutions of higher education (Taylor & Chatters, 2010). Today, Black church leaders and members advocate for quality schools in their neighborhoods and rally against academic, organizational, and structural injustices in schools that serve the community’s youth. Barrett (2010) provides the example of a pastor who was elected to his city’s board of education and voiced his concerns regarding federal legislation, the academic curriculum, and the manner by which the district’s general attitudes and practices were disenfranchising students of color. This type of political advocacy for social justice is important because it provides institutional support and a collective voice for those who may feel ignored or silenced. Many scholars not only call upon churches to fully participate in community efforts, but believe that the Black Church is in a unique position to provide insight to schools and school leaders about how to serve African American and urban youth (McCray et al., 2010; Regnerus & Elder, 2003; Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2008).
In addition to places of worship providing institutional support when interacting with the broader community, another major advantage for the membership lies in the interpersonal benefits derived from their affiliation (Barrett, 2010; Walker & Dixon, 2002). Relationships that form and the social networks that develop within places of worship can be very meaningful to the members. By example, in a national survey of African American adults, Taylor et al. (2005) reported that close to 90% stated that they were “very close” or “fairly close” with members of their church, approximately 85% said they interacted with church members either daily or weekly, and about 61% indicated that they received help from church members “sometimes” or “often.” These levels of intimacy and frequency of interaction are not surprising considering that many church members form close friendships and even family-like relationships (Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; McCray et al., 2010; Taylor et al., 2005). For instance, in many African American churches, it is not uncommon for a senior woman in the church to be referred to as a “church mother” or for parishioners to refer to one another as “sister” or “brother” (Chatters, Taylor, & Jayakody, 1994; Taylor et al., 2005). This type of “extended family” or “fictive kin” is likely to fulfill or supplement roles of actual family members, and for some youth and young adults, places of worship may be the only place where they see, and have the opportunity to interact with, a concentrated number of adults and peers who share their racial, ethnic, and cultural background, as well as their religious and spiritual beliefs. Scholars have noted the importance of this in several ways. First, it exposes these young women and men to people who know, care for, and value them. This affirms who they are and who they have the potential to be. Barrett (2010) reports that the pastor he interviewed chose not to fear or criminalize the youth in the community but trust, respect, and celebrate them. Second, because the young people are known, they are expected to be responsible and are held accountable for their actions. Finally, as with many families, many congregants hold their youth to high expectations, often surpassing their own achievements. In conjunction with these expectations, the parishioners often provide the youth with socio-emotional and other types of support (Barrett, 2010; Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Regnerus & Elder, 2003).
Places of Worship and Academic Aspirations, Engagement, and Achievement
Research has sought to determine the role of religiosity and/or spirituality in the lives of middle and high school students. While this type of research has generally been correlational, it is important to note that these relationships have overwhelmingly been positive. For instance, national data from three separate investigations revealed that adolescents who believed religion was important and who attended religious services were more likely to have and achieve higher secondary and postsecondary school aspirations, and these aspirations exceed the goals of their less religiously involved peers (Al-Fadhli & Kersen, 2010; Loury, 2004, Regnerus, 2000). Other investigations of national data reveal that not only are students who claim to be religious more likely to be “on-track” in making satisfactory progress toward their diplomas, but they are also more likely to be attached to their schools and engaged with extracurricular school activities than their less religious peers (Glanville et al., 2008; Regnerus & Elder, 2003). In terms of academic achievement, Jeynes (2003) reported that religiously committed students outperformed their less religiously committed peers on measures of academic achievement, and Regnerus (2000) found that students who were very involved with church activities were reported to have higher math and reading scores than their peers who were less involved with church activities.
Several other studies have examined the manner by which religiosity and/or spirituality influence students’ college adjustment, experiences, and degree attainment. Kneipp et al. (2009) found that both spirituality and religiosity were positively related to students’ adjustment to college. Donahoo and Caffey (2010) reported that religiosity and spirituality influenced college students’ experiences in socio-emotional ways. For instance, respondents in that study indicated that not only did their religious beliefs and affiliation help them cope with college adjustments and experiences, but they also influenced the way the students thought about themselves, the world around them, and the decisions they had to make. Some students suggested that they received family-like support and encouragement from members of their faith or their congregations that helped them to stay motivated, in school, and on-track (Donahoo & Caffey, 2010). In another study, a positive relationship was found among college students’ religiosity, spirituality, and their academic performance (Walker & Dixon, 2002). Finally, findings from one national study demonstrated there was a positive relationship between the degree to which high school students declared their religiosity and the likelihood that they earned a bachelor’s degree (Sang et al., 2007).
There is no intention here to suggest a direct or causal relationship between religiosity or spirituality and academic engagement and achievement. Yet, individuals who proclaim moderate or higher degrees of religiosity and/or spirituality, and/or who report some committed affiliation with a place of worship, generally appear to exist within a context wherein they think about and experience educational endeavors in a positive way. Thus, a more thorough understanding of those relationships may help us to understand what it is about religiosity and spirituality, and affiliation with places of worship, that contribute to enhanced academic experiences, especially in communities where many students may be seen as unsuccessful in their academic endeavors.
Theoretical Perspectives
There are two theoretical perspectives that were found to be useful when considering the manner by which religiosity, spirituality, and places of worship have the potential to influence educational experiences. From a psychological perspective, there is social cognitive theory that addresses how individuals think and act. This perspective addresses the manner by which individuals learn through observation, imitation, and/or direct teaching. From a sociological perspective, there is social capital theory that highlights how relationships with others help individuals advance their goals. Individually, each perspective provides a distinctive lens for attempting to understand the role of religiosity, spirituality, and affiliation with places of worship; however, when considered in tandem, this approach has the potential to reveal the intrapersonal, as well as the interpersonal, influence of these variables and their possible affect on students’ educational experiences.
Social Cognitive Theory
Social cognitive theory, also known as a social learning perspective, stems from behaviorist perspectives and describes individuals’ propensity to model or imitate the behavior of others. Classic behaviorist theories such as operant conditioning indicate that people imitate behaviors because they are either encouraged through rewards or they inhibit behaviors because they are discouraged through punishment (Skinner, 1976). However, social cognitive theory suggests that behavior, cognition, and the environment each influence, and are influenced by, one another (Bandura, 1978). By example, individuals make cognitive decisions about the world around them (e.g., to what they will pay attention, what is important to remember, how information could/should be used in the future), and that cognitive activity informs what types of behaviors they will observe and model. Cognition also influences individuals’ assessments of the environment, and consequently, the environment provides a context for the behavior to be learned and/or modeled.
Research has demonstrated that students are inclined to make choices about their academic engagement and educational environments based on the choices and activities of those around them—especially family members and friends (Bedsworth, Colby, & Doctor, 2006; Holland, 2010, 2011; Loury, 2004; Sokatch, 2006). Research has found that students were more likely to complete their high school education when they had college-educated siblings, or when they believed that their peers had the same intentions (Loury, 2004; Williams et al., 2002). Further, students were more likely to enroll in a 4-year college or university if their friends had done the same and/or encouraged them (Sokatch, 2006). Finally, college completion is more likely when peers have also completed this level of education (Bedsworth et al., 2006). Places of worship provide adolescents and young adults the opportunity to socialize with others, especially peers, who share and reinforce positive views about school and education (Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Glanville et al., 2008; Regnerus & Elder, 2003). It has also been suggested that places of worship not only demonstrate explicit support for academic engagement and achievement but also convey messages that provide moral directives that may encourage the pursuit of educational endeavors (e.g., having respect for authority, structure, and institutions; being civically engaged and conscious about the community; possessing a good work ethic, etc.; Al-Fadhli & Kersen, 2010; Barrett, 2010; Jeynes, 2010; Regnerus, 2000; Taylor & Chatters, 2010). Thus, students may benefit from being affiliated with religious institutions and surrounded by religious and/or spiritual others because whether consciously or not, the environment has the potential to enforce pro-schooling attitudes and behaviors.
Social Capital Theory
Traditional views of social capital highlight the benefits of social relationships in helping individuals advance their goals. Not only has social capital been recognized as a benefit in its own right but also for the capacity it has to be converted into and/or from other forms of capital such as human or cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988). Social capital is often inherent in closed social networks wherein membership is delineated by some shared characteristics and/or goals, where norms have been established, and valuable resources are made available through information channels (Coleman, 1988). Individuals who combine resources such as time, energy, and/or information with the resources of others have the possibility to produce outcomes beyond that of a sole individual. In order for these relationships to work, Coleman states that there must be a context of obligation, expectation, trustworthiness, and reciprocity. Beyond the benefits of individuals’ association with one another, research has indicated that social capital also exists when individuals are able to garner institutional support that provides them with tangible resources to help advance their goals (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). To benefit from institutionally derived social capital, individuals must have access to, and develop relationships with, institutional agents (Barrett, 2010). According to Stanton-Salazar (1997), “institutional agents [are] those individuals who have the capacity and commitment to transmit directly, or negotiate the transmission of, institutional resources and opportunities” (p. 6).
The value of social capital and its associated benefits have been demonstrated in many ways in educational research. For instance, Croninger and Lee (2001) demonstrated that high school students who were considered academically and socially at-risk were less likely to drop out of high school when they reported school-based social capital created by positive relationships with their teachers. Similarly, Farmer-Hinton and Adams (2006) revealed that school-based social capital generated from counselors positively influenced the number of academically at-risk students who applied to, and were accepted by, postsecondary educational institutions. Research has also indicated that college students have attributed some of their success in postsecondary educational preparation to the social capital generated by their high school teachers and counselors (Holland, 2010). This institutional aspect of social capital is often critical in understanding students’ personal motivation for engaging in and staying committed to school-based academic activities.
There is a growing body of literature that indicates that places of worship provide social capital for students in terms of academically related activities and services (Al-Fadhli & Kersen, 2010; Barrett, 2010; Donahoo & Caffey, 2010). It is important to note that these resources may be provided in addition to, or in lieu of, the social capital that these students have within their families or schools. At places of worship, it is through a closed, intergenerational network wherein youth interact with adults on a fairly frequent basis that the obligations and expectations of social capital can be honored. Further, adults know one another and can collectively generate resources and rally around the needs of their parishioners. By example, studies have revealed that in support of academic endeavors, churches have provided students with after-school tutoring, scholarships, books, school supplies, transportation, child care services, and college preparatory activities (Barrett, 2010; Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Timmermans & Booker, 2006).
Social cognitive theory and social capital theory provide perspectives for helping to explain how religiosity, spirituality, and places of worship positively influence students’ academic aspirations, engagement, and achievement. Students’ religiosity and spirituality may not only provide the impetus to be surrounded by others who share those beliefs but may also motivate students to follow and accept the type of lifestyle that requires them to respect, value, and succeed in education. Within social cognitive theory, places of worship can be positioned as environments wherein students can see similar others whose educational behaviors can be observed and modeled. Within social capital theory, an explanation can be offered as to how students benefit from the academic, socio-emotional, and financial benefits of congregants. Taken together, these perspectives help to provide insight as to how religiosity, spirituality, and affiliation with places of worship can, and do, enhance the academic experiences of African American urban youth.
Method
The purpose of the overarching study from which these data emerged was to more fully understand the high school-to-college transition of urban high school graduates. Data were collected at one university from students, faculty, staff, and administrators to learn about student recruitment, high school-to-college transitions, and first-year student orientation. Data were also collected from school district personnel, as well as students, faculty, and staff from feeder high schools in the same district as the university. Collectively, these types of data help to provide a greater understanding of the high school-to-college transition for urban students; however, the focus of this article is solely the university student data.
Members of the four-person research team sat in common areas of the university’s campus and advertised the study by way of posters, flyers, and word of mouth, and we purposefully noted that we were looking for individuals who had graduated from the city’s school district within the prior 5 years. The posters, flyers, and verbal invitations to participate highlighted information that was presented in the student consent forms, as indicated below:
[Your University] has been selected to participate in a study that explores the experiences that help [this city’s school district’s] graduates prepare for, and persist in, college. An important part of this study involves talking to students, faculty members, and administrators. The purpose of those conversations will be to get an understanding of the people and experiences that influence the transition from high school to college. As a recent graduate from [this city’s school district] and a currently enrolled college student, we believe that your perceptions of this process would greatly contribute to the study that is being conducted.
Purposeful sampling techniques required that the participants met two criteria to participate in the study: (a) They graduated from a high school located in the district within 5 years prior to data collection, and (b) they were currently enrolled in the university where the data were being collected. Although students were not offered tangible incentives, they were informed that their participation would help others more fully understand and address the high school-to-college transition for students like themselves. Students volunteered to participate in the study either at that moment or a later date. After providing consent, students completed a brief survey and participated in semi-structured interviews (see the appendix for the Student Protocol Questions) that explored their academic and social experiences in high school and college, major influences on their decisions to attend and persist in college, and their postcollege plans. The interviews, which were tape recorded and later transcribed, lasted anywhere from 25 min to 1 hr.
Sample
The recruitment strategies that were employed yielded 49 university students who were surveyed and interviewed, and an additional four students who were only surveyed because they failed to schedule or keep their appointment for an interview. The participants represent first-year, sophomore, junior, and senior students who were enrolled in one metropolitan university and graduated from one of the many public high schools from the urban school district within 5 years prior to the data being collected. Ninety-three percent of the students identified themselves as African American or Black (the remaining 7% identified themselves as Latino, African, Multiracial, and American), 70% were female, the average age of the participants was 19.8, 95% received some type of financial assistance, 75% entered the current university within a year of their high school graduation, 94% attended the university full-time, the average self-reported college grade point average was 2.93, and 70% of the participants said they wanted to pursue graduate or professional education. About three quarters of the respondents provided information that indicated they were first-generation college students.
Partnering With a Higher Power
Participants in this study stated that religiosity, spirituality, and/or affiliation with a place of worship positively influenced their academic aspirations, engagement, and achievement. Although the students were not directly asked if they considered themselves to be religious or spiritual, or if they were affiliated with a place of worship, several participants revealed this information in response to probes regarding the people, places, and organizations that motivated them to apply to and stay involved with educational endeavors. The range of responses, relevant to the focus of this article, provided enough variety and overlap to demonstrate the prevalence and importance of this topic and contribute to this field of interest. These types of responses generally fell into four broad categories: Internal Motivation, Roles/Commitments/Responsibilities, Congregation Members, and Congregation Resources and Services.
Internal Motivation
Students were asked what influences encouraged them to apply to, and be successful in, college. A few respondents suggested that their sole or primary motivation came from a sacred source. This could be perceived as what Kneipp et al. (2009) describe as a “horizontal dimension of spirituality”—wherein one’s well-being and adjustment is connected to existentialism, or what Donahoo and Caffey (2010) have referenced as “intrinsic religiosity” —the personal internal value, central understanding, and daily meaning and direction an individual receives from having a connection to religion (p. 82). In the following exchange, one interviewer employed various probes when trying to identify anybody who may have been influential in this student’s college transition and adjustment.
Who have been the most influential people, since you started college, that have helped you out with the whole process? . . . Has there been anyone that helped you with the decision to transfer? . . . You said that you talked to your friend [who] told you to try [this university] . . . has there been anyone else that has given you guidance along the way?
No, actually. Just me and my Bible, actually.
Another interviewer asked a similar set of questions and received this response from a student,
Okay, if you could name the most influential people both in and out of this university, who has helped you with your college experiences?
Ultimately God because there have been days when I thought nobody of the flesh could say or do anything to help me at that point, so I just have to put that out there.
Both students indicate that their primary motivation for pursuing a college education came from beyond what they believe people could offer them. These responses suggest that the students’ religiosity and/or spirituality fueled their strength and helped them make sense of a major transitional period in their lives. While the first student suggests that he could find meaning and direction in his life through his understanding of the Bible, the second student indicates that her connection to God provides her with the internal fortitude to address challenges. It has been noted that this type of commitment and faith is not only linked to general success and resiliency, but it has also been specifically associated with academic achievement (Jeynes, 2010; Regnerus & Elder, 2003; Sang et al., 2007, Timmermans & Booker, 2006).
Roles/Commitments/Responsibilities
During the course of the interviews, most of the participants revealed that they had extremely busy schedules that involved school, extracurricular activities, work, family, and friends. Several participants described responsibilities that were related to their religiosity and/or spirituality, and many of these students stated that they were regularly committed to attending services and related activities (e.g., Sunday service, Bible study, prayer groups, choir practice and performance, etc.). The data revealed several students who were active in their places of worship, and some of those students even mentioned the leadership roles that they had. Others identified how their religiosity and/or spirituality transferred into other aspects of their lives. For instance, in preparation for her postsecondary academic life, one student stated that she went on a college tour with an organization with which she was affiliated. When the researcher inquired more about the tour, the student explained that her friend’s mother was a member of a sorority that had a junior chapter that helped young women prepare for the future. The student expressed her appreciation for, and her investment in, the organization to the extent that she accepted a formal role as the junior chapter’s chaplain.
And I got involved, and I became the chaplain.
Really? Wow. Was that while you were in high school?
Yes, that was while I was in high school.
And what did that entail? I mean, what sort of responsibilities did you have?
Well, we had monthly meetings, so that entailed me doing daily prayer . . . an opening and closing prayer.
Another student described how his church-related activities influenced his college choice. The participant, who was particularly enthusiastic about helping the research team, arrived to his scheduled interview a “little under the weather.” Once the student mustered through his very basic interview responses, he stayed with the interviewer and chatted while helping to recruit additional participants. The team member rendered this statement in her reflections regarding her post-interview time with the participant:
I asked him about transferring to _________State University (his football school of choice) now that his grades are better, but he said that he wanted to stay close to his family and to his church. He sings with the choir, which often travels to other cities to perform. (Interviewer’s Reflections)
This participant was one of a few who mentioned that his college choice was based upon his relationship with family members, friends, and the relationship and responsibilities with the church. Another student also mentioned that she was unlikely to consider going away for college because she had a network of family, friends, and parishioners who helped her with academic, personal, and child care needs.
Places of worship were not only mentioned in responses regarding the manner by which students made decisions about where to apply for college but also in how the activities associated with those institutions factored into the students’ college lives. When asked about a student’s “typical” college day, one participant outlined in great detail the many components of her weekly schedule and then she concluded with the following statement:
I’m getting better now at doing stuff that I want to do and just living, enjoying, you know, trying to do more than just . . . Oh, and I go to my Bible study—I have to do that; otherwise I wouldn’t be able to do all this other stuff. (L4T1F)
The participants in this study seemed to indicate that their involvement with activities related to their places of worship kept them grounded, focused, and connected. Although it may seem counterintuitive for a college student to want to include additional activities in a seemingly, supersaturated schedule, it has been suggested that students’ involvement with religious services and activities has been positively related to academic engagement and achievement (Glanville et al., 2008; Loury, 2004; Regnerus, 2000; Regnerus & Elder, 2003). One of the reasons this may be is because in addition to the personal rewards and satisfaction they receive, students may not see these responsibilities as “something extra” but the manner by which they find balance by mirroring their commitment, discipline, and work ethic in their spiritual and secular lives.
Congregation Members
Research has indicated that socializing with others who share religious and/or spiritual beliefs often has benefits beyond religious and/or spiritual development (Al-Fadhli & Kersen, 2010; Barrett, 2010; Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Regnerus, 2000, Taylor et al., 2005; Williams et al., 2002). Throughout the entire study, students mentioned how members of their congregation had been supportive of them in general, and of their educational and career pursuits in particular. Several students mentioned the socio-emotional support that they received from congregants and indicated that the members of their church communities were “like family” and often provided them with the care and support to keep them motivated while in school. Some students indicated that the members of their congregation were role models whom they wished to emulate and others noted that congregants provided them with useful information regarding their academic and career pursuits. Relevant to this investigation, it was particularly noteworthy when students were able to articulate how congregants influenced their academic pursuits. For instance, when asked about people who had been influential in her college experiences, one first-generation college student responded:
Yeah, I have friends from church . . . one of them is a teacher, and that’s the career I’m seeking, so she helps me a lot to learn [about] things . . . what to expect, as far as the career field. And I know a lot of other people [there] that are in college, and they tell me things, what they have gone through, and what to expect from professors and things like that. (G3S4F)
This response revealed how peer relationships in the church can influence one’s academic aspirations. From a social cognitive perspective, this student informed us that through her church attendance, she was able to witness and become friends with others who were either currently enrolled in college or who had earned a college degree, and these friends had a positive influence on the way that she thought about and pursued college and her desired profession. The church environment not only provided this respondent with an opportunity to observe the behaviors of similar others who shared her postsecondary and career goals but may have also made her aspirations seem accessible and achievable. From a social capital perspective, the friends from church allowed the student to witness the types of norms and behaviors that may be required of a college student and ultimately a teaching professional. This student indicated that her friends from church not only served as role models and provided socio-emotional support for her postsecondary goals, but the friend mentioned in the quote above was also able to provide concrete and useful information about college and the teaching profession. For many students, peers create an important context for thinking about, preparing for, and choosing postsecondary education options (Holland, 2011; Bedsworth et al., 2006; Sokatch, 2006), and church involvement has been found to be instrumental in helping students adjust to college, make satisfactory academic progress, and find desirable career options (Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Kneipp et al., 2009; Sang et al., 2007).
Congregation Resources and Services
While socio-emotional support is very important for students’ sense of academic self-efficacy, it is equally important for students to receive tangible and academic support for their educational endeavors (Holland, 2010). This is particularly critical for students who may come from families with few resources and/or first-generation college-bound students who may have socio-emotional support from their family members but may not have the requisite college planning information that is necessary in formulating a clear plan for achieving their academic endeavors. Many places of worship provide their parishioners with an education program that not only provides books and other school supplies but also provides tutoring opportunities, college planning information, and even financial support (Barrett, 2010; Timmermans & Booker, 2006). Participants in this study revealed that in addition to congregants providing socio-emotional support, many also offered relevant, concrete, education-related services that helped students prepare for college. For instance, when one participant was asked about programs outside of her high school that helped her prepare for college, she stated:
My church has a college outreach ministry that I’m a part of and they take us on Black college tours over the summer . . . take us to different schools, you know, live in the dorms . . . probably for the weekend, meet people and have a chance to talk with the students. (L4S0F)
When another student was asked the same probe regarding college preparatory activities with which she was involved during high school, this participant responded with several services her church offered.
Well at church they would have, like, you can work, like, after service is over, we can work on, like, all the kids can work on homework and stuff and they would have some teachers, the members, like my mother, she would be there, she would be helping kids out [with our] work. I mean, I guess that would kind of help us too. And they also have a scholarship program at our church for all the students that are graduating. And I guess that helped a lot ’cause we need any help . . . they always encourage us to come and ask when we need help with our school [work]. The people at our church would encourage us to ask.
What kind of help would they offer you? I mean, did they just talk? Did they give you money?
Like, we would bring our material to the church and then they could have someone else or . . . either it could be other students that are in higher grade levels, they could help out if we were just having problems.
So it was like a tutoring program?
Yeah.
So where did the scholarship come in?
That was for all the people graduating from high school. And they were giving . . . it was based on donations, and they would give you a part [of the collection] for your college.
So each graduating senior received . . . ?
There was like a certain amount that they had collected and they would give out to everybody in the church.
Okay, so it wasn’t dependent on academics, it was just if you graduated and were going to college?
Right.
These students provided examples of how social capital can work in places of worship. First, both students indicate that the norm in their churches was to have education valued and supported. They suggest that not only did the congregants expect that students would be academically engaged but parishioners also offered their time and resources to contribute to the students’ success. In the second student’s response, she indicates that students are encouraged to discuss school-related issues with congregation members and bring in schoolwork with which they are struggling to receive assistance. Due to the relational nature of churches, students may feel less vulnerable and/or judged, and more inclined to seek and accept help. Both respondents identify methods by which their congregations collectively supported postsecondary endeavors—while one church organized and sent students on college tours, the other church provided tutoring opportunities and collected funds to distribute to all college-bound students. In both examples, the collective efforts of the congregants may have been able to make more impact than smaller, individual contributions. Further, these church-wide gestures not only have an impact on the students that are currently benefitting from the congregants’ efforts but also set the tone and expectations for students who follow. Finally, churches like these convey messages to students that there are adults who value them and have high expectations for their future and that these adults are willing to help students realize their academic and career goals. Unfortunately, for many youth and young adults of color and/or from less resourced neighborhoods, the messages that they receive from their places of worship may be contrary to the types of messages they receive from other adults in the wider community (Barrett, 2010; McCray et al., 2010; Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2008).
Conclusion
One of the goals of this article is to demonstrate the importance of religiosity, spirituality, and places of worship as they relate to the academic aspirations, engagement, and achievement of African American students. An equally important goal is to encourage more formal, systematic partnerships between public school districts and places of worship to enhance the educational engagement and experiences of African American students, particularly in distressed, urban areas. It would be difficult to ignore the benefits of employing a comprehensive community plan that addresses the physical, psychological, social, emotional, and academic needs of youth and young adults. This type of approach has the potential to reinforce the positive expectations that adults have for children and adolescents while sharing a range of resources to support those goals (Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2008). Although the ultimate intentions may be similar, families, schools, and places of worship often address the needs of youth from different perspectives (e.g., socio-emotional, psychological, religious/spiritual, academic, etc.) and the resources they have to offer may vary, but nonetheless, complement one another.
Even with the best of intentions, many public schools that enroll large numbers of students of color and students from low socioeconomic backgrounds have a long history of being underfunded, operating in buildings with faulty and dangerous infrastructure, having high student-to-faculty/staff ratios, having high faculty and staff turnover, requiring faculty to teach out of their areas of expertise, and offering limited curricula and facilities (Adelman, 2006; Carey, 2003; Chaney & Lewis, 2007, Filadro, Vincent, Sung, & Stein, 2006, Kozol, 2005; McDonough, 2004, Orfield & Lee, 2005; U.S. Department of Education, 2004a, 2004b; U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2005, 2008). In turn, these types of environments may minimize or obstruct students’ access to school personnel, information, and resources that contribute to academic engagement and achievement. These are major concerns that must be addressed within and by the education community; however, it does not mean that other social institutions cannot offer assistance.
In neighborhoods where youth and young adults may constantly be exposed to negative, discouraging, and/or unsupportive societal indicators, places of worship may convey messages of possibilities and hope. If students are drawn to places of worships because of their beliefs and the support they receive from congregants, there is great potential for partnerships between schools and places of worship. Due to the nature of church attendance, the relationships that are formed are initiated and maintained by choice and, in many instances, span over a period of time. These types of environments have the potential for intergenerational relationships to be formed, trust and respect to be developed, information to be exchanged, and social capital to be maximized. However, the relationships that students form with adults in their schools may be very different than those they form with adults associated with their places of worship. For instance, some research indicates that in schools that predominately serve students of color and/or students from low socioeconomic backgrounds, the personnel appear to have low or no expectations for the students (Adelman, 2006; Cooper & Liou, 2007; Freeman, 1997; Knight, 2003; Kozol, 2005; Wasonga & Christman, 2003); yet, other research indicates that for many students in these demographic categories, places of worship have provided children and young adults with significant support for their academic efforts (Al-Fadhli & Kersen, 2010; Barrett, 2010; Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Jeynes, 2003; Regnerus & Elder, 2003; Timmermans & Booker, 2006). Further, as data from this study suggest, another benefit associated with places of worship that many African Americans attend is that students are often surrounded by people with similar demographic characteristics who may have the same types of academic and/or career goals and, congregants’ accomplishments in those areas may make them seem more accessible to students. Whether consciously or not, this type of environment not only provides role models but may also make academic and career aspirations seem attainable. It is important to note, however, that similar demographics such as race, ethnicity, and/or socioeconomic background are neither necessary nor sufficient for these types of relationships to be successful. For example, it has been demonstrated that genuine interests and focused efforts by African American and predominately White congregations had similarly positive results in helping students, who were considered academically and/or socially at-risk, prepare for and enroll in college (Timmermans & Booker, 2006).
Some may question, if there are already positive relationships between and among spirituality, religiosity, affiliation with places of worship and academic engagement and achievement, why pursue partnerships? There are several major reasons. First, and most importantly, these types of partnerships send consistent messages throughout neighborhoods regarding the importance of education and demonstrate community support for youth and young adults. Second, while places of worship may be interested in students’ public education, they may not have all of the requisite information about learning objectives, assessments, standards, graduation requirements, and college enrollment expectations. By partnering with schools and school districts, places of worship can become more knowledgeable about this information and make informed decisions as to where to concentrate their efforts. Third, by identifying places of worship that are invested in these types of partnerships, schools and school districts can target their outreach efforts to collectively address students and their peers. Research has shown that academic efforts of students are greatly influenced by their peers (Bedsworth et al., 2006; Holland, 2011; Loury, 2004; Sokatch, 2006), and places of worship often provide students the opportunity to socialize with other students who share and reinforce positive views about school and education (Donahoo & Caffey, 2010; Glanville et al., 2008; Regnerus & Elder, 2003). Fourth, school and school district personnel may be able to benefit from the personal, familial, and/or contextual knowledge that congregants have about parishioners and their socio-emotional relationships with one another. One of the major benefits from this type of arrangement is that it has the potential to reinforce information that originates in the schools but is communicated in a less formal and, perhaps, in a less intimidating environment for students and their families. Finally, due to the different focus of each institution and the various resources they have available, places of worship and schools may be able to address different but complementary needs of students and their families. This approach may allow places of worship and school districts to share resources to maximize students’ academic aspirations, engagement, and achievement.
There is no intention here to negate the responsibility of the education system or parlay the bulk of those responsibilities elsewhere; however, places of worship have demonstrated concern for helping students and their families navigate their relationships with, and progress within, school systems. Creating formal partnerships between schools and academically disenfranchised communities could be extremely beneficial. Nevertheless, it should be noted that although there are consistent and positive relationships between and among spirituality, religiosity, places of worship, academic engagement and achievement, these relationships are neither absolute nor linear. It is possible that there are individuals who consider themselves spiritual and/or religious who are not academically engaged or successful. It is also likely that there are successful students who are neither religious or spiritual. The intention here is not to promote religiosity, spirituality, or affiliation with places of worship but to determine how the benefits associated with them enhance educational engagement and success, and to propose how those benefits could be manifested and magnified in formal partnerships. Partnerships between places of worship and schools and/or school districts have great potential for sending resounding and consistent messages throughout communities regarding the importance of education while providing support to students and their families throughout the process. Finally, partnerships between schools and places of worship could also serve as models for other types of partnerships within the community to help youth and young adults become engaged with and successful in their academic pursuits. Thus, although these data focused on African American students and their relationships with religiosity, spirituality, and places of worship, the suggestions that are presented here could be applicable to any student who has a strong affiliation with social and community organizations that have the potential to provide the necessary interactions and environments that positively influence students’ formal education.
Footnotes
Appendix
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by an AERA/OERI research grant. The title for the project for which funding was sought was, “Transitions Within and Beyond: The Importance of Academic Preparation and Social Capital in Urban High School Reform.” The amount funded was US$25,000, total costs for the period from September 2002 to May 2007. There was no grant number assigned.