Abstract
63.1 AARØE, Lene —
The question of the role of Islam in the public space has become a new pivotal point in political disputes about civil liberties in Western Europe. This debate challenges the scholarly literature on tolerance by highlighting that our understanding of the situational factors shaping tolerance judgments remains limited. This study therefore investigates how the salience of the signaling of religious group membership influences religious tolerance. Based on a unique question-wording experiment embedded in an approximately nationally representative survey, I demonstrate that conspicuous manifestations of religious out-group membership spark stronger intolerance than subtle manifestations and that anxiety mediates the effect of conspicuous manifestations of religious out-group membership. Finally, I demonstrate that the effect of the salience of religious out-group membership is strongest among those who are highly opposed to secularism. [R, abr.]
63.2 ABIEW, Francis Kofi —
The spate of attacks against humanitarian NGOs since 2003 has raised a series of fundamental questions for humanitarian operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and other conflict and post-conflict situations. This article reflects on how, increasingly, the “new humanitarianism” is under attack in violation of the Geneva Conventions on the Laws and Customs of War. It argues that humanitarian action is under attack because of efforts by Western governments (particularly the US) to make humanitarian NGOs an extension of their military and political agendas. In circumstances of the politicization of humanitarian aid, it becomes difficult for combatants to distinguish between Western governments' agendas and those of NGOs. The article calls for the insulation of humanitarian aid from politics, realizable only by returning to traditional principles that have guided humanitarian action. [R, abr.]
63.3 ABIZADEH, Arash —
Cultural-nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: Their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a pre-political, in principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Only once we recognize that the demos is in principle unbounded, and abandon the quest for a pre-political ground of legitimacy, can democratic theory fully avoid this collapse of demos into nation into ethnos. [R, abr.]
63.4 AGOSTINI, Chiara —
This article analyzes the contrasted dialogue between welfare state and education studies. It first sheds light on the traditional cleavage between the two, based on the trade-off between the policy areas under scrutiny; it then addresses more recent attempts to better integrate the two literatures (through the hypothesis of a fruitful interaction between welfare and education). This article first focuses on the historical origin of the separation between the two literatures. [It then] analyzes the different typologies. The third section focuses on those approaches promoting the integration of education and welfare: “varieties of capitalism”, “social investment”, “active welfare”, “capabilities”. [R, abr.]
63.5 AHMED, Naeem —
This article examines various problems in defining and building consensus on the most controversial term — terrorism — in contemporary politics. The objective is to distinguish between what constitutes freedom fighting and what would fall under the category of terrorism. The article authenticates the legitimacy of freedom movements which the states against which these are launched dub as terrorism. It is, therefore, argued that liberation movements which are recognized by the UN should not be termed as terrorism. However, the use of violence against non-combatants puts the legitimacy of such movements in doubt. Moreover, in order to come out of the relativist confusion regarding the popular saying — “one man's terrorist, another man's freedom fighter” — it is necessary to evolve a clear definition to separate the two activities. [R]
63.6 ALBERTUS, Michael; MENALDO, Victor —
We argue that autocratic rulers adopt constitutions in the nascent stages of an autocratic coalition taking power, when uncertainty about leader intentions is high. Constitutions can consolidate a new distribution of power, allowing a launching organization (LO) to codify and defend their rights. Autocratic coalitions that adopt constitutions should therefore last longer in power than those that do not. Using new data compiled on constitutions created under autocracy in Latin America from 1950 to 2002, we show that autocratic coalitions who adopt and operate under constitutions extend their survival. This result holds after controlling for the presence of other autocratic institutions, country fixed effects, and after using an instrumental variables strategy to address reverse causation. A case study of Mexico details the mechanism by which this relationship between constitutions and stability occurs. [R, abr.]
63.7 ANDRALE, Bárbara —
In Paix et Guerre entre les Nations [Paris, 1962] R. Aron argues that the power relations structure and the international system's nature — whether homogeneous or heterogeneous — guide international relations. Aron presents a causality relation between system heterogeneity and the world wars, and proposes, by contrast, that distinct principles of legitimacy generate heterogeneity creating a tension in the international system, demanding moral unity and avoiding international system development. [R] [See Abstr. 63.109]
63.8 ANSELL, Chris; SONDORP, Egbert; STEVENS, Robert Hartley —
Networks are often heralded as a promising strategy of global governance. This article examines the challenges encountered in managing one relatively successful network: the Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network (GOARN). Over the past decade, this international network of public and private institutions has played a major role in organizing the global response to infectious disease outbreaks around the world. Despite its successes, GOARN confronts difficult challenges in balancing performance objectives with the goals of maintaining and developing the network. The imperative to integrate closely into WHO operations makes it difficult for GOARN to balance its obligations to the WHO with the need to maintain and cultivate its role as an independent network. [R]
63.9 ARMINGEON, Klaus —
The national fiscal responses to the economic crisis of 2008/2009 varied considerably. Some countries reacted with a strong demand stimulus, others intended to slash public expenditures, while a third group pursued mildly expansionary policies. There are strong reasons for governments to pursue a mildly expansionary policy. If governments depart from this default strategy in favor of a significant counter-cyclical policy, they must be able to make decisions swiftly. Therefore, effective use of counter-cyclical policy will be unlikely where lengthy negotiations or significant compromises between governing parties with different views on economic and fiscal policy are likely. Therefore, a major determinant of the expansionary strategy is a unified government, usually in form of a one-party government. Governments opting for pro-cyclical policy in a major economic crisis do so because they have few other viable options. [R, abr.]
63.10 ARNOLD, Jason Ross —
A great deal of research has suggested that scholarly and popular concerns about low levels of citizen political knowledge are exaggerated. One implication is that political history would have unfolded just as it did even if electorates had been more politically informed. This paper presents evidence that counters these claims, showing an infusion of electorally relevant information in twenty-seven democracies would have likely led to a lot of vote “switching”, ultimately changing the composition of many governments. The paper also directly and systematically examines what we might call the “enlightened natural constituency” hypothesis, which expects lower-income citizens to vote disproportionately for left parties once armed with more political knowledge. While the basic argument about how political ignorance disproportionately affects the left's natural constituency is not new, the hypothesis has thus far not been tested. [R, abr.]
63.11 ATKINSON, Lucy —
Drawing on depth interviews with eight socially conscious consumers, this study explores the way socially conscious consumer orientations can help to foster the kinds of pro-social orientations, such as a concern for others, that facilitate civic and political engagement. The data suggest that these consumers reap several private benefits from their socially conscious choices (authenticity, social embeddedness, empowerment, and self-actualization) while also helping to secure broader public virtues, such as a clean environment or workers' rights. In so doing, they face certain costs (such as inconvenience and limited choice), but these sacrifices are reframed as pleasurable. This perspective challenges conventional, republican views of citizenship that see individuals as selfless and sacrificing for the sake of a common, greater good. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.898]
63.12 AURIOL, Emmanuelle; GARY-BOBO, Robert J. —
We propose a normative theory of the number of representatives based on a model of a representative democracy. We derive a formula giving the number of representatives as proportional to the square root of total population. Simple tests of the formula on a sample of a 100 countries yield good results. We then discuss the appropriateness of the number of representatives in some countries. It seems that the US has too few representatives, while France and Italy have too many. The excess number of representatives matters: it is positively correlated with indicators of red tape and barriers to entrepreneurship. [R]
63.13 AVDAN, Nazli —
This paper examines the relationship between states' migration-control policies and human trafficking in origin, transit and destination states. Using cross-sectional data on states' visa policies for 192 states and indicators for human trafficking from the Global Patterns report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, the paper analyzes feedback mechanisms between policies and trafficking. The empirical evidence suggests that, contrary to the pessimistic predictions of policy scholarship, the feedback is characterized by a virtuous mechanism. [R, abr.]
63.14 BACCINI, Leonardo; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
We propose that major powers give foreign aid to developing countries to facilitate politically costly economic reforms that preferential trading agreements prescribe. Democratic developing countries (1) need adjustment assistance more than autocracies and (2) can credibly commit to using fungible revenue to compensate the domestic losers, so a side payment for deeper reforms should be available only for democracies. A quantitative test lends support to the theory. Fully democratic developing countries that form a preferential trading agreement with the EU or the US obtain a large increase in foreign aid in the short run. These results imply that donors have used foreign aid to strengthen the effect of preferential trading agreements on economic reforms. [R, abr.]
63.15 BACKHOUSE, Roger —
D. Milonakis and B. Fine, in From Political Economy to Economics [London, 2009], offer an account of history that systematically omits discussion of how economics has been shaped by the political and social context in which it developed. This contrasts with work by intellectual historians who have argued that such factors were crucial to understanding the history of economic ideas. It is ironic given that Milonakis and Fine are criticizing economists for excluding the political and the social from economics. [R] [Part of a symposium, introduced by Sam ASHMAN. See also Ben FINE and Dimitris MILONAKIS, “From freakonomics to political economy”, pp. 81–96]
63.16 BALDACCHINO, Godfrey; HEPBURN, Eve —
Local autonomy in a subnational jurisdiction is more likely to be gained, secured or enhanced where there are palpable movements or political parties agitating for independence in these smaller territories. A closer look at the fortunes, operations and dynamics of independence parties from subnational island jurisdictions can offer some interesting insights on the appetite for sovereignty and independence, but also the lack thereof, in the 21st c. [R] [See Abstr. 63.218]
63.17 BANTON, Michael —
Since 1970, states that are parties to the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination have been reporting on the implementation of their treaty obligations. In the first two decades, states assumed the right to define the issues. Because of changes in the practice of the treaty-monitoring body, nongovernmental organizations in the more democratic states have been increasingly able to contribute alternative perspectives. This has been a significant step in the development of global civil society. [R]
63.18 BAPAT, Navin A.; BOND, Kanisha D. —
Instrumentally, militant groups should seek to maximize their power against governments by forming alliances. However, studies in bargaining theory predict that alliances between militants would suffer from commitment problems. This study identifies the conditions under which militant groups overcome these acute commitment problems and form alliances. Two game-theory models of alliances amongst militants are presented, the first capturing bilateral co-operation, and the second under conditions of asymmetry. It may be concluded that while militants less susceptible to government repression should prefer bilateral alliances, vulnerable militants are more likely to form asymmetric alliances involving state sponsors. Following the theoretical predictions, the theory is tested empirically using the UCDP/PRIO data. [R]
63.19 BARADEI, Laila El- —
This research article contributes to a better future for a New Egypt, after the Revolution of 2011, by focusing on how best to monitor elections by domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) through adopting an output, outcome, and impact model. It assesses comparatively the role of CSOs in monitoring elections in Ethiopia, Ukraine, and Nigeria, and derives lessons learned for Egypt. Through analyzing Egyptian CSOs websites and qualitative discussions and surveys with activists, proposed strategies for enhancing effectiveness are identified, including building wider coalitions and more use of new technology. [R]
63.20 BARBERIS, Mauro —
Applied to Montesquieu's doctrine, the “separation of powers” category means three things: a distinction between constitutional functions and two different rules — balance and separation of powers in the strict meaning of the term — in order to distribute them [among] the various constitutional organs. Using this analytical framework, this paper notes that, according to Montesquieu, only the judiciary should be separated from the other powers, on the condition that its functions be attributed to jurors rather than permanent judges. The historical time of the separation of power is suspended between a past and a future when not only have the legislative and executive branches always balanced each other, but also when judges have always participated to the production of the law. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Separation of powers”. See also Abstr. 63.27, 28, 180, 448, 449, 532, 589, 614, 615]
63.21 BARONE, Sylvain —
[Much] research on sub-national public policies [is] realized in response to orders and invitations to tender outside the academic field. This situation raises important epistemological and methodological questions, including when the research partners belong to the public sector, due to underlying political issues and the risk of shifting from comparison to a form of territorial benchmarking. In the light of two comparisons (a work on railway regionalization in France funded by a big railway organization and a research project on local water policies supported by the European Commission), we analyze what this kind of partnership implies in practical terms as far as comparative enquiries are involved and to what extent it remains compatible with the pursuit of scientific goals. [R] [See Abstr. 63.117]
63.22 BARRETT, Scott —
So far, proposals to use trade restrictions to support climate policy have been non-strategic, which is in contrast to the successful deployment of trade restrictions in other international environmental agreements. The purpose of the trade restrictions was to encourage participation in the agreement. But for them to play this role, the design of the multilateral approach will have to change. The approach tried so far creates a risk for the trading system as countries try to reduce emissions unilaterally, and then feel compelled to use trade restrictions. A better approach is to incorporate trade restrictions in multilateral agreements which would aid enforcement. Ironically, this will not only achieve more for the climate, but will also contribute to safeguarding the gains from multilateral cooperation in trade. [Part of a “Symposium on climate change policies and the world trading system”, edited and introduced by Jaime DE MELO]
63.23 BARTER, Shane Joshua —
What options are available to civilians faced with war? While civilians tend to be portrayed as helpless victims — and sometimes are — we know that they are not inert. Borrowing from A. Hirschman, I propose that civilians' strategies can be understood in terms of flight to safer areas, speaking out to or against armed groups, as support for armed groups, and combinations of these three strategies. This study introduces a simple, intuitive schema for understanding civilian strategies and illustrates it with examples drawn from several armed conflicts. The schema demonstrates that not only do civilians make decisions which enable them to survive bloody conflicts, but also that their strategies may influence armed groups and the course of a given war. [R]
63.24 BAS, Muhammet A. —
I provide a tool for testing theories about the level of uncertainty in strategic interactions. I show that ignoring potential variations in levels of uncertainty across different cases can be a source of bias for empirical analyses. I propose a method to incorporate this form of heteroskedasticity into existing estimators and show that this method can improve inferences. With a series of Monte Carlo experiments, I evaluate the magnitude and the severity of the bias and inconsistency in estimators that ignore heteroskedasticity. More importantly, the tools developed have many interesting substantive application areas. Examples considered include measuring speculators' suboptimal behavior tendencies in international currency crises, and capturing varying levels of signaling and Bayesian updating behavior in the recent strategic models of signaling. [R, abr.]
63.25 BATTISTELLA, Dario —
Neglected since his death after having been all at once criticized and hailed during his lifetime, Aron's approach challenges any easy classification within the discipline. An interesting attempt has been proposed by M. Doyle, who considers Aron to be a constitutionalist realist. While basically agreeing with this proposal, our contribution shows that Aron actually was a neo-classical realist before the term was invented. After recalling Aron's common points with H. Morgenthau's classical realism and K. Waltz's neo-realism, the article analyzes the numerous epistemological and ontological affinities linking the French IR scholar to the contemporary North-American neoclassical realists who ignore that they ignore Aron. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Raymond Aron and International Relations. 50 years after Peace and War Between Nations, edited and introduced by Jean-Vincent HOLEINDRE, “Raymond Aron, un classique de la pensée internationale? (Raymond Aron, a classic of international thought?)”, pp. 319–320. See also Abstr. 63.45, 53, 65, 153, and an unpublished article by Raymond Aron on C. Clausewitz, pp. 339–370]
63.26 BAUHR, Monika; NASIRITOUSI, Naghmeh —
The domestic endorsement and institutionalization of transparency is of central importance to the implementation of global environmental policies. Studies often contend that interaction with international organizations (IOs) promotes domestic support for transparency. This article qualifies this conclusion and suggests that the positive effects of interaction with international organizations depend on the quality of IO decision-making processes, defined as their fairness, predictability, and effectiveness. Unfair, ineffective, and unpredictable decision-making processes in IOs can increase corruption, reduce legitimacy, and make officials blame transparency for unsatisfactory decision-making. The results build on a study of government officials in developing countries responsible for managing funds from the Clean Development Mechanism and the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol. [R, abr.]
63.27 BAUME, Sandrine —
The notion of neutral powers has essentially found three institutional expressions in democratic regimes: the presidency, the constitutional jurisdiction and, more recently, the regulatory authorities. These bodies have appropriated the concept of neutrality in a particular fashion and have defined their role with a concern for the restoration of a proper institutional balance. The corrective actions introduced by these neutral powers have determined both their legitimacy and the harsh criticisms they inspire. [R] [See Abstr. 63.20]
63.28 BEAUD, Olivier —
Constitutional law has formally apprehended the separation of powers by considering that it refers to judicial functions that produce the rules of law implemented by the organs of the state. Yet, the material conception of the separation of powers put forward by M. Hauriou, as well as the taking into account of new, materially influential power (such as financial power, local powers), and the rediscovery of justice invite us to conceive of the separation of powers in a different manner. [R] [See Abstr. 63.20]
63.29 BEAULIEU, Emily; COX, Gary W.; SAIEGH, Sebastian —
The democratic advantage thesis holds that democracies can sell more bonds on better terms than their authoritarian counterparts. However, studies of more recent data-sets find that democracies have received no more favorable bond ratings from credit-rating agencies than otherwise similar autocracies; and have been no less prone to default. Where is the democratic advantage? Previous assessments of the democratic advantage have typically (1) ignored the democratic advantage in credit access; (2) failed to account for selection effects; and (3) treated GDP per capita as an exogenous variable, ignoring the many arguments that suggest economic development is endogenous to political institutions. We develop an estimator of how regime-type affects credit access and credit ratings analogous to the “reservation wage” model of labor supply and treat GDP per capita as an endogenous variable. [R, abr.]
63.30 BEBER, Bernd —
International mediation of violent conflicts is commonplace in today's world, and so is academic research on its features and effectiveness. But research that speaks to both the initiation and implementation of mediation remains relatively rare. This article outlines a theoretical and empirical argument that contributes to filling this gap and suggests a counterintuitive selection effect: potential mediators that are likely to resolve a dispute are unlikely to select into mediation. The argument hinges on the claim that mediation by biased third parties is relatively ineffective, and I provide qualitative evidence to suggest that this claim is plausible. [R]
63.31 BECKMAN, Ludvig —
Nations are regularly considered the main bearers of responsibility for climate-change. Accordingly, the differences between nations are crucial in understanding how responsibilities should be distributed. I examine the relevance of differences in type of political regime to this end. I claim that democratic institutions are constitutive of the conditions for when members of nations can be held responsible as a collective for the outcomes affecting the climate. The implications of this account are demonstrated, first, in relation to claims of historical responsibility and, second, in relation to the burdens assigned to Annex I countries by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. The analysis shows why democratic institutions are essential in order to conclude that the members of a nation share responsibility for the harm caused by the aggregate greenhouse emissions of their nation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.49]
63.32 BELANGER, Éric; SOROKA, Stuart —
There are two approaches to predicting election outcomes: (1) a historical approach, which uses past election results alongside macroeconomic and political variables to forecast election results up to a year in advance, and (2) a campaign-oriented approach, which uses current campaign trends to forecast vote shares at the end of the campaign. They are in some way at odds: one approach says the campaign doesn't matter, the other focuses entirely on the campaign. This article considers whether the two approaches might be usefully combined; it considers whether the prediction errors in historical models may be related to trends during the campaign. That possibility is tested here using 17 elections in the US, UK and Canada, combining historical predictions and automated content analyses of campaign-period media content. [R, abr.]
63.33 BELLO, Jason —
Recent research claims that people who experience disagreement in their informal political discussions are less likely to vote. This paper adds to a growing group of challenges to the notion of a “dark side”. It addresses the conventional wisdom from both a theoretical and practical viewpoint. I argue that disagreement in itself should not depress participation. Only those atypical respondents who encounter entirely disagreeing viewpoints are less likely to vote than those who encounter completely agreeing perspectives. People with mixed networks are equally likely to vote as those who face complete agreement. This paper tests the alternative theory against the conventional wisdom by returning to the dataset that first found evidence of the “dark side”. The evidence overwhelmingly supports the alternative theory. [R, abr.]
63.34 BENNETT, W. Lance —
This article proposes a framework for understanding large-scale individualized collective action that is often coordinated through digital media technologies. Social fragmentation and the decline of group loyalties have given rise to an era of personalized politics in which individually expressive personal action frames displace collective action frames in many protest causes. This trend can be spotted in the rise of large-scale, rapidly forming political participation aimed at a variety of targets, ranging from parties and candidates, to corporations, brands, and transnational organizations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.898]
63.35 BERGMANN, Knut —
Parliamentarianism and protests are two opposites in the debate on increased participation by citizens. But the disenchantment with the political system has several causes, and the expectations on “politics” plays an important role. Our society would do well to overcome the opposition between “those up there” and “us down here”. [See Abstr. 63.287]
63.36 BINNINGSBØ, Helga Malmin; RUSTAD, Siri Aas —
While wealth-sharing is increasingly considered a crucial element of peace-building, the evidence concerning its success is inconclusive. Previous studies unfortunately suffer from weak theoretical and empirical definitions of wealth-sharing and from examining only a subset of post-conflict societies. This article improves the research by disaggregating the concept of wealth-sharing to concrete policy relevant natural resource-management tools and by introducing new and better data on wealth-sharing and including more post-conflict peace periods than previous studies. This article examines the relationships between armed conflict, wealth-sharing and peace by studying two independent but interlinked research questions: In which post-conflict societies is wealth sharing most likely to be adopted? And can wealth sharing bring stable peace in post-conflict societies? [R, abr.]
63.37 BIZUMIC, Boris; DUCKITT, John —
This article focuses on a conceptual clarification of ethnocentrism. It points out the conceptual confusion surrounding the term, reviews numerous definitions and operationalizations, and clarifies it. Ethnocentrism is reconceptualized as a strong sense of ethnic group self-centeredness, which involves intergroup expressions of ethnic group preference, superiority, purity, and exploitativeness, and intragroup expressions of ethnic group cohesion and devotion. It is conceptually and empirically distinguished from other concepts, such as out-group negativity and mere in-group positivity. The article presents a theoretical framework and related empirical analyses supporting the usefulness of reconceptualized ethnocentrism. It also details important and unique implications of reconceptualized ethnocentrism for political phenomena. It is expected that reliance on the clarified reconceptualization should enable researchers to systematically study ethnocentrism, its origins, and consequences. [R, abr.]
63.38 BLAIS, André, et al. —
The paper assesses the influence of electoral rules on vote choice and election outcomes using a quasi-experiment conducted during a recent Canadian provincial election. Respondents were invited to vote under three voting systems (first-past-the-post, alternative voting and proportional representation) and to answer a short questionnaire. We examine how the distribution of votes and seats is affected, and we ascertain how much of the total difference is due to psychological and mechanical effects. We find that a PR system would have increased legislative fractionalization by the equivalent of one effective party and that the mechanical effect is much more important than the psychological effect. As for AV, its mechanical and psychological effects act in opposite directions. [R]
63.39 BLUNKETT, David —
In 1962, B. Crick published In Defence of Politics. Fifty years on, formal political processes have never been in greater need of defending. The author argues that in order to defend politics we need to change the way in which we “do” our politics. He considers how it is possible to renew political democracy as a force for progressive change. The last five years of political and financial turmoil have seen politics smeared and even, in the case of Greece and Italy, elected governments removed and replaced by technocrats. With the power of government behind the people, it would be possible to foster a new spirit of seeing the political process as a way of organizing, advising and funding a demand for something better from big institutions, both public and private. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.101]
63.40 BÖHMELT, Tobias —
The literature offers little insight into when we are likely to see “multiparty mediation”, that is, mediation attempts that are conducted by a coalition of interveners. The latter are different from those interventions that only see one mediator, however: mediators forming a coalition are likely to be constrained by different domestic factors and may have different incentives [from those of] states pursuing unilateral approaches. Thus, ignoring these patterns can have serious consequences for our theoretical expectations and empirical inferences on mediation onset. In order to address this shortcoming, this article introduces concepts from the coalition-formation literature to the existent research on mediation, and examines the onset of multiparty mediation from a twofold perspective. [R, abr.]
63.41 BOLLEYER, Nicole; THORLAKSON, Lori —
The degree of decentralization is an important explanatory variable in comparative federalism research. Nonetheless, the relationship between decentralization and the interdependence between governments is underspecified. This article distinguishes decentralization and interdependence conceptually, specifies institutional components of interdependence, and develops jurisdictional measures to capture them. A comparative analysis of eleven federal systems shows that decentralization indicators and indicators of interdependence constitute separate dimensions. Thus, their combined usage allows comparativists to do greater justice to the multidimensionality of federal systems. [R]
63.42 BOMHOFF, Eduard J.; LEE, Grace Hooi Yean —
N. Berggren and M. Elinder (BE) [“Is tolerance good or bad for growth?”, ibid., 150(1–2), 2012: 283–308; Abstr. 62.1321] find in their cross-sections that faster economic growth statistically goes together with intolerance of homosexuals. We revisit the issue and demonstrate that the concern expressed by BE is unwarranted if we properly account for “conditional convergence” in the regressions for economic growth. Other things being equal, a country grows faster if it starts from a poorer initial position. In the BE dataset, China since the Deng reforms is a prime example. At about the same time, another group of countries managed to accelerate their economic growth after a long period of stagnation: the ex-communist countries in central and Eastern Europe. With simple modeling of these historical initial conditions, we find no statistical pattern that associates bias against homosexuals with weaker economic growth. [R, abr.]
63.43 BOYLE, Alan —
The relationship between human rights and environmental protection in international law is [complex]. A new attempt to codify and develop international law on this subject was initiated by the UNHRC in 2011. What can it say? Three obvious possibilities are explored. (1) Any attempt to codify the law on human rights and the environment would necessarily have to take into account [that] procedural rights are an important environmental addition to human rights. (2) A declaration or protocol could be an appropriate mechanism for articulating in some form the still controversial notion of a right to a decent environment. (3) The difficult issue of extra-territorial application of existing human rights treaties to transboundary pollution and global climate change remains unresolved. [R, abr.]
63.44 BREUNIG, Christian; XUN Cao; LUEDTKE, Adam —
An indicator of globalization is the growing number of humans crossing national borders. In contrast to explanations for flows of goods and capital, migration research has concentrated on unilateral movements to rich democracies. This focus ignores the bilateral determinants of migration and stymies empirical and theoretical inquiry. The theoretical insights proposed here show how the regime type of both sending and receiving countries influences human migration. Specifically, democratic regimes accommodate fewer immigrants than autocracies and democracies enable emigration while autocracies prevent exit. The mechanisms for this divergence are a function of both micro-level motivations of migrants and institutional constraints on political leaders. Global bilateral migration data and a statistical method that captures the higher-order dependencies in network data are employed in this article. [R]
63.45 BRICE, Benjamin —
The West, and especially Europe, often understands globalization as a new process that will eventually challenge the domination of traditional politics. This paper questions the idea of a gradual disappearance of war in human affairs, using Aron's thoughts on the subject. We first see how the concepts of process and drama provide a method to analyze historical developments. Then, we apply such concepts to three general causes of conflict — passions, economic interests and principles — to show that pacifist hopes must be refrained. Even the pacification in Europe does not mean an end of war. [R] [See Abstr. 63.25]
63.46 BUCKINX, Barbara —
Prominent recent scholarship in global political justice has focused on creating conceptual space for international NGOs — and sometimes also corporations and states — as fully-fledged participants in global governance. While acknowledging the achievements of international non-state actors, I argue that core global governance tasks — of global distribution, regulation or administration — should not be assigned to them. Drawing from neo-republican theory, I contend that such actors fall short of the formal criteria that are necessary for constituting a global public actor, because they do not have a global function and orientation. The distinction between public and private actors matters, since it conditions our expectations for them: both categories of actors are asked to avoid dominating individuals, but public actors must, in addition, protect individuals from third-party domination. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Global political justice”, edited and introduced by Terry MacDONALD and Miriam RONZONI. See also Abstr. 63.165, 195, 233, 254, 260, 283, 331]
63.47 BÜHLMANN, Marc, et al. —
Measuring characteristics of democracy is not an easy task, but anyone who does empirical research on democracy needs good measures. We present the Democracy Barometer, a new measure that overcomes the conceptual and methodological shortcomings of previous indices. It allows for a description and comparison of the quality of thirty established democracies in the timespan between 1995 and 2005. The article examines its descriptive purposes and demonstrates the potential of this new instrument for future comparative analyses. [R] [See Abstr. 63.57]
63.48 BULKELEY, Harriet; SCHROEDER, Heike —
This article challenges the assumption that the boundaries of state versus non-state and public versus private can readily be drawn. It argues that the roles of actors — as state or non-state — and the forms of authority — public or private — are not pre-given but are forged through the process of governing. Drawing on neo-Gramscian and governmentality perspectives, it suggests that a more dynamic account of the state can offer a more nuanced means of analyzing the process of governing global environmental affairs. We argue that analysis should focus on the hegemonic projects and programs through which the objects and subjects of governing are constituted and contested, and through which the form and nature of the state and authority are accomplished. We examine the governing of climate change in two global cities, London and Los Angeles. [R, abr.]
63.49 BURNELL, Peter —
Relationships between democratization, on the one side, and climate-change and responses to that on the other are underexplored in the two literatures on democratization and climate-change. [The] interdependence and reciprocal effects must be plotted in as systematic and comprehensive a way as possible. Only then can we establish whether democratization really matters for climate change and for responding adequately to the challenges it poses. Implications follow for international efforts to support the spread of democracy around the world and for climate governance. This collection of theoretically informed and empirically-rooted studies combines insights from academics and more policy-oriented writers. A major objective is to facilitate dialogue among not just analysts of democracy, democratization and climate change but with actors in two fields: international democracy support and climate action. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Democracy, democratization and climate change”. See also Abstr. 63.31, 148, 151, 183, 226, 248, 293, 458, 767]
63.50 CAMPANTE, Filipe R.; CHOR, Davin —
We investigate how the link between individual schooling and political participation is affected by country characteristics. Using individual survey data, we find that political participation is more responsive to schooling in land-abundant countries and less responsive in human capital-abundant countries, even while controlling for country political institutions and cultural attitudes. We find related evidence that political participation is less responsive to schooling in countries with a higher skill premium, as well as within countries for individuals in skilled occupations. The evidence motivates a theoretical explanation in which patterns of political participation are influenced by the opportunity cost of engaging in political rather than production activities. [R]
63.51 CARVALHO DE OLIVEIRA, Gilberto —
This article argues that empirical insights provided by intervention against piracy in the Horn of Africa from 2008 suggest a critical turn in the naval peacekeeping debate, from a perspective primarily concerned with identifying unconventional threats at sea and justifying new roles for navies in addressing such threats, to a new perspective concerned with a critical vision on peace and security on the oceans and a more reflexive approach to the notion of peacekeeping at sea. The naval peacekeeping debate needs to encompass such factors as the origins and connections of ocean governance to land-based structural roots, local, regional and global dynamics, as well as historical conditions underlying the problems at sea. [R, abr.]
63.52 CASELLA, Alessandra; LLORENTE-SAGUER, Aniol; PALFREY, Thomas R. —
We develop a competitive equilibrium theory of a market for votes. Before voting on a binary issue, individuals may buy and sell their votes with each other. We define the concept of ex ante vote-trading equilibrium and show by construction that an equilibrium exists. The equilibrium we characterize always results in dictatorship if there is any trade, and the market for votes generates welfare losses, relative to simple majority voting, if the committee is large enough or the distribution of values is not very skewed. We test the theoretical implications in the laboratory using a continuous open-book multiunit double auction. [R]
63.53 CHÃTON, Gwendal —
Aron is often considered on of the greatest modern theorists of realism. However, one may question this way of classifying Aron. Indeed an attentive reading of his work reveals a singular approach that is based on two criticisms. The first reproaches the classical liberal tradition for having engendered illusory projects. The second is directed to a Cold War realism that is accused of transforming itself into a simplistic ideology. Thus the originality of Aron's approach resides in its attempt to overcome the classical opposition between the two schools, while preserving what is most valuable in them. That is why one proposes to consider Aron as a heterodox realist, namely as an advocate of a “post-Kantian Machiavellianism”. [R] [See Abstr. 63.25]
63.54 CHOU, Mark —
This article entertains the underexplored notion that democratic failure is a possibility that remains very much entrenched within the idea and ideal of democracy itself. Using the breakdown of democracy during the Weimar Republic as a brief illustrative example, the article first describes the process through which a democracy can self-destruct before offering a theoretical explanation of why this is so — one which draws its inspiration from the dual notions of autonomy and tragedy. By doing this, it shows just how a democracy can, in the course of being democratic no less, sow the seeds of its own destruction. [R]
63.55 COLGAN, Jeff —
Domestic political upheaval has profound consequences, both for the country in which it takes place and for international politics. It is therefore striking that there is no standard cross-national time-series dataset that focuses specifically on the concept of revolution. This article introduces a new dataset on revolutionary governments and leaders, 1945–2004. Revolutionary leaders tend to be younger, to have longer tenure in office, and to be more prone to international conflicts than non-revolutionary leaders. This new dataset facilitates quantitative analyses of a variety of questions about both the causes and consequences of revolutionary governments. [R]
63.56 CORDELLI, Chiara —
What happens to the scope of principles of political morality when public commitments proceed through private associations? The widespread phenomenon of state delegation of welfare service-delivery to civil society associations (privatization) poses two challenges to a Rawlsian division of labor between state institutions and voluntary associations. (1) Securing fair equality of opportunities, while preserving the normative autonomy of associations, becomes particularly difficult when associations come to distribute critical goods on behalf of government. (2) Privatization blurs the institutional division of labor between associations and the main political structure. Associations cease to act as private and voluntary ends-pursuing subjects. They become essential proxies of the political structure. It is, therefore, difficult to justify why principles of political morality should not apply to them. [A]
63.57 COSTA PINTO, António; MAGALHÃES, Pedro C.; SOUSA, Luís de —
This article introduces a discussion on defining, measuring, and assessing the quality of democracy. Providing a short overview of the papers of the Symposium, it places them within a broader context of current academic debate on various methodological, theoretical, and policy outreach dimensions of the topic. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Measuring the quality of democracy”. See also Abstr. 63.47, 113, 187, 1258, 1275]
63.58 COTTON, Elizabeth; GUMBRELL-McCORMICK, Rebecca —
This study applies an IR framework and the notion of multilateral organizations as a means of understanding the nature of trade union internationalism and the conditions under which it operates. The authors argue that international trade unionism involves an imperfect multilateralism which requires close working relationships between small groups of unions in order to function, that is, a “minilateral” method of working. By using this framework the authors attempt to highlight the intrinsic durability and adaptability of the Global Unions and also identify areas of activity that serve to strengthen them as organizations, primarily by building affiliates' engagement and investment in them. [R]
63.59 COUYOUMDJIAN, Juan Pablo —
In Bentham's work, we find practical as well as theoretical proposals regarding the problem of institutional transplantation. Here, we view his work as an invitation to reflect on the overall nature of the question of institutional design and transplantation. The transfer of institutions requires knowledge of “place and time” that will allow for an accommodation of the transferred institutions to their new soil. However, an awareness of this type of knowledge and thus relying on its actually being available is not viable from a practical point of view. This is due to the fact that the core of informal institutions is tacit, which imposes a fundamental constraint on the process of institutional transplantation; informal norms must co-exist with formal rules, and such merging requires some accommodation of both types of rules. [R]
63.60 COWDEN, Mhairi —
Children are often denied rights on the basis of their incompetence. A theory of rights for children is essential for consideration of the child's political status, yet the debate surrounding children's rights has been characterized by the divisive concept of “capacity” typified in Interest Theory and Will Theory. This article analyzes the relationship between capacity, competence and rights. Although Interest Theory has successfully dealt with the competence requirement for being a right-holder, the competence requirement still holds for the type of rights a child holds. Children's interests are determined sufficiently strong to found a right when the claim-holder has the competence to realize the benefit to which that interest pertains. This allows us to recognize children as right-holders while constraining the types of rights they hold according to their developing competencies. [R, abr.]
63.61 COX, Michael —
This essay questions the idea that there is an irresistible “power shift” in the making and that the West and the US are in steep decline. This story underestimates the continued structural advantages still enjoyed by the US and its major Western allies. The rise of many new states needs to be looked at more carefully than it has been so far; indeed, the rise of others — including China — is still hemmed in by several obstacles, internal as well as external. Though the Asian region, and China as part of it, is assuming an ever more important role in the wider world economy, this development should not be seen as marking the beginning of a new Asian Century. [R, abr.]
63.62 CROWCROFT, Robert —
This article questions what the concept of “globalization” really amounts to. It highlights problems for the ascendancy of globalization in contemporary public debate. Globalization has become a catch-all; the phrase is now used to explain all manner of phenomena from everyday life to international politics. But this may be little more than a combination of rhetoric and wishful thinking. The contemporary world is being driven by older and familiar pressures, such as state power and nationalism. As a result, the idea of “globalization” needs to be treated with some skepticism. [R]
63.63 CUNLIFFE, Philip —
The sheer ambition and scale of UN peace-building today inevitably invokes comparison with historic practices of colonialism and imperialism, from critics and supporters of peace-building alike. The legitimacy of post-settlement peace-building is often seen to hinge on the question of the extent to which it transcends historic practices of imperialism. This article offers a critique of how these comparisons are made in the extant scholarship, and argues that supporters of peacekeeping deploy an under-theorized and historically one-sided view of imperialism. The attempt to flatter peace-building by comparison with imperialism fails; the theory and history of imperialism still provide a rich resource for both the critique and conceptualization of peacekeeping practice. The article suggests how new forms of imperial power can be projected through peace-building. [R] [See Abstr. 63.185]
63.64 DAVIES, William —
The financial crisis which began in 2007 has been widely interpreted as a crisis of neoliberalism, akin to the crisis of Keynesianism of the 1970s. But there is little sign of a major paradigmatic alternative, either in theory or in practice. This article looks at how the crises and failures of neoliberalism are occurring at a micro-policy level, where they are interpreted in terms of the fallibility of individual rational choice. Policy responses to this crisis, drawing on more psychologically nuanced accounts of economic behavior, can be described as “neocommunitarian”, inasmuch as they echo the communitarian critique of the liberal self. Where neoliberalism rests on a vision of the individual as atomized and rational, neocommunitarianism treats individuals as governed by social norms and incentives simultaneously. [R, abr.]
63.65 DE LIGIO, Giulio —
We introduce the main strengths of R. Aron's political judgment concerning the “friend-enemy” polarity. In light of that question, we revisit Aron's political philosophy in order to show its “intention” and the way it accounts for to the tension between domestic politics and international relations, norm and exception, the “meaning” of politics (friendship) and the permanent possibility of war (enmity). Aron's critical analysis of C. Schmitt's criterion of the “political” turns out to be a particularly revealing example of Aron's approach. The article identifies the “lessons” to be drawn from the Aronian outlook concerning the understanding of the nature of the political world, its changing configurations and its genuine seriousness. [R] [See Abstr. 63.25]
63.66 DE SIO, Lorenzo; FRANKLIN, Mark N. —
The Issue Yield model predicts that parties will choose specific issues to emphasize, based on the joint assessment of electoral risks and electoral opportunities. According to this model, issues with high yield are those that combine a high affinity with the existing party base, together with a high potential to reach new voters. In previous work, the model showed a remarkable ability to explain aggregate issue importance as reported by party supporters, as well as issue emphasis in party manifestos. This paper tests the implications at the individual level by comparing a conventional model where issue-salience is determined from manifesto data with a revised model where issue-salience is determined by issue-yield. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.431]
63.67 DEIBERT, Ronald J.; CRETE-NISHIHATA, Masashi —
Governments are becoming increasingly influential across a number of governance forums and are deliberating on how to exercise power in and through cyberspace. Particularly noteworthy [is] how nondemocratic states have begun to forcefully assert their interests in cyberspace governance regimes, including some, like the International Telecommunications Union, that were previously marginalized in the internet space. Western liberal democracies are also moving away from laissez-faire and market-oriented approaches to more state-directed controls and regulations. Drawing from IR theory literature, and in particular constructivist approaches, this article examines international and global mechanisms and dynamics that explain the growth and spread of cyberspace controls. It also provides a study of “norm-regression” in global governance: the growth and spread of practices that undercut cyberspace as an open commons of information and communication. [R, abr.]
63.68 DeLAET, Debra —
This essay discusses a pedagogical approach to the teaching of IR. Whereas pluralism helpfully draws attention to the wide range of actors that play a role in world politics and the multiplicity of factors that shape the motivations, identities, and behaviors of these actors, post-modern feminism underscores the fact that actors are constructed rather than given. In combination, these perspectives encourage students and teachers to focus not only on diversity within and across societies but also on the possibilities for constructing alternative models of politics and for building coalitions across presumed divisions of politics, ideology, culture, gender, and other social markers. The essay provides an overview of strategies for integrating a pedagogy of feminist pluralism in the international relations classroom. [R, abr.]
63.69 DELL'AVANZATO, Spinella —
The essay wants to deepen the concept of “normative anticipation” as a new form of civil society's emancipation. Through an analysis of the Habermasian model of double-track deliberative politics and the concepts of counterfactualism and utopia present in that model, we can understanding the real and virtual participation that characterize today civil society as a “third arena”, where anonymous individuals and collective actors define, in advance, the borders between which to thematize and deal with social and politic issues. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Social criticism and emancipation. After post-modernism”, edited and introduced by Ambrogio SANTAMBROGIO. See also Abstr. 63.315]
63.70 DEVINE, Karen —
In [“Positivism vs postmodernism: does epistemology make a difference?”, ibid., 45(2), March 2008: 115–128; Abstr. 58.4834], D.P. Houghton questions the importance of “The Third Debate” in IR theory between “positivism and postmodernism” and the relative worth of contrasting epistemological positions. Houghton argues that the epistemological differences between positivists and postmodernists have little practical effect upon their empirical findings. This article analyzes Houghton's thesis within the context of a dominant discourse in the discipline that derides postpositivism and, by corollary, rejects methodological pluralism incorporating both positivist and postpositivist approaches, what I refer to as “epistemethodological pluralism”. Using examples of positivist and postpositivist research that focus on the foreign policy of the US, EU integration and Middle East politics, the article demonstrates how epistemological issues have a significant impact on empirical research in IR and illustrates the benefits of integrating the different epistemological approaches. [R, abr.]
63.71 DEZOBRY, Guillaume —
Do economic regulatory authorities enjoy independence form regulated operators? This question is central to the liberalization process undergone by network industries and may be understood in terms of sectoral regulatory authorities' resilience to pressure from regulated operators challenging their independence. More specifically, in order to be fully free of the influence of historic operators, regulatory authorities must, on the one hand, limit the chances of regulatory capture and, on the other hand, correct for asymmetrical information. To do that, they must be endowed with considerable human and financial resources and be able to adopt a long-term approach. [R] [See Abstr. 63.85]
63.72 DHOLAKIA-LEHENBAEUR, Kruti; ELLIOTT, Euel W. —
This article explores four questions. (1) What theoretical frameworks help describe policy failure and success? (2) How might the decision that leads to failure or success be understood in terms of differing concepts of rationality and decision-making? (3) How does the discussion of risk and uncertainty as originally proposed by Frank Knight [Risk, Uncertainty and Profit, Boston, 1921] apply a better understanding of both the first and second questions? (4) What is the relationship between serial and parallel processing and how are these administrative systems related to important aspects of the prior questions? This article shows the ways in which these questions and their perspective theoretical frameworks are interrelated as applied to one important contemporary policy question: climate change. [R]
63.73 DI FRANCESCO, Michael —
This article explores the design of public management policies in Westminster-based systems, with a focus on Australia. It argues that orthodox analysis of public management policy is deficient in two ways: (1) policy-change directed at bureaucratic structures tends to ignore the critical role that ministers must play in making “management” reforms work; (2) such policy-change tends to assume away key “inherencies” that inhibit behavioral changes in politicians that might otherwise be expected from enhanced management structures. The article examines the under-conceptualized managerial role that requires ministers to be an integral part of departmental leadership, and contends that key aspects of public management — in particular, performance control — are dependent on this ministerial role orientation becoming more prominent. [R, abr.]
63.74 DIXIT, Priya —
I use selected episodes of the 2005 series of the BBC science fiction television show Doctor Who to discuss self/other identity formulations, in terms of how “we” relate to those considered different. I examine how Doctor Who represents threats and dangers and relate this to how we can use such understandings to learn, discuss, and critique conventional understandings of security in IR. Popular culture texts such as Doctor Who provide examples of how difference is often conceptualized as a threat to be eliminated. As such, Doctor Who points toward theorizing world politics in which the self = good/others = threats dichotomy can be questioned and opens up new ways of engaging with those considered different. [R, abr.]
63.75 DOBSON, Andrew —
I argue that both democratic theory and democratic practice would be reinvigorated by attention to listening. To ask why listening has been ignored is to inquire into the very nature of politics, and to suggest a range of ways in which listening could both improve political processes (particularly democratic ones) and enhance our understanding of them — including where they do not always work as well as we might want them to. Four ways in which good listening can help achieve democratic objectives are outlined: enhancing legitimacy, helping to deal with deep disagreements, improving understanding and increasing empowerment. This leads to a discussion of the difference between good and bad political listening, before the question of “political noise” is broached (i.e., what we should be listening for). [R, abr.]
63.76 DONNELLY, Jack —
Structural international theory has become largely a matter of elaborating “the effects of anarchy”. Simple hunter-gatherer band societies, however, perfectly fit the Waltzian model of anarchic orders but do not experience security dilemmas or warfare, pursue relative gains, or practice self-help balancing. I ask what one needs to differentiate how actors are arranged in three simple anarchic orders: forager band societies, Hobbesian states of nature, and great power states systems. The answer looks nothing like the dominant tripartite (ordering principle, functional differentiation, distribution of capabilities) conception. Based on these cases, I present a multidimensional framework of the elements of social and political structures that dispenses with anarchy, is truly structural (in contrast to the independent-variable agent-centric models of K. Waltz and A. Wendt), and highlights complexity, diversity, and regular change in the structures of international systems. [R, abr.]
63.77 DOPITA, Tomáš —
This study [examines] the critique of international peace initiatives (IPIs) to improve the practical inquiries into them. [I review] the initial normative and epistemological premises of the research. The inquiry into IPIs should strive to emancipate people in post-conflict situations. With respect to the IPIs' general aim of transforming the target countries into stable, independent and prosperous states and societies, the focus is directed at the influence the IPIs exert upon social structures in the post-conflict societies. With the aim to conceptualize a basic framework for the research, the contemporary thinking on the IPIs is interpreted with respect to IR theories and the fundamental metatheoretical questions of social theories. [R, abr.]
63.78 DORN, James A. —
There is no more important question than the scope of government in a free society. The legitimate functions of government help define the range of choices open to individuals and, hence, the boundaries between the individual and the state. Limiting the powers of government to the protection of persons and property — broadly understood in the Lockean sense as “lives, liberties, and estates” — provides a clear sense of justice and promotes a spontaneous market order, enhancing both personal and economic liberties. An overreaching government does the opposite. [R]
63.79 DOUGLASS, R. Bruce —
Rawls is widely thought to have revitalized political philosophy. This paper discusses that claim critically in the light of Rawls's own characterization of his project as well as a series of objections that have been raised by critics from diverse points of view. It concludes that the criticisms advanced by the authors in question help to clarify what exactly Rawls accomplished. He did revitalize liberal political philosophy, but in a manner that lacks much of the traditional substance of political philosophy. The paper discusses the significance of this finding and its implications for the future of political philosophy. [R]
63.80 DOWNE, James; MARTIN, Steve; BOVAIRD, Tony —
Recognition of the importance of interactions between policies has fuelled demand for larger, longer-term, more holistic studies of their impacts and effectiveness. The broader perspective provided by evaluations of this kind appears to have been useful to policy-makers, but their scale and complexity present practical and methodological challenges. Research-funders need to commission and coordinate groups of studies rather than procuring research on an ad hoc basis. Researchers need to be willing to share data and develop methods of collecting evidence relating to overarching themes as opposed to more narrowly defined program and policy objectives. [R]
63.81 DREYER, David R. —
Rivalries are likely to persist as long as contentious issues remain unresolved. Due to differing issue characteristics, some issues may be more intractable than others and therefore especially likely to prolong rivalry. I argue that rivalries rooted in territorial issues tend to be enduring due to broad bases of domestic support for continuing to pursue territorial claims and loose linkages between territorial issues and particular political leaders, resulting in the persistence of territorial conflict over time despite changes of leadership. Alternatively, ideological and regime-related conflicts tend to be relatively fleeting due to narrow societal salience and close connections between such issues and particular political leaders, facilitating rivalry termination through leadership change. [R, abr.]
63.82 DRUCKMAN, James N.; LEEPER, Thomas J. —
Research on political communication effects [involves] the increased usage of experiments that demonstrate how communications influence opinions and behaviors. Virtually all of these studies pay scant attention to events that occur prior to the experiment — that is, in “pre-treatment events”. We explore how and when the pre-treatment environment affects experimental outcomes. We present two studies — one where we control the pre-treatment environment and one where it naturally occurred — to show how pre-treatment effects can influence experimental outcomes. We argue that, under certain conditions, attending to pretreatment dynamics leads to novel insights, including a more accurate portrait of the pliability of the mass public and the identification of potentially two groups of citizens — what we call malleability reactive and dogmatic. [R, abr.]
63.83 DUPUY, Claire —
From a methodological point of view, the paper focuses on the theoretical contributions of small-N comparative studies of subnational policies. Drawing on congruence method, also called systematic process tracing, and on the notion of mechanism, it argues that these studies can bring two main contributions: (1) testing existing theories and drawing causal inferences from empirical observations; (2) generating new hypotheses and explanatory frameworks. Assessing the theories of interregional competition in the case of French regional education policy, the paper dismisses the “race to the bottom” approach and suggests complementing the “yardstick competition” model. It shows that a race to the middle best characterizes competition among French regions. [R] [See Abstr. 63.117]
63.84 DUSSAUGE-LAGUNA, Mauricio I. —
Policy-transfer studies contribute to our understanding of how the “space” dimension matters for policy and institutional changes. However, the literature has commonly ignored the significance of the “temporal” dimension. This article thus argues for a more systematic consideration of “time” and “temporal” factors to broaden our understanding of how cross-national policy transfers develop, and to strengthen our capacity for explaining why these processes occur in the first place. The article briefly summarizes recent scholarly debates on how time/temporal factors matter for politics and public administration/policy; reviews the mostly tangential, isolated and implicit references on time/temporal factors that have been flagged by policy-transfer studies; and illustrates how and why “time” might matter for this literature with the use of empirical examples from the transfer of “management by results” practices to Chile and Mexico. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.214]
63.85 ECKERT, Gabriel —
Economic regulation has been affected by profound changes in the foundations, terms and limits of the independence of regulatory authorities. This independence has traditionally been justified by the principle of separation between the operators' functions and those of regulators, yet a more general concern regarding the efficacy of sectoral regulation has gradually gained importance to the point of taking the place of the more traditional principle. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The independence of economic and financial regulatory authorities: a comparative approach”, edited and introduced, pp. 621–628, by the author. See also Abstr. 63.71, 479, 526, 530, 551, 579, 626, 1015]
63.86 EDELMAN, Paul H. —
The traditional approach to election design focuses solely on the best method to aggregate the preferences of the voters. But elections are run by institutions, and the interests of the institution may not be reflected in the preferences of the voter. I discuss how institutional considerations come into play in election design in three areas: political representation, corporate voting, and judging in competitions. As an illustration of this institutional approach, I appraise the method by which the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences selects the nominees and winners of the Oscars. [R]
63.87 EMINUE, Okon E.; UFOMBA, Henry U. —
This paper extends the bounds of power transition theory into the field of terrorism studies by applying its principles of the components of national power in a mathematical model of terrorist target selection. The assumption upon which this model is based is that terrorist organizations have limited resources, and to optimize these resources, they select critical targets in their attacks that have optimum impact on the victim nation to pressure it to make concessions. These critical targets are the core components of national power: economic capacity, political capacity and demography. Based on this, the model shows terrorist target-selection to be based on two functions: terrorist resource-optimization and components of national power. [A]
63.88 EPSTEIN, David; LEVENTOĜLU, Bahar; O'HALLORAN, Sharyn —
We analyze the process of democratization in a polity with groups that are divided along ethnic as well as economic lines. We show that: (1) the presence of ethnic minorities, in general, makes peaceful democratic transitions less likely; (2) minorities suffer from discriminatory policies less in democracies with intermediate levels of income inequality; and (3) in new democracies with low levels of income inequality, politics is divided along ethnic lines, and at greater levels of inequality economic cleavages predominate. [R]
63.89 ERISEN, Elif; ERISEN, Cengiz —
We investigate the effect of social networks on the quality of political thinking. First, the article introduces new social network concepts into the literature and develops the corresponding measures, (2) it explores the quality of political thinking as a concept and develops its measures based on the volume and the causality of thoughts, and their integrative complexity. We make use of a survey to collect information on social networks and the experimental manipulation controls for the effect of policy frames. Our findings consistently show the significant negative impact of cohesive social networks on the quality of policy-relevant thinking. We conclude that close-knit social networks could create “social bubbles” that would limit how one communicates with others and reasons about politics. [R]
63.90 ERIŞEN, Elif —
Political psychology has made important strides in explaining the processes behind political attitudes and behavior, decision-making, and the interaction between the individual and the group. Hence, it is in a unique position to improve the explanatory power of IR research that deals with the individual, such as in the study of leadership, foreign policy decision-making, foreign policy analysis, and public opinion. After discussing the defining characteristics of political psychology, the research trends in the field, and its research methods, the article reviews the existing and potential contributions of political psychology to the study of IR. Next, it points to new areas for research in IR that could particularly benefit from the theories and the methods already in use in political psychology. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue, edited by Cengiz ERIŞEN. See also Abstr. 63.520, 689, 1160, 1231]
63.91 ESAREY, Justin; PIERCE, Andrew —
We present a technique and critical test statistic for assessing the fit of a binary-dependent variable model (e.g., a logit or probit). We examine how closely a model's predicted probabilities match the observed frequency of events in the data set, and whether these deviations are systematic or merely noise. Our technique allows researchers to detect problems with a model's specification that obscure substantive understanding of the underlying data-generating process, such as missing interaction terms or unmodeled nonlinearities. We also show that these problems go undetected by the fit statistics most commonly used in political science. [R]
63.92 ESTLUND, David —
Some political philosophy has held society to standards that are unlikely to be met, arguing, for example that social justice depends on more public spirit or civic virtue than we expect actually to see. My target is the common objection to such theories: human nature contains elements of partially and selfishness that will never be eradicated, and political philosophy must operate within these limits of human nature. I argue, to the contrary, that the fact that a theory of justice requires things that people, owing to human nature, will be unable to bring themselves to do, is no defect at all in that theory. Justice might require things that human nature will keep us from ever achieving. [A]
63.93 EUN Yong-Soo —
IR researchers concerned with why-questions about the state's external behavior ought to employ a multicausal approach attentive to the interrelated relationship between external structures and internal agents, presenting the (meta-)theoretical rationales underlying its argument. I suggest “a rich/bold ontology” regarding foreign policy behavior. Then I elaborate on detailed and explicit guidelines on how to traverse the bridge that connects the insights of that rich ontology to the empirical research necessary to make claims about the real world of any one moment. I claim that a multicausal approach should be established using “loose-knit deductive reasoning” through which epistemological and methodological openness can be preserved in a manageable way. More importantly, I discuss the role of theory for IR scholarship and the standards for judging theoretical contributions and progress in the field of IR. [R, abr.]
63.94 EZCURRA, Roberto —
This paper investigates empirically the relationship between globalization and governance. I use a measure of globalization that distinguishes the social and political dimensions of integration from the economic dimension, which allows me to adopt a broader perspective than in existing studies and to examine the effect of these three distinct dimensions of globalization on governance. The results show that those countries with higher levels of integration with the rest of the world tend on the whole to register better governance outcomes. The dimensions of globalization most robustly related with the quality of governance are economic and social integration. [R, abr.]
63.95 FABRY, Mikulas —
This paper assesses state recognition, the practice historically employed to regulate membership in international society, since the US-led recognition of Kosovo and the Russian-led recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It examines the question of whether these two controversial episodes have signaled change in the existing norms of recognition of new states. It argues that there is not enough evidence for the claims of some observers and governments that unilateral secession is, as such, becoming legitimate internationally. The leading recognizing powers took great care in all three cases to reject the applicability of their decision to other situations of unilateral secession, and they have since approached those other situations as if no acknowledgment of the three territories had taken place. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Making states and breaking states: Kosovo and the Caucasus in 2008”, edited and introduced by Ronald Grigor SUNY and Vicken CHETERIAN. See also Abstr. 63.1080, 1087, 1155]
63.96 FANG Songying; STONE, Randall W. —
How can international organizations (IOs) persuade governments to adopt policy recommendations that are based on private information when their interests conflict? We develop a game-theoretic model of persuasion that applies regardless of regime-type and does not rely on the existence of domestic constituency constraints. In the model, an IO and a domestic expert have private information about a crisis, but their preferences diverge from those of the government, which must choose whether to delegate decision-making to the expert. Persuasion can take place if the international institution is able to send a credible signal. We find that this can take place only if the preferences of the IO and the domestic expert diverge and the institution holds the more moderate policy position. Polarized domestic politics may be a necessary condition for IOs to exert effective influence. [R, abr.]
63.97 FEHMEL, Thilo —
Contrary to established perspectives of approaches of conceptual and discourse-analysis recently, the asymmetry between institutional and semantic development attracts increasingly sociological attention. More and more examples of semantic continuity during institutional change can be found: i.e. examples of political communication, that adhere to widely recognized, past-oriented concepts describing institutions despite structural dynamic. This contribution argues that this linguistic reference to the past can be seen as a kind of strategic communication with the aim to conceal intended social change. The assertion of social stability causes a reduction of conflicts, and is therefore a key to successfully shaping institutions by political actors. This is illustrated by some exemplifications, and a model is presented to analyze asymmetrical structural and linguistic development. [R]
63.98 FINDLEY, Michael; RUDLOFF, Peter —
Civil war dynamics and outcomes are shaped by processes of change largely unaccounted for in current studies. This examination explores how the fragmentation of combatants, especially the weaker actors, affects the duration and outcomes of civil wars. Some results of a computational modeling analysis are consistent with the article's expectations, several of them are counterintuitive. They show that when combatants fragment, the duration of war does not always increase and such wars often end in negotiated agreements, contrasting with the expectations of literatures on spoilers, moderates and extremists. Empirical cases, such as Iraq, Congo, Chechnya and the Sudan, illustrate the importance of fragmentation. This study demonstrates the value of accounting for diverse changes in actors and circumstances when studying the dynamics of war. [R]
63.99 FINLAYSON, Alan —
The political theory of ideologies proposes a distinct way of conceiving of and analyzing political thought, especially as it appears “in the wild”. Exploring the claim that there is a mode of thinking specific and proper to politics, and that it is the concern of the political theory of ideology, the article examines two of the leading contemporary approaches in this field: the morphological analysis of M. Freeden and the discourse analysis associated with E. Laclau. In showing how each produces a distinct object for theoretical analysis (respectively, “the concept” and “the signifier”), the case is made for constituting a third object — the political argument — the apprehension of which requires the integration of aspects of the rhetorical tradition into the political theory of ideologies. [R, abr.]
63.100 FISCHER, Jörn; DOWDING, Keith; DUMONT, Patrick —
This article surveys the growing research program on the duration of cabinet ministers. It examines some of the conceptual and methodological issues confronting research, including the nature and measurement of durability, ministerial terms and techniques. It considers some of the theories and hypotheses that have been generated by researchers. Using evidence from studies from around the world, it argues that institutional factors, including regime type, constitutional and parliamentary rules, and party systems, affect ministerial durability. Personal ministerial characteristics, such as gender, education and age, also affect durability. It examines future avenues of research in this field. [R]
63.101 FLINDERS, Matthew —
First of a series of articles on Bernard Crick's book In Defence of Politics, London, 1962, edited and introduced by the author and Cathy GORMLEY-HEENAN. See also Abstr. 63.39, 179, 306, 317, 325, 338, 1259]
63.102 FLORINI, Ann —
Imagine that you could wave a magic wand and provide everyone in the world with easy access to clean and affordable energy. In one stroke you would make the world a far cleaner, richer, fairer, and safer place. Suddenly, a billion and a half of the world's poorest people could discover what it is like to turn on an electric light in the evening. The looming threat posed by climate change would largely disappear. From the South China Sea to the Middle East to the Arctic, geopolitical tensions over energy resources would fade away. Human health would benefit, too, as vaccines and perishable foods could be refrigerated the world over. And many of the world's most corrupt government officials could no longer enrich themselves by bleeding their countries dry of revenues from fossil-fuel sales. [R]
63.103 FRANKE, Ulrich; WEBER, Ralph —
Pragmatism is ever more popular among those who study IR. There is, however, a general tension within pragmatist thought concerning practice, for pragmatism may emphasize the theorizing of practice. It is, then, distinguished from other theories in IR such as neo-realism or constructivism as a contender in their midst. We delineate a pragmatist theory of IR, but insist on going beyond merely establishing the next paradigm, for pragmatism may also emphasize the practice of theorizing. Theories are, then, considered different tools useful for dealing with the social world. This will be corroborated by a close reading of Wm. James. Instead of a paradigm war, a metaphor is needed in IR — one that accounts for theory competition without neglecting the limitations set by the practice of theorizing itself. [R, abr.]
63.104 FRASER-MOLEKETI, Geraldine J. —
Crises have proved beneficial when citizens and governments have taken pains to explore the lessons they may yield and listen to the messages that they contain. This article opens a debate which sheds some light on the sources of our current deep malaise and tries to make some sense of the direction which international agencies, and governments at large, would be advised to follow. This article represents the outgrowth of the experience of years of public service on both the national level and, since January 2009, at the UN Development Program (UNDP). [R, abr.]
63.105 FRASER-MOLEKETI, Geraldine J. —
English version: see Abstr. 63.104.
63.106 FUNG Archon —
In every society in many arenas, the reality of collective decision-making falls far short of the democratic ideal in countless ways. These shortfalls include disenfranchisement, unequal influence operating through formal and informal mechanisms, political apathy and alienation, misinformation, and misperception. Part of the solutions to these challenges lies in a sound democratic constitution. But there is no once-and-for-all solution. Instead, approaching the democratic ideal requires political practices of continuous democratic innovation. The need for continuous innovation stems from a fundamental dynamics of democratic sclerosis in which advantaged individuals and factions in society seek to entrench their authority and so disempower others. That innovation, in turn, requires a certain civic infrastructure and political practices. [R, abr.]
63.107 GABEL, Matthew J., et al. —
Courts often interpret and attempt to enforce rules designed to economically integrate federal and international organizations. We investigate to what degree court rulings can liberalize trade by examining data from the European Court of Justice (ECJ). Studying the ECJ allows us to compare the Court's effectiveness through two different mechanisms: infringement proceedings, which are purely a form of international adjudication, and preliminary references, which are applied through national courts. We find infringement rulings have no effect on a nation's intra-EU imports, while preliminary rulings have a positive, though temporary, effect on a nation's intra-EU imports. [R]
63.108 GANE, Nicholas —
This paper draws on the writings of M. Foucault to examine liberalism and neo-liberalism as governmental forms that operate through different models of surveillance. First, this paper re-reads Foucault's Discipline and Punish [Penguin, 1977] in the light of his analysis of the art of liberal government advanced through these lectures. It is argued that the Panopticon is not just an architecture of power centered on discipline and normalization, as is commonly understood, but a normative model of the relation of the state to the market which, for Foucault, is “the very formula of liberal government”. Second, the limits of panopticism, and by extension liberal governance, are explored through analysis of G. Deleuze's account of the shift from disciplinary to “control” societies, and Z. Bauman's writings on individualization and the “Synopticon”. [R, abr.]
63.109 GASPAR, Carlos —
Raymond Aron's treatise [Paris, 1962] is one of the three pivotal works that set the canon for the realist theory in international relations. The founding act of the realist school was performed by E. H. Carr's The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919–1939, his manifesto against the idealistic utopias of collective security, yet the first step toward the elaboration of a theory was carried out by Hans Morgenthau in his Politics Among Nations [New York, 1948]. The ultimate — although conceivably not the last — effort in that direction was made forty years later, by Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics [New York, 1979]. Of the two, Paix et Guerre entre les Nations embodies the transition between the classical school, indebted to history, law and philosophy, and the structuralist avant-garde. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Raymond Aron: 50 years after the Peace and War. A Theory of International Relations, 1962/1964”. See also Abstr. 63.7, 152, 374, 397]
63.110 GAURI, Varun; GLOPPEN, Siri —
This article organizes thinking around human rights-based approaches to development (HRBAs) and reviews available empirical evidence regarding their benefits, risks, and limitations. We propose a typology distinguishing four types of rights-based approaches: global compliance based on international and regional treaties; human rights-based programming on the part of donors and governments; rights talk; and legal mobilization. The article briefly reviews the politics of the first three modalities before examining legal mobilization for social and economic rights in greater detail. Litigation for social and economic rights is increasing in frequency and scope in several countries, and exhibits appealing attributes such as inclusiveness and deliberative quality. Still, there are potential problems with this form of human rights-based mobilization, including middle class capture, the potential counter-majoritarianism of courts, and difficulties in compliance. [R, abr.]
63.111 GENTILI, Aurelio —
Modern state legal systems were closed systems, in which law was founded on sovereignty and sovereignty was grounded on force. Contemporary systems cannot be closed anymore: evolving case law, law in action, international law, transnational law, imply inter-legality and call for opening. Today, variety without order of law sources, pervading lex mercatoria, respect of human rights, prevent building law on sovereignty and this on force. May sovereignty be based on law? [A]
63.112 GIBLER, Douglas M.; HUTCHISON, Marc L.; MILLER, Steven V. —
This article provides some of the first individual-level evidence for the domestic salience of territorial issues. Using survey data from more than 80,000 individual respondents in 43 separate countries, we examine how conflict affects the content of individual self-identification. We find that international conflict exerts a strong influence on the likelihood and content of individual self-identification, but this effect varies with the type of conflict. Confirming nationalist theories of territorial salience, territorial conflict leads the majority of individuals in targeted countries to identify themselves as citizens of their country. However, individuals in countries that are initiating territorial disputes are more likely to self-identify as members of a particular ethnicity, which provides support for theories connecting domestic salience to ethnic politics. [R, abr.]
63.113 GIEBLER, Heiko —
Democracy measurement is an ever growing and increasingly important research area. Nevertheless, lively discussions concerning the qualities of different measurement approaches are seldom combined with an adequate perspective on the underlying methodological framework. This article argues that a substantial theoretical perspective is only a sufficient condition for improving contemporary democracy measurement. Theoretical considerations have to be accompanied by an equally well-developed measurement concept. On the basis of examples taken from prominent approaches, potential for improvement becomes obvious. Any improvement is not just an end in itself but necessary if these measures are used as variables in all areas of research. [R] [See Abstr. 63.57]
63.114 GILABERT, Pablo; LAWFORD-SMITH, Holly —
We bring together several aspects of the concept of feasibility defended in the literature, and build upon them to analyze the notion of political feasibility. We suggest that the notion involves a relation between agents and the pursuit of certain actions and outcomes in certain historical contexts, and that there are two important roles for feasibility, corresponding to two feasibility “tests”: one categorical, the other comparative. We show how the tests operate in the assessment of three different levels of a normative political theory: core normative principles, their institutional implementation and the political reforms leading to them. Focusing on the third level, which has received the least attention in the literature, we proceed to explain how feasibility considerations interact with desirability and epistemic considerations in the articulation of normative political judgments. [R, abr.]
63.115 GILL, Nick; GILL, Matthew —
Behavioral economists argue that humans are predictably irrational in various ways, as a result of which there appears to be a role for public policy in improving their decision-making. We offer a sympathetic critique of this “libertarian paternalist” approach. As well as reviewing existing critiques, we present two new arguments. (1) We question whether policies which are not beneficial to the individuals they target can be justified within a libertarian paternalist framework, even if they contribute to the social good. (2) We highlight the potentially adverse consequences of poorly targeted libertarian paternalist interventions. [Then] we bring together the existing critiques and the new arguments to offer seven best-practice imperatives for the careful application of these powerful, but easily misused, tools of government. [R, abr.]
63.116 GINGRICH, Jane; ANSELL, Ben —
This work hypothesizes that individuals with riskier jobs demand more social spending and that large welfare states emerge where there are more of such individuals. We build on the “policy feedback” literature to argue that existing welfare institutions condition how individual-level factors affect social policy preferences. Specifically, we argue that institutions directly altering the risk of unemployment (employment-protection legislation) and those that delink benefits from the labor market create a more uniform system of social risk that reduces the importance of individual-level risk in shaping policy preferences. We test these propositions using multilevel analysis of 19 advanced industrial countries in 2006. We find that individual risk matters for social policy preferences only where employment protection is low and welfare benefits are dependent on employment. [R, abr.]
63.117 GIRAUD, Olivier —
This article questions the taken-for-granted-ness of the national frame as the best framework for analyzing public policy. It calls for the development of a scale analysis methodology, based on the study of how the most important mechanisms [in] the policy process are embedded in specific spaces of social interaction. The article analyzes the possible reasons for the strong national focus of contemporary social sciences, specifically in the case of policy analysis. The second part displays, on the basis of a definition of the mechanisms that matter for the policy process, the principles of the scalar method of policy systems comparison. The third part deals with the impact of globalization on the policy process and shows the importance of infranational comparison for the scalar comparative method. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue “Comparing subnational policies: issues and practice”, edited and introduced, pp. 7–14, by Claire DUPUY and Julie POLLARD. See also Abstr. 63.21, 83, 205, 253, 266]
63.118 GITHENS-MAZER, Jonathan —
This article illustrates how the term “radicalization” has both contributed to and been the subject of the social construction of risk surrounding violence and radicalization. To this extent, contemporary discussions of radicalization are related to ideas of “vulnerability” and susceptibility to “extremism” — topics which facilitate problematic assertions of inherent relationships between challenging ideas and the propensity for violence. The article provides some corrective suggestions to push forward less subjectively framed research, while still engaging in the complex examination of the relationships between identities, ideas, and violence. [R]
63.119 GJØRV, Gunhild Hoogensen —
This article examines the challenges and contradictions between some of the leading conceptions of security within IR, from those stating that the concept can be employed by the state only with regard to immediate, existential threats, to those that see security as the foundation of social life or as a human good. This article examines the potential use of the terms “negative” and “positive” security to bring clarity to these diverging security perspectives and argues for a multi-actor security approach. I argue that positive security perspectives, which rely on non-violent measures, ensure an emphasis upon context, values, and security practices that build trust, and by use of a multi-actor security model, shows the dynamics between state and non-state actors in the creation of security. [R, abr.]
63.120 GLEDITSCH, Nils Petter —
The electronic revolution in academic publishing brings promises as well as pitfalls. Open access — a logical continuation of this development — will break the trend toward accelerating journal costs. But if the subscription revenue simply disappears, neither publishers nor editors will have the necessary funding to keep up peer review and other editorial routines. Intermediate models are possible, where the journal may keep its copyright to the final edited product while authors are allowed to post the final submitted version on their Website. At the moment, open access is uncommon in international relations, but the publishers and owners of journals, including academic societies such as ISA, would be wise to think through these issues before they become acute. This symposium is a contribution to that process. [R, abr.] [See also Halvor MEHLUM, “The case for open access publishing”, pp. 216–223; William R. THOMPSON, Cliff MORGAN, Bob CAMPBELL and Terri TELEEN, “The role of the academic journal publisher and open access publishing models”, pp. 228–234]
63.121 GOLDONI, Marco —
The antagonism between legal and political constitutionalism has almost monopolized the discussion on constitutional theory during the last years. For this reason, political constitutionalism has been assessed mainly as an alternative to legal constitutionalism. Moving beyond this perspective, this article focuses exclusively on political constitutionalism and its internal tensions. After having outlined the main tenets of this theory, two internal critiques are put forward, both concerning the understanding of the political aspect of constitutionalism: (1) political constitutionalists propose a reductive account of the principle of political equality; (2) their exclusive focus on ordinary politics as the center of constitutional life is misleading and precludes a correct evaluation of constitutional politics. [R]
63.122 GOODIN, Robert E. —
One of the most exciting innovations within “practical democratic theory” in recent years has been the emergence of deliberative democracy, as a theoretically refined ideal with by now some well-honed mechanisms for its implementation on a small scale. Its greatest remaining challenge is to figure out some way to connect those highly controlled, small-scale deliberative exercises to the “main game”, politically. I sketch some limited and indirect ways in which that might happen in national politics, before going on to propose a more novel way in which such deliberative events might be used literally to make international law of a certain sort. [R]
63.123 GOODIN, Robert E.; SPIEKERMANN, Kai —
The Federalist, justifying the Electoral College to elect the [US] president, claimed that a small group of more informed individuals would make a better decision than the general mass. But the Condorcet Jury Theorem tells us that the more independent, better-than-random voters there are, the more likely it will be that the majority among them will be correct. The question thus arises as to how much better, on average, members of the smaller group would have to be to compensate for the epistemic costs of making decisions on the basis of that many fewer votes. This question is explored in the contexts of referendum democracy, delegate-style representative democracy, and trustee-style representative democracy. [R]
63.124 GOTLIEB, Melissa R.; WELLS, Chris —
Young citizens are increasingly seeking fulfillment in expressive modes of political participation, and scholars have begun to examine the implications of this trend for engagement in formal politics. While some argue that expressive practices are “crowding out” participation in more conventional civic activities, others more optimistically contend that they have expanded the political repertoires of young citizens, affording them with more opportunities to be engaged. The authors add clarity to this debate by specifying the conditions under which engagement in one particular form of expressive politics, political consumerism, is associated with conventional participation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.898]
63.125 GRAY, Colin S. —
Geopolitics is the political meaning of geography. Ironically, the pervasiveness of geography in its relevance to strategy renders its influence somewhat elusive. When everything has some geographical content and meaning, geography tends to escape the analyst's notice: because it is everywhere, it might as well be nowhere. A focus on the geography of deterrence brings the influence of geography, physical, psychological, and political, into useful focus. The geopolitical dimension to deterrence is not well-tilled scholarly ground. This is unfortunate, because the prospects for successful deterrence can be impacted heavily by the relevant geographical context. There is physical geography and there is also the geography of the imagination. Deterrence typically is geopolitical, but if the political meaning of geography is discounted, deterrence challenges will not be properly understood. [R, abr.]
63.126 GREEN, David Michael; BOGARD, Cynthia J. —
As constructivists correctly argue, identities are key to understanding international relations. We examine three historical cases in order to develop a model addressing the question of when elites are able to successfully market a redefinition of both an external actor and themselves to their national publics. All three cases involve the American public being asked to reconceive the identity of, respectively, the Soviet Union following World War II, Germany during the same period, and Europeans at the time of the run-up to the 2003 Iraq invasion. We examine the history of each of these cases along with the associated elite rhetoric. We then identify five factors that explain why the first two cases turned out to be largely successful efforts at reframing, and why the latter largely did not. [R]
63.127 GREGORATTI, Catia —
This article establishes that transnational partnerships should no longer be conceived as peripheral mechanisms of global governance. They have now become increasingly embedded in the multilateral system and a central component in the architecture of global governance. The intellectual progenitors of the partnership discourse have commonly justified governance by partnering as a means to close democratic deficits in global governance. Deliberative conceptualizations, on the other hand, view in the practice of partnering the emergence of a transnational public sphere populated by equal deliberative agents. This article argues that the ideas of democracy and justice ingrained in liberal and deliberative arguments for partnering are at odds with the concrete workings of these mechanisms of governance, which, above all, reflect asymmetrical configurations of power. [R, abr.]
63.128 GRIFFITH, Jeffrey; LESTON-BANDEIRA, Cristina —
ICT-based methods of communication, and especially new forms of social media, offer parliaments the opportunity to communicate with citizens and engage them in the political process more effectively. This is important in a context of declining levels of trust in parliaments where new media [are] often identified as a tool to address poor engagement with politics. However, the use of ICT poses significant challenges to parliaments, many of which do not readily adopt new technology. As a result, most parliaments have acquired some of the forms and elements of ICT and the new social media, but most have not yet been able to use them in a highly successful manner or incorporate them effectively into their work. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.198]
63.129 GRIGORYAN, Arman —
The breakups of Yugoslavia and the USSR, as well as the violent conflicts that took place on their ruins, spurred a large number of studies claiming that the ethnofederal designs of these states were at the root of these events. I argue that the ethnofederal designs of these states were themselves the consequences of prior nationalist mobilizations in the Russian empire and the Balkans. I also criticize this literature for using the wrong baseline of comparison for evaluating the performance of ethnofederal states, for selecting cases on the dependent variable, for ascribing to ethnofederalism what should be ascribed to other variables, and for relying on certain questionable assumptions about separatism. [R]
63.130 GRUGEL, Jean; UHLIN, Anders —
Global inequality is increasing. Global inequalities are an expression of global social injustices and “pathologies of power”. Global governance has been posited as a way forward. However, global governance will not deliver justice unless it embraces a more radical vision of what justice means and permits the voices of the marginalized to be heard in spaces of decision making. We identify two important approaches to building more just forms of global governance: the civil society approach, which is useful when it draws attention to the agency of those at the margins of global circuits of power; and the rights-based approach, which can provide opportunities for justice claims by marginalized groups. [R]
63.131 HAAGH, Louise —
Economic stability has become a visible problem of social justice. Despite this, a paradigm to justify distribution of stability both inside and outside production is lacking. This paper offers one kind of response by examining how a notion of property rights in stability changes how we conceive of the economic aspects of democratic rights and their rooting in common ownership and control of resources. To elaborate, the paper considers implications for the relation between egalitarian principles and policies and examines links between progressive public finance and the distribution of economic stability in more horizontal and hierarchical capitalist states. [R]
63.132 HACHEMAOUI, Mohammed —
This article compares corruption in the two main prevailing sub-authoritarian types in the region: praetorian in Algeria and monarchical in Morocco. The analysis demonstrates that: (1) political corruption arose from the institutional foundations of these regimes as the counterpart of the authoritarian order; (2) contracted in “critical junctures”, the institutional arrangements underlying authoritarianism and corruption structure the organization of the state and political economy beyond the formal and discursive transformations of the political system; (3) because the institutional paths founded on these institutional arrangements are so difficult to alter, the reforms promised by the ruling elites after the eruption in 2011 of popular uprisings in the region are judged according to the dismantling of institutional arrangements linking political institutions and systemic corruption. [R, abr.]
63.133 HAKHVERDIAN, Armen —
Does opinion affect policy or is it the other way around? Three hypotheses take center-stage. The responsiveness hypothesis postulates that changes in public opinion lead to subsequent changes in policy in the same direction. The leadership hypothesis reverses the causal arrow and states that a change in policy results in a subsequent change in opinion in the same direction. Finally, the counter-hypothesis argues that policy-change leads to a subsequent change in opinion in the opposite direction. These propositions are tested with time-series data from the UK from 1973 to 2006. Strong evidence is presented in support of policy responsiveness to public opinion. However, only conditional results were found for the other two hypotheses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.431]
63.134 HALKIER, Henrik —
This article reviews the development of new forms of regional policy in the context of the governance challenges created by the emergence of new knowledge dynamics. Having outlined a conceptual framework and reviewed the literature on the transformation of regional policy in Europe, the article explores current policy patterns in European regions, combining the results of a survey of the policies regional development bodies in European regions, and the findings about the impact of public policies on the basis of an extensive series of in-depth case studies of economic change processes in firms and regions. [Despite] important changes [in] emerging processes in the knowledge economy, further adjustments may be called for in order for localities to fully benefit from new knowledge dynamics in an increasingly global era. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Knowledge dynamics, regions and public policy”, edited by Henrik HALKIER. Introduction, pp. 1759–1766. See also Abstr. 63.475]
63.135 HANITZSCH, Thomas; BERGANZA, Rosa —
Building on the assumption that journalists' attitudes toward public institutions can contribute to a decline in public trust, this article identifies the driving forces behind journalists' confidence in public institutions. Based on interviews with 2000 journalists from 20 countries, variation in trust is modeled across the individual level of journalists, the organizational level of news media, and the societal level of countries. Our findings suggest that the principal determinants of journalists' trust emanate from a country's political performance, from state ownership in the media, and from the extent to which people tend to trust each other. Journalism culture and power distance, however, seem to have relatively little weight in the calculus of journalists' institutional trust. [R]
63.136 HANSEN, Hans Krause —
Drawing on studies of organization, surveillance and governmentality, this article examines the capacity of performance indices to construct comparable and governable subjects in international efforts to combat corruption. It conceptualizes performance indices in terms of technologies of distance, communication and surveillance and analyses a variety of corruption and anti-corruption indices, including corporate blacklisting as applied by the World Bank towards fraudulent corporations. It demonstrates how performance indices are implicated in the construction of standards and scripts for action against corruption, pointing to their importance for the determination of what constitutes legitimate social practice. More generally, the paper contributes to the study of global governance literatures by highlighting how practices of calculation, measurement and comparison can play a distinctive role in the constitution of spaces of governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.137]
63.137 HANSEN, Hans Krause; MÜHLEN-SCHULTE, Arthur —
This introductory article provides a short overview of the historical and contemporary role of numbers in different governance settings. It includes a discussion of the capacity of numbers to foster social identities, relations and truths across national boundaries, to construct issue areas and to enable various modes of surveillance, communication and action at a distance in the global political economy. It argues that the use of numbers in global governance should not be regarded only as a platform for knowledge sharing and learning. More than this, it needs to be understood in broader terms as a mechanism of inclusion and exclusion from complex social hierarchies and relations, as well as in relation to processes of politicization and de-politicization that transcend national spaces. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Power of numbers”. See also Abstr. 63.136, 267, 1021, 1034]
63.138 HAREL, Alon; SHINAR, Adam —
This article explores and evaluates theories that we label “theories of constrained judicial review”. These theories, which include popular constitutionalism, departmentalism, and weak judicial review, challenge both legislative and judicial supremacy and adopt an intermediate position that grants courts a privileged but not supreme role in interpreting the Constitution. To evaluate such theories, this article develops both a negative and a positive argument. It criticizes the existing justifications of constrained judicial review and provides a new justification for such theories. More specifically, we argue that the ultimate justification for constrained judicial review cannot be grounded in instrumentalist or consequentialist concerns, namely in the allegedly superior decisions rendered by courts within systems of constrained judicial review. [R, abr.]
63.139 HARRIS, Albert —
An agreement ending civil war between an insurgent separatist group and the state can occur if the state accepts an agreement in principle that state sponsored settler transfers into the insurgent “homeland” territory does not dilute the legitimacy of insurgent claims to the territory. Such an agreement [means] in principle that minority population homogeneity in the contested territory will not be pursued. [R, abr.]
63.140 HASSNER, Pierre —
Although politics today is in a critical condition — some even say it is dying — it is all the more important to revive it. [R]
63.141 HATEMI, Peter; McDERMOTT, Rose —
We explicate the precise role that one specific emotion, disgust, plays in generating political acrimony. We do this by identifying the link between the different dimensions along which moral judgments are made by those espousing different political ideologies and the different emotions which undergird these evaluations. These assessments reliably track along liberal and conservative dimensions and are linked to the way values associated with purity and sanctity elicit greater degrees of disgust among conservatives. Here, we review a growing literature showing how disgust affects the psychology of politics through its influence on the cognitive and emotional processes that govern judgments of morality, as well as its direct impact on specific policy preferences. We then apply these findings to the nature and tenor of political discourse. [R, abr.]
63.142 HATIER, Cécile —
The distance between politicians and those they are supposed to represent is substantial. Almost invariably, it is politicians themselves who are made to shoulder the responsibility for this “gap”, their actions being demonized. This paper assesses some “ordinary” ethical lapses that politicians are often accused of: lying, breaking promises and being self-serving. It is argued that the public tend to apply double standards when it comes to the moral expectations that they have of their representatives, inasmuch as they far more readily accept ethically dubious actions when they apply to other social and public roles. The moral singularity of the political sphere is called into question, with the effect of helping to narrow the gap between the two categories, and encourage more empathy on the part of the public. [R]
63.143 HELLER, Patrick —
This article argues that in thinking about the challenges of inclusive democratic development in the global south we need to refocus attention on effective citizenship — the actual capacity of citizens to make use of formal political and civic rights. Empirically this calls for closer analytic attention to the participatory dimensions of democracy and specifically to an examination of the political and institutional conditions under which decentralized participatory governance can be promoted. The essay reviews research findings from ambitious reform projects in participatory governance in Brazil, India (Kerala) and South Africa and draws out some comparative lessons that highlight the complex interplay of political parties and civil society. [R]
63.144 HELMS, Ludger —
This article looks into the ambiguous effects [of] “mediatization” on the conditions for good democratic political leadership by prime ministers and presidents in established western democracies. Good democratic political leadership is defined in terms of three fundamental criteria: authenticity, effectiveness and responsibility. Whereas the “new media age” offers political chief executives some distinct opportunities with regard to all three criteria, these tend to be outweighed by a wealth of media-related constraints which in sum make good democratic political leadership considerably more difficult and demanding than ever. Understood as a publicly responsible profession, contemporary political science, and comparative executive leadership research more specifically, faces two inter-related tasks: to penetrate empirically the notorious smokescreens of executive politics, and to provide the public with reasonable standards for evaluating the performance of executive leaders. [R, abr.]
63.145 HENNE, Peter S. —
This article points to the significance of institutional religion-state connections and ideological distance between disputants to account for the varied significance of religion in interstate conflicts. Religion influences conflict behavior when there are close ties between religion and the state and when a religious state is in a dispute with a secular state, creating ideological distance between the combatants. In such instances, the dispute is more likely to involve the use of force. The article tests this theory through a quantitative analysis of interstate disputes, using a Heckman probit model for the effects of religion-state connections on dispute severity. The tests reveal that while religious-secular involving religious-secular dyads are more severe than those including other dyads, even when numerous competing explanations are accounted for. [R, abr.]
63.146 HENSELL, Stephan; GERDES, Felix —
This article analyzes the efforts of external actors to influence opportunities for national political elites to gain or maintain positions of power in post-conflict societies. The analysis compares the cases of Liberia and Kosovo, both of which have been characterized by high levels of external intervention though with significant differences in the scope of authority of external actors. Despite these differences, similar dynamics have characterized elite formation in both countries. The impact of external actors on elite systems is mostly indirect, and chances for accumulating authority provided by the national setting determine elite careers. External actors bow to these national conditions rather than decisively changing them. [R]
63.147 HILBINK, Lisa —
Comparative judicial scholars have argued that assertions of judicial authority are a function of the level of fragmentation/competition in the formal political sphere. Accordingly, in authoritarian or one-party settings, judges should be deferential to power-holders, and in places where political power is divided between branches and/or parties, one would expect to see greater levels of judicial assertiveness. Through a longitudinal, qualitative analysis of one most-likely case (Chile) and one least-likely case (Franco-era Spain) and drawing on a half-dozen other cases from the comparative judicial literature, this article argues that political fragmentation is neither sufficient nor necessary for judges to challenge powerful actors. Instead, it argues that assertive or “positively independent” judicial behavior requires ideational support, in the form of a role conception/professional ideology that gives judges motivation for such behavior. [R, abr.]
63.148 HILDE, Thomas C. —
Climate-change adaptation is inherently local, contextual, and political, a problem distinct from the global collective action problem that is climate-stabilization. The uncertainty, complexity, and inherent politics of climate-change adaptation in particular places mean that adaptive institutions, if they are to be more than just disaster-prediction and response mechanisms, must be flexible, dynamic and capable themselves of adapting quickly to changing environmental, economic, and social conditions. Certain approaches to adaptation are often impractical, or comprise repackaged concepts and methods borrowed from climate-change mitigation efforts and international development institutions. This study discusses the epistemic dimension of democracy at the level of international environmental institutions and at the level of local, contextually unique adaptation projects. Development and adaptation practices that involve democratic participation do so largely in accordance with norms of fairness and justice. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.49]
63.149 HILL, Kim Quaile —
Most subfields of research in political science are today at an intellectual plateau well short of general theory. Many have been at that plateau since about 1980. Several reasons might account for this situation, including the challenge of constructing general theory. I argue, however, that some of our most common educational and research practices also retard theoretical progress. I describe those practices and their unfortunate consequences, but also explicate a series of research strategies that would help advance our theoretical work. As a foundation for the preceding arguments, I characterize the theory-building ambitions of the discipline, our progress toward general theory, and how advances toward such theory can be mapped for any science. [R]
63.150 HIRST, Aggie —
This article argues that an engagement with the political philosophy of L. Strauss is of considerable value in IR, in relation to the study of both recent US foreign policy and contemporary IR theory. The question of Straussian activities within and close to the foreign policy-making establishment in the US during the period leading up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq has been the focus of significant scholarly and popular attention in recent years. Several individuals influenced by Strauss exercised considerable influence in the fields of intelligence-production, the media and think tanks; elements of Strauss's thought are discernible in their interventions in these spheres. His political philosophy can be read as a securitizing response to the dangers he associated with the foundation-lessness of the modern condition. [R, abr.]
63.151 HOBSON, Christopher —
This inquiry focuses on how climate-change might intervene with the democracy-support agenda. These issues are increasingly impinging upon each other. The inquiry considers how climate-change raises questions for all the major components of democracy-promotion: the end itself, the means used to support democratization, and the actors involved. In regards to the ends of democracy assistance, if democracies fail to respond adequately to global warming, the desirability of this form of rule could be weakened, especially if China is perceived as representing an attractive alternative. In terms of means, environmental disasters could directly impact upon democratization projects that are instituted, as well as worsening “donor fatigue”. As for the actors involved, the moral authority of industrialized democracies is likely to be questioned due to their historical culpability and present failure in making serious progress in reducing emissions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.49]
63.152 HOLEINDRE, Jean-Vincent —
R. Aron's international and strategic thought is inextricably linked to his critical philosophy of history, as he conceived it in the 1930s, after spending several years in Germany. Influenced by the pacifist philosopher Alain, Aron was converted to realism, tested by the 20th c. wars. It is not right, however, to associate Aron tout court to the strict Anglo-American realism of Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Walz. Against the construction of a general theory of International Relations based on model-building, he was the harbinger of a historical sociology of Weberian inspiration, seeking to render the international scene intelligible in its peculiar complexity. [R] [See Abstr. 63.109]
63.153 HOLEINDRE, Jean-Vincent —
As a theoretician, Aron was, like Clausewitz, keen to understand the nature of war. He was also an attentive witness to the ways in which war changed. While his thought is not as systematic as the Prussian thinker's, it nevertheless sheds light on the contemporary strategic context in three ways. First, his approach to IR leads to the definition of the current system as multipolar and heterogeneous. Second, his typology of war reveals that interstate was has, since 1945, all but been replaced by nuclear deterrence and guerilla warfare. Finally, his analysis of the relationship between democracy and war brings to light a tension between the principles of liberty that define western democracy domestically and the hegemonic character of their military interventions on the international scene. [R] [See Abstr. 63.25]
63.154 HOPE, Mat; RAUDLA, Ringa —
Discursive institutionalism is the “newest” of the new institutionalisms. The majority of work employing discursive institutionalism as a framework has so far focused on how it contributes to understanding policy change. Until now, however, little attention has been paid to how discursive institutionalism can help to explain the equally significant phenomenon of policy stasis. This imbalance is addressed here through a discursive institutionalist analysis of two cases of policy stasis: Estonian fiscal policy and US climate-change policy. It is argued that policy stasis — far from being a passive and inactive state — actually involves a large amount of discursive activity by multiple actors. This activity creates, legitimizes and perpetuates policy discourses, which ultimately entrench governmental commitments to policy stasis. [R, abr.]
63.155 HORIUCHI, Yusaku; KOMATSU, Tadashi; NAKAYA, Fumio —
Previous studies examining whether the faces of candidates affect election outcomes commonly measure study participants' subjective judgment of various characteristics of candidates, which participants infer based solely on the photographic images of candidates. We, instead, develop a smile index of such images objectively with automated face-recognition technology. The advantage of applying this new technology is that the automated process of measuring facial traits is by design independent of voters' subjective evaluations of candidate attributes, based on the images, and thus allows us to estimate “undiluted” effects of facial appearance per se on election outcomes. The results of regression analysis using Japanese and Australian data show that the smile index has statistically significant and substantial effects on the vote-share of candidates even after controlling for other covariates. [R]
63.156 HOUGH, Richard —
Despite a long history, petitioning parliament is widely considered to be ineffective. With a view to enhancing their effectiveness, a number of legislatures have recently conducted reviews of their petitions systems. This article explores the outcomes of these reviews. It also considers the function of legislative petitions systems, what makes an effective system and, ultimately, what impact legislative petitions systems have on policy outcomes. In terms of their role, it is suggested that petitions systems perform three broad functions: providing a link between parliament and citizen; informing policy development and executive scrutiny; and, ultimately, affecting policy change. The extent to which existing petitions systems perform each of these functions varies considerably. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.198]
63.157 HOVE, Thomas —
A. Abbott [Chaos of Disciplines, Chicago, 2001] has developed a framework to illustrate how social scientific claims are continually mapped and remapped onto rival moral perspectives. These perspectives are defined by the relative emphasis that they place on freedom and determinism, agency and structure. When consumer culture researchers attempt to diagnose or influence people's political and consumer choices, they emphasize either one side of these dichotomies or the other. This article adapts Abbott's framework to show how these differing emphases lead to different conclusions about the techniques that educators, social scientists, activists, marketers, and policy-makers should use to improve people's political and consumer choices. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.898]
63.158 HOWARD, Lise Morjé —
A political system in which power is formally divided among ethnic or sectarian groups may seem like a good idea in conflict-ridden societies, but it bears a high price and makes true democratic transition harder to achieve. [R]
63.159 HOWLETT, Michael —
Recent studies by C. Hood have highlighted the importance to policy-making of learning about how best to avoid policy failure. This article examines several different concepts of policy failure in the literature, such as policy accidents, errors, mistakes, and anomalies, along with recent work by McConnell and his colleagues on the general types and sources of such failures. The article distinguishes between “thin” (technical-strategic) and “thick” (political-experiential) policy learning and links them to A. McConnell's three categories of political, program, and process failures. The analysis points to the significant and underappreciated roles played by process and political problems in the analysis of policy failure and the need to draw lessons in these areas as well as in more technically oriented program-related ones if the prospects of policy success are to be enhanced. [R, abr.]
63.160 HUBER, John D. —
I develop four related measures of the “ethnicization” of electoral behavior. Each measure increases as ethnic identity becomes more central to vote choice, but the measures differ along two theoretical dimensions. The first dimension contrasts a group-based perspective (which focuses on cohesion in the voting patterns of group members) with a party-based perspective (which focuses on the composition of groups supporting political parties). The second dimension contrasts a fractionalization perspective (which assumes that more groups or parties cause more problems) with a polarization perspective (which assumes that problems are greatest when there are two equal-sized groups or parties). Using survey data to implement the measures in 43 countries, the article shows that proportional electoral laws are associated with lower levels of ethnicization-the opposite of what is widely assumed. [R, abr.]
63.161 HUDSON, Heidi —
Using a postcolonial-feminist approach, this article argues that the way in which gender is framed in peace interventions is symptomatic of the hegemonic way in which the discourses about the representation and protection of women within the liberal intervention model are constructed and institutionalized. Through an analysis of international discourses on the politics of inclusion/exclusion, protection, as well as sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), it illustrates the disempowering effect of instrumentalist interpretations of women's agency. The embedded violence of liberal peace-building becomes even more pronounced when the gendered inner workings of international organizations, among others, are placed under scrutiny. I propose a critical postcolonial-feminist vision that is resistant to universalist conceptions of women, gender and self to overcome the under-theorized gender dimensions of liberal peace-building. [R] [See Abstr. 63.185]
63.162 HUGHES, R. Gerald; STODDART, Kristan —
This article explores debates that have dominated intelligence studies since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. It examines a number of inherent tensions, involving individuals and institutions, which threaten the long-term compatibility of the national security state with liberal democracy. The notion as to whether or not the use of extreme coercive measures (such as torture) can ever be justified is examined, as is whether such measures are self-defeating. The piece examines how liberal democracies seek to protect themselves in the light of rapid changes via a globalized media, the Information Revolution, and the proliferation of advanced technology and weapons of mass destruction among state and non-state actors. These issues are discussed with particular reference to the use of intelligence in Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, North Korea and other global trouble spots. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “A decade of intelligence beyond 9/11: security, diplomacy and human rights”, edited by the authors and Len SCOTT. Introduction by Len SCOTT, “Reflections on the age of intelligence”, pp. 617–624. See also Abstr. 63.273, 537, 799, 1093]
63.163 HULME, Rob; HULME, Moira —
This article considers the role of evidence and prospects for collective deliberation in shaping policy and practice in straitened times. It draws on critical policy sociology to enhance existing perspectives on policy transfer. The article explores how “new professionalism” in the public services intersects with the “new localism” and current realities of public policy management. In recognizing the limitations of “presentism” in policy analysis, attention is afforded to the recuperation and selective reinvention of policy discourses deployed in previous systemic crises. In contrast to rational linear models of problem-solving, alternative recursive deliberative approaches are suggested. [R]
63.164 HUMPHREYS, Adam RC —
Although Theory of International Politics [New York, 1979] is a standard-bearer for explanatory theory in IR, K. Waltz's methodology has been subject to numerous quite disparate analyses. One reason why it has proved hard to pin down is that too little attention has been paid to how, in practice, Waltz approaches real-world problems. Despite his neopositivist rhetoric, Waltz applies neorealism in a notably loose, even indeterminate, fashion. There is therefore a disjunction between what he says and what he does. This is partly explained by his unsatisfactory attempt to reconcile his avowed neopositivism with his belief that international politics is characterized by organized complexity. The inconsistencies thus created also help to make sense of why competing interpretations of his methodology have emerged. [R, abr.]
63.165 HURRELL, Andrew; MacDONALD, Terry —
This paper elaborates the concept of global public power as the subject of principles of political legitimacy in global politics, and defends it through a critical comparison with other concepts widely employed to depict this regulative subject: states, global basic structure, and global governance. The goal underlying this argument is to bring some greater unity and integration to conceptual understandings of the subject of principles of political legitimacy within analyses of global politics, and in doing so to frame a broader research agenda for locating in practice the concrete political agencies and institutions that are appropriate targets for demands of political legitimation under the prevailing empirical conditions of global pluralism. [R] [See Abstr. 63.46]
63.166 INMAN, Robert P.; RUBINFELD, Daniel L. —
We present a model of a peaceful transition from autocracy to democracy using federal governance as a constitutional means to protect the economic interests of the once ruling elite. Under “democratic federalism”, the constitution creates an annual policy game where the new majority and the elite each control one policy instrument of importance to the other. The game has a stable stationary equilibrium that the elite may prefer to autocratic rule. We apply our analysis to South Africa's transition from white, elite rule under apartheid to a multi-racial democracy. We calibrate our model to the South African economy at the time of the transition. Stable democratic equilibria exist for plausible estimates of redistributive preferences and rate of time preference (“impatience”) of the new majority during the early years of the new democracy. [R, abr.]
63.167 IQBAL, Muhammad Zubair —
Terrorists seem to be cognizant of the immense power of the media, of which TV is the greatest exponent. Actually, the contemporary 24/7 news TV has its own pre-requisites and dynamics which work in tandem with the traditional norms of news. Journalistic demand for news in this setting becomes a weakness which anyone with a message to broadcast to wider audiences can exploit. And terrorists are not only aware of these soft media spots but are adept in using them for their benefit. This paper evaluates the nature of the relationship between television and the terrorists in light of modern media dynamics and the terrorists' ability to exploit its need for sensational stories. [R, abr.]
63.168 JABRI, Vivienne —
This article highlights practices that have as their imperative security, the cosmopolitanism of government, and those defined in terms of solidarity, the cosmopolitanism of politics. These two articulations of cosmopolitanism should be seen mutually implicating and mutually present. While the concept enables a government of populations, containing within it a colonial rationality, the article suggests that there is an excess to the concept that steers it beyond government through security and towards the politics of solidarity. Placing the lens on the forms of political subjectivity generated through cosmopolitan practices, the article highlights the concept's potential in revealing the political implications of contemporary practices that have the postcolonial world as the primary target of their operations. [R, abr.]
63.169 JACOBS, Alan M.; MATTHEWS, J. Scott —
It is widely assumed that citizens are myopic, weighing policies' short-term consequences more heavily than long-term outcomes. Yet no study of public opinion has directly examined whether or why the timing of future policy consequences shapes citizens' policy attitudes. This article reports the results of an experiment designed to test for the presence and mechanisms of time-discounting in the mass public. The analysis yields evidence of significant discounting of delayed policy benefits and indicates that citizens' policy bias towards the present derives in large part from uncertainty about the long term: uncertainty about both longrun processes of policy causation and long-term political commitments. There is, in contrast, little evidence that positive time-preferences (impatience) or consumption-smoothing are significant sources of myopic policy attitudes. [R]
63.170 JAHN, Beate —
[Although] democracy-promotion is a major part of liberal foreign policies, the discipline of IR has not paid much systematic attention to it. Conversely, the study of democracy-promotion is dominated by comparative politics and pays hardly any attention to the international system. This mutual neglect signifies a core weakness in the theory and practice of democracy-promotion: its failure to comprehend the development of liberal democracy as an international process. This article argues that a thorough engagement with John Locke explains the failures of democracy-promotion policies and provides a more comprehensive understanding of the development of liberal democracy. [R]
63.171 JENSEN, Carsten; SKAANING, Svend-Erik —
In recent years, a number of studies have examined the relationship between ethnic fractionalization and democracy — so far with inconclusive results. We argue that the lacking robustness of existing findings is due to a theoretical and empirical misspecification of how ethnic fractionalization may influence the level of democracy. Ethnic fractionalization does have an impact on the regime form because it moderates the well-established positive effect of modernization on democracy. In other words, at low levels of ethnic fractionalization, modernization has a strong positive effect on democratization, but with increasing levels of ethnic fractionalization, the positive effect of modernization decreases. This relationship is documented empirically by using data on 167 countries since 1972. [R]
63.172 JENSEN, Mads Dagnis; KRISTENSEN, Peter Marcus —
Drawing on bibliometric methods, this article presents a novel approach to examining the alleged lines of fragmentation in EU studies. It maps the network structure arising from the citation practices in journals concerned with EU studies by analyzing 2,561 documents, containing 66,162 references, published in four authoritative EU journals in the period 2003–2010. The article finds: (1) a complex network of EU and non-EU sources clustering around different bordering disciplines, particularly Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Public Administration; (2) that the two core journals — Journal of European Public Policy and Journal of Common Market Studies — play an integrating function by holding the various subfields of EU studies together; and (3) a transatlantic divide in communication practices of EU scholars. [R]
63.173 JENTLESON, Bruce W. —
Whereas the Cold War system was a lot like Ptolemy's theory of the universe, the 21st-c. world is more like the Copernican universe, which has the sun at its center with the earth and other planets each moving in their own orbits around the sun. What is the sun in our version of a Copernican world: that is, what keeps planets (countries) from crashing into each other? This question is fundamental to global governance. It is not the UN, which helps, but only partially. It is not just having a more multilateralist president of the US either. Developing such a Copernican model theoretically allows drawing out some of its principal policy implications from a global governance perspective.
63.174 JOHNSON, Tana; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
States frequently disagree on the importance of cooperation in different issue areas. Under these conditions, when do states prefer to integrate regimes instead of keeping them separated? Our strategic theory of regime integration and separation highlights the nature of spillovers between issues. Positive spillovers exist when cooperation in one issue area aids the pursuit of objectives in another issue area; negative spillovers exist when cooperation in one issue area impedes this pursuit in another issue area. Conventional wisdom suggests that both positive and negative spillovers foster greater integration. We argue that negative spillovers encourage integration while positive spillovers do not. States integrate not to exploit positive spillovers between issues but to mitigate negative spillovers. To test our theory, we examine the degree of integration or separation among environmental regimes. [R]
63.175 JOHNSTAD, Petter Grahl —
This paper explores the role of regime legitimacy in affecting the outcome of protest movements, finding that protest success or failure can be predicted through an analysis of the ruling regime's political legitimacy. It first conceptualizes regime legitimacy and discusses some specific causal means through which the level of legitimacy may serve to influence protest success. The second part utilizes this concept of regime legitimacy on two contrasting cases: the 1980s Solidarity movement in Poland and the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests in China. Part three thereupon operationalizes a scale of quantitative measurement for regime legitimacy and constructs a data-set of twenty-three cases of nonviolent protest with regime legitimacy scores. Part four finally tests this model on a set of twelve new cases taken from the 2011 Arab Spring. [R, abr.]
63.176 KADERCAN, Burak —
What is the relationship between interstate military competition and the emergence of nationalism as a potent force in world politics? The conventional wisdom among international security scholars, especially neorealists, holds that nationalism can be more or less treated like a “technology” that allowed states to extract significant resources as well as manpower from their respective populations. This paper underlines some of the problems involved with this perspective and pushes forward an interpretation that is based on the logic of political survival. I argue that nationalism's emergence as a powerful force in world politics followed from the “mutation” and absorption of the universalistic/cosmopolitan republican ideas that gained temporary primacy in Europe during the 18th c. into particularistic nationalist ideologies. [R, abr.]
63.177 KARAGIANNIS, Syméon —
The human right to health first appears in international law in the Constitution of the WHO in 1946. It is then taken up by other instruments of international law, both universal and regional. It is thus widely recognized as a human right, although its full implementation faces many legal obstacles posed by these instruments. The limits put to the full realization of the right to health shows an undeniable reluctance from states concerned about saving money, especially in times of major financial crisis. The letter and the spirit of the Constitution of WHO, for which the budgetary concerns cannot jeopardize this right, are then seemingly set aside. However, some international bodies combine this social right to a civil right unlikely to suffer from limitations of this kind, namely the right to life. [R, abr.]
63.178 KARAKOÇ, Ekrem; BAŞKAN, Birol —
This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward politics. The literature suggests that modernization may weaken traditional bonds with religious adherence, and the state can assume an important role in this endeavor through mass education, industrialization, and other factors. However, this explanation is incomplete in light of the resurgence of religious movements. This study argues that economic inequality increases the positive evaluation of the role of religion in politics through its effect on religiosity and participation in religious organizations. Employing a multilevel analysis on 40 countries, this study demonstrates that inequality decreases attitudes toward support for two dimensions of public secularization: the secularization of public office holders and the influence of religious leaders in politics. Simultaneously, the effect of modernization on these attitudes varies. [R, abr.]
63.179 KEANE, John —
Megaprojects are systems of highly concentrated power whose radius of effects are without precedent in human history. Even under imperial conditions, most people lived and loved, worked and played within geographically limited communities. They never had to reckon with all of humanity as a factor in their daily lives. Whenever they acted recklessly within their environment, for instance, they had the option of moving on, safe in the knowledge that there was plenty of Earth and not many others. Whenever bad things happened, they happened within limits. Their effects were local. The politics of megaprojects radically alters this equation; it poses new questions about the governance of risk and the nature and limits of democratic politics. The politics of megaprojects — put simply — raises fundamental questions about the “life and death of democracy”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.101]
63.180 KESSLER, David —
The place taken by the media in the political system in the recent period has undoubtedly contributed to the strengthening of their dimension as a countervailing power and, taking all media together, has increased their role in the political debate. While the various powers have integrated information in the logical course of their action, it can still make an independent intrusion and disrupt pre-established plans. In the age of the internet and social networks, a fifth power has emerged which threatens the predominance of information. In this context, the media can launch into a ruthless and useless competition or, instead, establish their particular role in the public space thanks to the meticulousness of their work. [R] [See Abstr. 63.20]
63.181 KIM Young Mie —
Identifying the emerging trends in contemporary politics as life politics, this article revisits the notion of issue publics (an auxiliary concept developed to explain variability in attitudes and behavior within the public) and extends its theoretical concept in the context of life politics (a term relating to the choices people make every day and the politics of personal interests). It argues that publics consist of pluralistic groups of people who consider particular issues personally important based on self-interest, collective identity, and values. This article pays particular attention to how the new media environment, characterized by the development of digital media and the adoption of entertainment-oriented, personalized media in politics, contributes to the facilitation of issue publics in life politics. [R] [See Abstr. 63.898]
63.182 KLIJN, Erik-Hans; KOPPENJAN, Joop —
This article argues that governance network theory (GNT) has developed into a fully fledged theory that has gained prominence within public administration. The emergence of New Public Governance opens up new challenges, however, and instead of governance networks and network governance replacing the traditional public administration model and New Public Management, hybrid practices will emerge. Addressing this topic, and other new challenges, will require GNT to further develop, and perhaps even reinvent itself. This is not without risks. If GNT evolves into a theory of everything, it will lose its explanatory power. [R]
63.183 KNEUER, Marianne —
Climate-change constitutes a major concern for all political regimes. The question, however, is whether different regime types show different degrees of disposition to reduce carbon emissions. Studies comparing the performance between democracies and autocracies provide us with some fundamental findings but most do not take into consideration the variety of regimes that are neither full democracies nor full autocracies. The analysis addresses (1) the national level and discusses possible trade-offs and the difficult choices faced by democracies, autocracies, young democracies and democratizing countries in dealing with climate change. (2) The implications for the international level are considered, especially for democracy promoters and their policy options concerning emerging democracies and countries in transition that perform poorly in respect to climate action. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.49]
63.184 KUCZMA, Pawel —
The article systematizes information about the role of lobbying in the modern state and its related tasks. I begin with the characteristics of the concept of function, which on the ground of legal sciences is understood ambiguously. I distinguish and characterize the various functions of lobbying. The most important is mediation between an interest group and the state authorities. Without this function there would be no other functions, as it is their source. On the other hand, on the basis of the information function, the lobbyists create a kind of megaphone used by the interest groups to express their opinions in an articulated and professional manner on the forum. [R, abr.]
63.185 KÜHN, Florian P. —
The Western security community has increasingly militarized its politics of peace, through peacekeeping, peace-making and other policies to which the “peace” prefix has been attributed. Peace has become a virtual concept, which at times disguises rather violent management techniques of “global governance”. Peace, within this framework, is a practice and a policy, mantled by a narrative of a liberal, and teleological, desire for non-violence. Non-violence towards the governing institutions became viewed as peace, advancing the notion of “peace-as-order”. A teleology of liberal development helped to securitize the “not-yet-liberalized Other”, excluding non-liberal concepts from the idea of peace. Like the baby thrown out with the bathwater, peace lost its emancipatory content. A particular peace is the result, which includes transitional justice or reconciliation as rhetorical devices for its legitimization. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Where has all the peace gone? Peacebuilding, peace operations and regime change wars”, edited and introduced by Mandy Turner and the author. See also Abstr. 63.63, 161, 269, 1076, 1097, 1128, 1186, 1195]
63.186 LAL, Deepak —
I examine the basis of “new” theoretical curiosa questioning the Washington Consensus, as they now form the basis of the advice given by the “new dirigistes” to alleviate Third World poverty. I also briefly examine the claim that the Chinese economic “miracle” was created not by the replacement of the plan by the market, but by various forms of dirigisme, which has led to a new “Beijing Consensus” to replace the defunct Washington Consensus. [R]
63.187 LANDMAN, Todd —
This articles sets out the main principles, mediating values, and pillars of the democracy-assessment framework developed by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA). It discusses the tradition of democracy-assessment, the efforts at measuring democracy, lays out the key strengths and differences of the IDEA framework, and reflects on its application in over twenty-five countries. The article argues that in addition to an assessment function, the framework has been useful in initiating and sustaining democratic reform in a number of countries. [R] [See Abstr. 63.57]
63.188 LARSEN, Christian Albrek —
The article discusses how economic inequality and poverty affect public belief systems. The article analyzes the US and UK, which distinguish themselves by increased inequality since the mid-1970s, and Sweden and Denmark, which distinguish themselves by decreased inequality. The article points at three central beliefs: (1) the societal development has been a “success” of a “failure”; (2) one can or cannot trust fellow citizens; and (3) “the poor” are ordinary citizens who experience a hard time or deviants who abuse the welfare system. By means of available survey material, the article demonstrates that Americans and Britons have acquired beliefs that hinder a collective solution to the problem of inequality and poverty. The opposite is the case in Sweden and Denmark. [R] [See Abstr. 63.427]
63.189 LATHROP, John; POST, Jerrold —
Terrorism risk-assessment and management involves a unique set of modeling challenges. [However,] the expertise required to address those challenges lies divided between two communities: risk-assessment modelers working in the probabilistic risk-assessment paradigm, and subject-matter experts (“SMEs”) working in terrorist psychology. The two cultures sit at different tables, unable to communicate effectively, and the nation comes out behind. This article takes the form of a dialogue between a Modeler and a SME, describing their different perspectives. We discover critical modeling shortfalls arising from their differing world views. Out of our dialogue, we develop a solution in the form of a new modeling paradigm, based on combining the relative strengths of the two communities. [R, abr.]
63.190 LAU, Joanne C. —
The right to vote is fundamental to democratic citizenship, one of the most important badges of political and legal equality. However, we deny it to children, generally without discussion. After exploring conceptions of “political capacity”, I launch two arguments: (1) the Symmetry Argument: whatever level of capacity we use for the disenfranchisement of children should be used in symmetrical fashion to disenfranchise the elderly; (2) the Argument from Domains: if we attribute responsibility to children in the legal domain, we should also attribute it to them in the political domain. If we do not actually disenfranchise the elderly, we must find a good reason why we displace that symmetry. I discuss such objections and show why they can be refuted or disregarded. [R]
63.191 LAURIDSEN, Laurids S. —
The global financial and economic crisis offers an opportunity to rethink the relative roles of state and market as well as of globalization and national development strategies in the political economy of development. It has become more difficult to argue that globalization has rendered national development strategies and in particular industrial policies superfluous. The crisis also calls for a rethinking of the prevailing standard recipes for development and of the “institutional therapy” driven by the international development establishment. The article identifies and outlines a heterodox view on how policies, institutions and politics matter for latecomer development, juxtaposing it with the orthodox view. It argues that the orthodox view has serious weaknesses, and that a heterodox approach — developmental governance — is the most promising path for future research on governance and economic transformation. [R, abr.]
63.192 LE GALÈS, Patrick —
The article discusses M. Bevir's important book on Democratic Governance. It first discusses the conceptual part and in particular the categorization in terms of “modern social science”. It disputes the analysis of neo-institutionalism. Second, it stresses the UK case, which is the base of Bevir's analysis and suggests that the author relies far too much on policy networks. Hierarchies are still very strong at the same time in the UK, a factor that limits the claims of the book. [R] [First article of a symposium on Mark Bevir's Democratic Governance [Princeton, 2010]. See also Abstr. 63.212, 295, and Mark Bevir's reply, pp. 634–641]
63.193 LE POURHIET, Anne-Marie —
Considering the multitude of adjectives surrounding the concept, it seems necessary to determine the contribution of constitutional law in terms of defining democracy. The judicial control of the constitutional character of legislation seems to borrow more from liberalism (Montesquieu) than from democracy (Rousseau). The expression “liberal democracy” applied to a democratic form of government tempered by aristocratic checks and balances in order to preserve rights and liberties. Thus it is difficult to introduce other elements in a legal definition of democracy than the traditional criterion of collective sovereignty, as expressed by a popular majority in general elections or referenda.
63.194 LEIB, Ethan J.; PONET, David L. —
Recent work on “fiduciary representation” has opened up a useful avenue for understanding how state leaders should navigate their representative roles in democratic political systems and for specifying the ethical duties that come with political office. Political theorists throughout the ages have generally thought of the democratic representative as either a “delegate” of the constituent-principal on the one hand, or as a “trustee” for the constituent on the other. Yet, both idealized forms of democratic representation are subspecies of the fiduciary form. [After] introducing and refining the concept of fiduciary representation, I explore what we call a fiduciary requirement of “deliberative engagement”. I then apply the lessons of fiduciary representation to the domain of the political representation of children. [A, abr.]
63.195 LENARD, Patti Tamara —
Cosmopolitan principles of justice tell us that it is the responsibility of the wealthy to ensure the transfer of resources to the poor. Yet, most countries, and most individuals, seem unwilling to act as these principles demand. Although many would agree that cosmopolitan principles of justice are right, at least to some extent, few seem motivationally inspired to act upon them. This paper evaluates one set of proposals for securing the transfer of resources from the wealthy to the poor: those that suggest that the right way to achieve cosmopolitan objectives is to generate institutions that will, over time, produce cosmopolitans. I argue that we should focus, doubly, on the generation of supra-national institutions as a way to create a “global demos” and on harnessing the motivational resources available at the nation-state level. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.46]
63.196 LEPORA, Chiara —
This article focuses on some aspects of the morality of compromise. It construes compromise as a joint action, in particular, a joint wrongdoing — taking part in, and sharing responsibility for, the doing of things that are wrong from the point of view of those who are the parties to the compromise. The question of “what is wrong with the compromise?” is thus recast as a question of “what is my part in the wrongs being done as part of the compromise?”. [R]
63.197 LESTON-BANDEIRA, Cristina —
This conclusion reviews the styles of relationship between parliament and citizens visible in very different political systems across the world. Increasingly, this relationship follows different styles according to specific contexts and beyond the traditional perception of a specific type of representation. It then demonstrates that parliaments have finally become public institutions with the new millennium, opening up considerably by becoming more transparent, accessible and visible institutions. However, when it comes to developing real links between parliaments and citizens, the reality is very patchy. These developments are then assessed in light of levels of trust in parliament, to note that decline in trust may have little do to with poorer performance from parliaments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.198]
63.198 LESTON-BANDEIRA, Cristina —
The relationship between parliament and citizens has been neglected traditionally by the legislative studies scholarship. And yet this is the area that has seen the most phenomenal developments within the last few decades. As a reaction against increasing levels of political disengagement, and utilizing modern tools of communication such as new media, parliaments have in fact considerably developed the possibility of linkages with the public. And yet what we know is still very patchy. This introduction establishes the premises of this collection and the questions it aims to address, in order to identify patterns in the relationship between parliaments and citizens across a wide range of case studies. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Parliaments and citizens”. See also Abstr. 63.128, 156, 197, 425, 428, 432, 433, 473, 509, 538, 571, 595, 597]
63.199 LIBMAN, Alexander —
This paper develops a model to explain how sub-national political regimes affect the variation in retention rates in a country in which a region and a central government bilaterally bargain over the distribution of tax revenue given a particular tax rate (and thus fiscal decentralization is asymmetric). It examines cases in which both sub-national and national governments have the same political regime (democracies and non-democracies) and situations in which the central and regional political regimes differ. In the latter case, regions receive a smaller share of tax revenue for a broad set of parameters of the model (as opposed to the case of a pure non-democracy); in the case of identical political regimes, the comparative fiscal decentralization is determined by the productivity-enhancing effect of regional public goods. [R]
63.200 LIEBERMAN, Sarah; GRAY, Tim; GROOM, A. J. R. —
This article investigates the role of moratoria by a comparative analysis of two of the most prominent moratoria in recent years: the moratorium on genetically modified (GM) products imposed by the EU in 1999; and the moratorium on commercial whaling imposed by the International Whaling Commission (IWC) in 1982. While the formal role of these moratoria was to postpone making a substantive decision until further scientific research had been carried out, in practice they served very different political purposes: the EU GM moratorium dampened down political heat while the EU was under pressure from member states regarding environmental issues and from the US regarding trade issues; whereas the IWC moratorium was a moral denunciation of killing whales. Moratoria are complex phenomena, varied in their functions and effects. [R, abr.]
63.201 LIEVENS, Matthias —
The notion of ideology and its critique have taken a remarkable about-turn in recent decades. While in classical Marxism, ideology used to be understood in terms of a distorted representation of real social divisions, recent authors such as C. Lefort and E. Laclau have argued that there is no standpoint outside language or representation, and they consider those representations as ideological that remain blind to their own political effects. However, a dimension that was crucial in the classical Marxist tradition has been downplayed in their work, namely the importance of ideology critique for the process of emancipation or of a particular subject becoming political. To reintroduce this dimension in the recent debate on ideology, this article takes recourse to a selective and creative reading of C. Schmitt. [R, abr.]
63.202 LIST, Christian —
The significance of N. de Condorcet's insights into collective decision-making cannot be overstated. Yet, Condorcet's paradox needs to be revisited from a fresh perspective, namely that of recent work on the aggregation of judgments and other propositional attitudes and broader lessons can thus be drawn for the theory of democracy. The paradox can be seen as a conflict between three initially plausible requirements of democracy: “robustness to pluralism”, “basic majoritarianism”, and “collective rationality”. For all but the simplest collective decision problems, no decision procedure can meet these three requirements at once — a “democratic trilemma”.
63.203 LOUWERSE, Tom —
Issue-congruence between voters and parties can be achieved if voters and parties follow the party mandate model. This article studies collective party mandate-fulfillment by comparing parties' election manifestos with the parliamentary speeches of their politicians in two countries: a typical consensus democracy, the Netherlands, and a typical majoritarian democracy, the UK. The central question is whether a difference in collective mandate fulfillment exists between these two types of democracy. Contrary to previous findings, this study finds that such a difference does not exist, at least not [in] the two countries analyzed. This can be explained by [how] the party mandate is conceptualized. The article also analyzes the development of party mandate-fulfillment over time and finds no evidence for the idea that collective mandate-fulfillment is declining. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.431]
63.204 LUBLIN, David —
Political scientists have fiercely debated the impact of decentralization on ethnic conflict; some see it as a panacea, while others contend that it sows the seeds of its own failure by stimulating ethnic divisions via ethno-regional parties. Using multiple methods — historical analysis, quantitative case studies, and multivariate models of the share of votes won by ethno-regional parties in 71 democracies — this article demonstrates that ethno-regional parties derive no benefit from decentralization in non-ethnically decentralized countries. Even in ethnically decentralized countries, much ethno-regional party success is explained by the continuation of parties that originally pressed for decentralization. Any impact of decentralization on ethno-regional parties can be minimized through the careful construction of institutions to enhance regional autonomy but not statewide influence. [R, abr.]
63.205 MAGGETTI, Martino —
Interdependence is a crucial problem of comparative method, particularly relevant for the comparison of subnational public policies. The phenomena to be compared, instead of consisting of independent analytical units, are likely to influence each other. This contribution reviews existing approaches to examine interdependent decision-making, with special attention to the differences between subnational and international public policies. The empirical literature on policy diffusion is investigated through meta-analysis of the “necessary conditions” for different diffusion mechanisms. A sample of empirical studies is examined by fuzzy-set analysis, and illustrated by some examples. [R] [See Abstr. 63.117]
63.206 MAGGETTI, Martino —
Independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) are increasingly attracting academic and societal attention, as they represent the institutional cornerstone of the regulatory state and play a key role in policy-making. Besides the expected benefits in terms of credibility and efficiency, these regulators are said to bring about a “democratic deficit”, following their statutory separation from democratic institutions. Consequently, a “multi-pronged system of control” is required. This article focuses on a specific component of this system: the media. [It considers] whether media coverage of IRAs meets the necessary prerequisites to be considered a potential “accountability forum” for regulators. [R, abr.]
63.207 MALESKY, Edmund; SCHULER, Paul; TRAN, Anh —
An influential literature has demonstrated that legislative transparency can improve the performance of parliamentarians in democracies. In a democracy, the incentive for improved performance is created by voters' responses to newly available information. Building on this work, donor projects have begun to export transparency interventions to authoritarian regimes under the assumption that NGOs and the media can substitute for the incentives created by voters. Such interventions, however, are at odds with an emerging literature that argues that authoritarian parliaments primarily serve the role of co-optation and limited power-sharing, where complaints can be raised in a manner that does not threaten regime stability. We argue that under these conditions, transparency may have perverse effects, and we test this theory with a randomized experiment on delegate behavior in query sessions in Vietnam, a single-party authoritarian regime. [R, abr.]
63.208 MALONE, David M. —
This article charts how the role of the diplomatic mission (most often thought of as the embassy) has evolved, primarily since World War II, to assess how it can be most useful to the sending state or institution, and to identify some of the characteristics of successful envoys, on the latter score drawing on several interviews. The occasional footnote refers to some personal experience and observations. [R] [See Abstr. 63.222]
63.209 MANGER, Mark S. —
During the last two decades, the number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) grew almost exponentially to over 270 by 2010. A majority of these are agreements between developed and developing countries. Existing models provide little economic rationale for these agreements, but the existing literature lumps North-South PTAs together with other types of trade pacts. This article offers an explanation focused on the movement of less capital-intensive manufacturing from North to South, which in turn stimulates the exchange of similar goods differentiated by unit value — also referred to as vertical intra-industry trade. The North exports more capital-intensive goods, while more labor-intensive goods are produced and traded by the South. This kind of specialization creates incentives for governments to support PTAs. The author tests this model using a new measure of vertical trade specialization. [R, abr.]
63.210 MANI, Rama —
Gallup's 2000 AD Millennium Survey of sixty countries representing 1.2 billion people recorded an astounding 87 percent of the world's population as claiming to belong to a religion. Secularism persists in some countries like Sweden and France, but others, such as post-communist Eastern and Central Europe, have desecularized. Despite secular appearances, the world today is vibrantly religious — or claims to be, with profound consequences for politics, peace, and war. A closer look at the contributions of religion toward peace and the nexus of different religions with violence allows addressing the question why have religions failed as peace-builders.
63.211 MAOR, Moshe —
The literature on policy success and failure does not capture policies that may be too successful, as well as “too much” and/or “too soon” patterns of policy. To bridge this gap, this conceptual article relies on one of the most robust findings in the psychology of judgment: that many people are overconfident, prone to place too much faith in their intuitions. Based on this premise, the analytical framework revolves around two key dimensions of policy overreaction: (1) the effects of positive and negative events, and (2) the effects of overestimation and accurate estimation of information. Based on these dimensions, the article identifies and illustrates four distinct modes of policy overreaction that reflect differences in the nature of implemented policy. [R, abr.]
63.212 MARINETTO, Michael —
There is a tension between pessimism and optimism running through M. Bevir's thesis in Democratic Governance [Princeton, 2010]. The intellectual apprehension on display is directed, in the main, at the state of the modern democratic polity. Indeed, Bevir's Democratic Governance is characterized by a pessimistic unease about the condition of today's increasingly fragmented and unaccountable polity. This article examines the chief sources of Bevir's pessimism. These concerns over the present state of democracy are informed by Bevir's theoretical approach to modern democratic processes and institutions. In this respect, Democratic Governance draws upon the Anglo-governance school, associated with political scientists such as R.W. Rhodes, M. Smith, as well as Bevir himself. At the same time, he goes beyond Anglo-governance, offering a more philosophical appreciation of governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.192]
63.213 MARMOR, Andrei —
The essay develops a conception of practical authorities that ties their legitimacy to the particular nature of the social practice or institution in which practical authorities invariably operate, and the terms of the subjects' participation in that practice. The first part presents the main argument for the institutional conception of authority, explaining why authorities are essentially institutional in nature. The second part explains how this institutional conception bears on the question of legitimacy, drawing on the distinction between voluntary and non-voluntary institutions. Finally, I answer some possible objections to the institutional conception, focusing on some of the normative aspects of authority-subject relations. [R]
63.214 MARSH, David; EVANS, Mark —
The contributors to this volume argue that the study of policy-transfer has matured significantly over the last two decades. In order to substantiate this point, we engage here with the article by E. McCann and K. Ward [“Policy assemblages, mobilities and mutations: towards a multi-disciplinary conversation”, Policy Studies Review, 10(3), Sept. 2012: 325–332; Abstr. 62.7068], an excellent and important example of such a critique, but [which is] a trifle unfair about what they see as the “mainstream” political science approach to the study of policy-transfer. As such, we briefly outline their critique, before considering the later articles in this collection which indicate how these critiques have been, and are being, addressed in the mainstream policy-transfer literature. Subsequently, we consider the ontological and epistemological positions which underpin the differences between the approaches of McCann and Ward and the mainstream literature. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 63.84, 318, 536, 652, 983, and the editors' conclusion “Policy transfer: into the future, learning from the past, pp. 587–591]
63.215 MARTIN-BRÛLÉ, Sarah-Myriam —
This article explains why different dimensions of peace operations' success are not always compatible. It puts forward a new typology for better assessing peace operations based on the accomplishment of the mandate and the establishment of order. It provides an explanation of outcomes based on the strategy and the type of interveners. The theoretical framework is applied to eleven peace operations. The analysis shows that mitigated cases are not isolated and result either from the absence of a major military power or from the adoption of a compellence rather than a deterrence strategy. [R]
63.216 MATTES, Michaela —
There is significant variation in the design of military alliances but scholars currently do not have a good understanding of when members choose one design over another. This article argues that alliance design is motivated, at least in part, by reliability considerations. If concerns about opportunism are high — when prospective members have a history of alliance violation — the signatories should be more willing to implement costly reliability-enhancing provisions such as greater precision in when alliance obligations apply, issue-linkage, and increased institutionalization. However, this should be more likely in symmetric alliances where members of similar power levels rely on the support of their partners and thus sensitivity to opportunism is high. The theoretical expectations are tested using data on bilateral alliances between 1919 and 2001 and the results are generally supportive of the hypotheses. [R, abr.]
63.217 MAUSE, Karsten; GROETEKE, Friedrich —
Despite the EU Stability and Growth Pact and existing constitutional limits on public deficit/debt at the (sub)national level in many EU member countries, in the wake of the 2010 Greek bailout, many politicians and policy advisors have proposed new constitutional “debt brakes” to prevent future fiscal crises and bailouts. This paper questions this popular policy recommendation. Public choice scholars and other critical observers have repeatedly emphasized that constitutional deficit/debt limits are not per se credible commitments to run a sound fiscal policy in the future. To demonstrate this, design defects of such fiscal constraints are usually pointed out (no politically independent control, no sanctions, etc.). Going beyond this standard approach of credibility assessment, this paper argues for taking the issue of institutional complementarity seriously. [R, abr.]
63.218 McELROY, Jerome L.; PARRY, Courtney E. —
Contrasting profiles for 25 dependent and 30 independent small islands (less than one million in population) are developed using 22 socioeconomic and demographic indicators for every fifth year between 1990 and 2010. Results confirm the consistently superior performance of the subnational island jurisdictions and provide strong but indirect evidence of their propensity for the political status quo. The former consistently remained more affluent with more dynamic and diversified economies, and their citizens were uniformly healthier with longer life expectancy and higher literacy than residents of the sovereign microstates. Finally, the affiliated islands were also more demographically mature with lower fertility. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Independence, nationalism and subnational island jurisdictions”, introduced by Godfrey BALDACCHINO and Eve HEPBURN, pp. 395–402. See also Abstr. 63.16, 666, 732, 1065, 1205, 1237, 1252, 1272]
63.219 McGREGOR, Robert Michael —
This article explores the relationship between vote sincerity and the time at which vote decisions are finalized. It posits that a specific set of competitive circumstances [is] necessary for insincere voting to occur, and that voters' understanding of these circumstances can be influenced by exposure to information during a campaign. The article introduces a new method of operationalizing a commonly overlooked type of insincere voting: the protest voter. As defined here, protest voters express their political dissatisfaction by supporting an uncompetitive non-traditional party that is not their first preference. Canadian Election Study data reveal that protest voters make up a small, but noteworthy segment of the electorate and that insincere voters tend to make their vote decisions relatively late. [R]
63.220 McMILLIN, Stephen Edward —
This article examines how policy-based evidence-making (marshaling research in support of a predetermined policy) can delegitimize the role of social science in informing and influencing changes in public policy and practice. First, this study offers a content-analysis of the memorandum of the US defense secretary establishing the comprehensive review of 10 US C. § 654, the “Don't Ask, Don't Tell” policy [on homosexuals in the army], identifying the designations and attributions used in this memorandum. Second, this article proposes a six-part test for policy-based evidence making and pilot this test on the “Don't Ask, Don't Tell” review memorandum. Implications for policy practice are discussed. [R]
63.221 McWHINNEY, Edward —
This article traces and comments on the themes of “One World”, Bipolar-ism, Unilateralism and Multiculturalism in international relations and law since the end of World War II. It criticizes unilateralism and expresses support for a multicultural approach to world affairs. [R]
63.222 MEESTER, Daniel H. —
In light of the global prevalence of secessionist movements, some have proposed “remedial secession” as a last resort solution where a “people” is either denied internal self-determination or is faced with massive human rights violations by a repressive regime. Would the adoption and enforcement of remedial secession in international law likely be a positive force for the prevention and reduction of armed conflict? This paper finds the arguments in favor of remedial secession to be lacking, and finds the theoretical and empirical case against remedial secession to be more persuasive when measured by this metric. International legal decision-makers and conflict-managers should therefore give greater consideration to international peace and security when considering remedial secession. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Canada and the international politics of secession”. See also Abstr. 63.208, 778, 984, 1144, 1314]
63.223 MEISELS, Tamar —
This article takes issue with J. McMahan's well-known argument [that] some civilians and POWs may be liable to wartime attack, and that in this respect the laws of armed conflict prohibiting such attacks diverge significantly from the deep morality of war. I reject McMahan's suggestion that at the deepest moral level it is sometimes justified to violate these legal protections of non-combatants and prisoners. I argue instead that the rules of war — moral as well as legal — are grounded in an age-old commitment to protect the defenseless and vulnerable, and can go only so deep without rendering them totally inapplicable to belligerent action. Consequently, I argue that there is little divergence between the laws of war and its deep morality. [R, abr.]
63.224 MIELNICZUK, Fabiano —
This paper demonstrates that economic factors has been subordinated to the realist rationale in the subfield of security studies in almost the entire period of its existence. After the end of the Cold War, the realist shielding that hindered the treatment of economic factors per se in traditional approaches was breached by approaches that considered the individual, and not the state, as the subject of security. [R]
63.225 MILLER, Michael K. —
This article argues that autocratic regime strength plays a critical mediating role in the link between economic development and democracy. Looking at 167 countries from 1875 to 2004, I find that development strengthens autocratic regimes, as indicated by a reduced likelihood of violent leader removal. Simultaneously, greater development predicts democratization, but only if a violent turnover has occurred in the recent past. Hence, development can cause democratization, but only in distinctive periods of regime vulnerability. Although development's stabilizing and democratizing forces roughly balance out within autocracies, they reinforce each other within democracies, resolving the puzzle of why economic development has a stronger effect on democratic stability than on democratization. [R, abr.]
63.226 MITTAG, Jana —
This contribution focuses on how citizens can engage in developing answers in fighting climate-change and adapting to its impacts. Employing the function model of civil society developed by W. Merkel and H. J. Lauth [“Systemwechsel und Zivilgesellschaft. Welche Zivilgesellschaft braucht die Demokratie? (System change and civil society: what kind of civil society does democracy need?)”, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 6–7, 30 Jan. 1998: 3–12; Abstr. 48.4306], it draws on practical experience revealed by concrete examples and offers a systematization of the roles and functions that civil society can play in combating climate-change. Examples of successful civic engagement on the community and national levels cover different perspectives and entry points, such as human rights, environmental and energy issues, and consumer protection. Transitions to stable democracy have become the object of significant international democracy support, so democracy's international supporters must understand the complexity that climate-change brings to livelihoods at the community level and the potential benefits of pursuing greater interaction with civic engagement at the local and national levels. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.49]
63.227 MONTANARO, Laura —
How should we theorize and normatively assess those individual and collective actors who claim to represent others for political purposes, but do so without the electoral authorization and accountability usually thought to be at the heart of democratic representation? I offer conceptual tools for assessing the democratic legitimacy of such “self-appointed” representatives. I argue that these kinds of political actors bring two constituencies into being: the authorizing — that group empowered by the claim to exercise authorization and demand accountability — and the affected — that group affected, or potentially affected, by collective decisions. Self-appointed representation provides democratically legitimate representation when it provides political presence for affected constituencies and is authorized by and held accountable to them. I develop the critical tools to assess the democratic credentials of self-appointed representatives. [R, abr.]
63.228 MOORE, Ryan T. —
Political scientists use randomized treatment assignments to aid causal inference in field experiments, psychological laboratories, and survey research. Political research can do considerably better than completely randomized designs, but few political science experiments combine random treatment assignment with blocking on a rich set of background covariates. We describe high-dimensional multivariate blocking, including on continuous covariates, detail its statistical and political advantages over complete randomization, introduce a particular algorithm, and propose a procedure to mitigate unit interference in experiments. We demonstrate the performance of our algorithm in simulations and three field experiments from campaign politics and education. [R]
63.229 MORA MOLINA, Juan J. —
There is no real democracy without accountability and a true right to information. The English term “accountability” refers to the need to make incumbents and officers accountable for decisions taken or avoided. Any person who has a public office must be accountable. Consequently, accountability is to be rooted in rule of law, but, since there is more than one view, a one-dimensional approach is not possible. [R, abr.]
63.230 MORGAN, John; VÁRDY, Felix —
We offer a model of “negative vote-buying” — paying voters to abstain. Although negative vote-buying is feasible under the open ballot, it is never optimal. In contrast, a combination of positive and negative vote-buying is optimal under the secret ballot: lukewarm supporters are paid to show up at the polls, whereas lukewarm opponents are paid to stay home. Paradoxically, the imposition of the secret ballot increases the amount of vote-buying — a greater fraction of the electorate vote against their intrinsic preferences than under the open ballot. Moreover, the secret ballot may reduce the costs of buying an election. [R]
63.231 MORRIS, Adam —
The micrometanarrative has contact points with the larger culture to which it belongs — references to other works that function like windows to the exterior literary field — but subsists as a slowly inflating bubble (or a tumor, metastasizing) within it. These vesicles are neither harmless nor empty: micrometanaratives have distinct and subversive political purpose. By refusing to go along with the streamlined systems of a World Republic of Letters, M. Bellatin stakes out an avant-garde posture that is both reactionary and progressive. His avant-garde posture is characterized less by rupture than by a new exteriority, a form of resistance that insists on the necessity of reimagining the possible. In a world increasingly governed by what A. Galloway calls “protocological” control, Bellatin's avant-garde project is necessarily political.
63.232 MORSELLI, Davide; PASSINI, Stefano —
For some time, social movement research and political science have studied protests and activists. However, little empirical research attempts to relate movements to the type of social change they endeavor to achieve. We suggest that different psycho-social processes may distinguish between different types of movement and protest. In particular, we cross lines between classical social psychology studies on the individual-authority relationship and studies on protest and social movements. We focus attention on the psychological processes triggered in obedience/disobedience. Our results show that when disobedience is associated with attitudes of inclusiveness, it is also positively linked to pro-democratic individual attitudes and to the enhancement of democracy at institutional levels. [R]
63.233 MULDOON, Paul —
N. Fraser's model of “metademocracy” promises to reconcile the competing claims of universal justice (grounded in human rights) and localized democracy (grounded in popular sovereignty). By instituting a global democratic procedure in which all enjoy participatory parity, Fraser hopes to ensure that some people are not denied standing as “subjects of justice” simply because of their territorial location. Despite the compelling nature of this model, I argue that Fraser fails to bridge the gulf between justice and democracy because her model of metademocracy is built on the “metanorm” of “participatory parity”. Drawing on the work of H. Arendt, I claim that this foundationalist move re-asserts the priority of justice over democracy because it takes equality as a moral given rather than the ever-precarious achievement of human organization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.46]
63.234 NANOS, G. Peter, Jr. —
What is the next step that will have the highest payoff in reducing the nuclear threat to America? Between the US and Russia, where the strategic calculus is very well understood, further bilateral stockpile reductions in the near term will lead to only limited improvements in national security. Priority and resources should be shifted to understanding how to deal with the emerging realities of a multipolar nuclear world, where risks can be just as grave and the techniques for managing them are not as well understood. [R]
63.235 NAVARRO, Clemente J.; HERRERA, Maria Rosa —
Contrary to the hypotheses that center explanation of civic activism in social and cultural change, the political opportunity structure (POS) approach focuses on the institutional environment. This article investigates its scope through an analysis applying socio-political dynamics to the local level, from information from the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation international project, or municipalities in Argentina, Spain and the US. The results show the importance of the POS at local level, and also the influence of features of the national and regional context. [R]
63.236 NELSON, Moira —
The literature underscores the differential effects of two forms of business organization — neocorporatist and firm-level — on employer support for active labor market policies and brings new evidence to bear on the implications of the relative shift towards firm-level organization on firms' investment in active measures. A macro-level study analyzes the differential effects of these two types of employer organization on total spending on active labor market policies in a pooled analysis of 18 countries between 1985 and 2000. A micro-level study explores the differing nature of firms' investment in active labor market policies in a context with strong neocorporatist organization and weak firm-level organization (Denmark) and one with strong neocorporatist and strong firm-level organization (Germany). [R, abr.]
63.237 NISHIKAWA, Katsuo A. —
I argue that innovative development programs that require citizen participation in the production of public goods can have unexpected benefits for individuals' dispositions toward democracy. In particular, I explore the effect of taking part in state-sponsored neighborhood development programs — direct-democracy type programs that require individuals to organize within their community as a precondition for state help — on participant dispositions toward democracy and willingness to take part in politics. To test this hypothesis, I use original survey data collected in the Mexican state of Baja California. To measure the effect of participation in neighborhood development programs, I conduct a quasi-experiment via propensity-score matching. [R, abr.]
63.238 O'REILLY, K. P. —
Contributing to an emerging scholarship emphasizing ideational approaches for understanding nuclear proliferation, this work offers a new analytical framework focusing on leaders' perceptions about the international system and how their “perceived strategic context” may influence the decision of “going nuclear”. Rather than being an inevitable occurrence driven by abstract systemic factors, like the security dilemma, this actor-specific, ideational approach offers a narrative depicting the fundamental role played by policy makers' perceptions about the international environment in which their proliferation decisions are made. Utilizing operational code-analysis, leaders' unique perceived strategic contexts are identified and expectant strategies for self and other analyzed by using the theory of moves sequential game construct. Initial testing of the framework is performed by examining the debated nuclear proliferation cases of South Africa and India. [R, abr.]
63.239 OBER, Josiah —
Dignity enables robust exercise of liberty and equality while resisting both neglectful libertarianism and paternalistic egalitarianism. The civic dignity required for democracy is specified through a taxonomy of incompletely and fully moralized forms of dignity. Distinctive features of different regimes of dignity are modeled by simple games and illustrated by historical case studies. Unlike traditional meritocracy and universal human dignity, a civic dignity regime is theoretically stable in a population of self-interested social agents. It is real-world stable because citizens are predictably well motivated to defend those threatened with indignity and because they have resources for effective collective action against threats to dignity. Meritocracy and civic dignity are not inherently liberal, but may persist within a liberal democracy committed to universal human dignity. [R, abr.]
63.240 OBERPFALZEROVÁ, Hana —
This article [asks] to what extent and on the basis of what mechanisms transitional justice contributes to reconciliation. [After] introducing the term and the mechanisms of transitional justice, [the author] examines their concrete form in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their contribution to the process of reconciliation, understood as a renewal of relationships between individuals and a recognition of one's own responsibility for past wrongs. [She] concludes that transitional justice contributes to the reconciliation process only in a limited way because of its low trustworthiness, its low visibility and the overly small investments in its measures. To bring about a societal change transitional justice needs to be implemented better, in a more thorough and sensitive way and especially visibly, above all in terms of restorative justice and truth telling. [R, abr.]
63.241 OHANYAN, Anna —
Understanding the institutional identity (as opposed to the organizational one) of NGOs within structures of global governance is the main theme underpinning this work. Studies documenting the quantitative rise of the NGO sector in world politics have largely neglected the qualitative impact of that development. The institutional identity of NGOs is particularly important when considering the NGOs in light of the new links and relationships they have created with state-centric structures of world politics. The article offers network institutionalism as a theoretical tool to address that gap and to serve as a bridge between NGO studies and IR. In an effort to develop an institutional perspective on NGO studies, the article integrates network theories with historical and sociological strands of the new institutionalism. [R, abr.]
63.242 OLSEN, Johan P. —
Several factors suggest that political science will develop in different directions through processes that are not necessarily coordinated. Although the discipline is unlikely to be radically different tomorrow from what it is today, changes in political life invite research that will contribute to theoretical integration and a more coherent academic identity. New opportunities will be exploited, but it is possible to build bridges, rather than watertight compartments, between sub-disciplines and “schools”. Political science can be developed further on the basis of interesting controversies in the discipline. Approaches based on competing interpretations of political actors, institutions and processes of change, and with different views regarding the explanatory power of levels of analysis, can be interpreted as supplementing rather than excluding each other. [R, abr.]
63.243 ORSINI, Alessandro —
This article focuses on the role of ideology in the decision of people who are not from societies' worst-off socio-economic groups to join a left-wing terrorist organization. Taking up the sociological perspective of Max Weber, C. Geertz, and R. Boudon, the author introduces the concept of the “terrorist of the first hour” and considers ideology as a type of social bond. The concept of ideology is here broken down into four dimensions: Social, Temporal, Affective, and Moral (STAM bond). This article also presents data on the ages, sex, educational level, and occupation of the Italian people arrested (2,730) or convicted (528) for crimes of terrorism from 1970 to 2011. [R, abr.]
63.244 OTTONELLI, Valeria; TORRESI, Tiziana —
Voluntary temporary migration constitutes a challenge for those liberal egalitarian theories that advocate full inclusion of migrants within the host society. Given the predicament and goals of those migrants who have a definite plan of return, simply extending to them the full enjoyment of citizenship rights is doubly inadequate: it fails to establish genuine equality between them and the permanent members of the host society, and it fails to accommodate their goals and life plans. In order to respond to this challenge, liberal inclusivists should envisage the establishment of new and special rights for temporary migrants and acknowledge wider obligations for liberal states than the duty to incorporate permanent migrants. [A]
63.245 OYARZÚN R., Pablo —
Authority is acknowledged as a puzzling phenomenon in view of its foundation. An analysis of the structural and genetic aspects of the kind of power and power relationship which are peculiar to authority permits to hypothesize a plus of power — an “auratic share” — in which it would consist. Further evidence in support of this hypothesis may be drawn from a critical discussion of a phrase by M. de Montaigne on the “mystical foundation” of the law, and of the corresponding commentary proposed by J. Derrida. [A]
63.246 PABST, Adrian; SCAZZIERI, Roberto —
This paper argues that civil society is best understood as the principal locus of connectivity in which markets and states operate. Civil society so configured constitutes the primary objective structure of the social domain. It embeds the causal arrangements that determine the crisscrossing of both intended and unintended outcomes in specific contexts. Within the social domain, dispositions of the means-end type interact with non-instrumental dispositions. One important implication is that civil society is compatible with a range of different political economies and specific socio-economic arrangements. Based on a typology of three distinct paradigms of civil society, we argue that the proximity paradigm is conducive to the discovery of political economies that foster greater openness and specificity compared with the political and the economic paradigm. [R, abr.]
63.247 PABST, Andrea —
Civil disobedience in German-speaking countries is living a form of renaissance. It covers a multitude of political battles, but is at the same time a controversial concept and cannot be used as an analytical tool. There can be no single definition of civil disobedience. A survey from H.D. Thoreau to the Vietnam war protests. [See Abstr. 63.287]
63.248 PAGE, Edward A. —
Typically, the emphasis of normative analyses of climate governance have focused on the environmental effectiveness, economic efficiency, and global distributive consequences of alternative climate architectures and policy mechanisms. A neglected line of evaluation, however, has been the performance of these climate architectures, and the policies they systematize, in terms of normative ideals whose meaning and significance cannot be fully captured in terms of the goal to improve environmental quality at least economic cost and with minimal worsening of existing global inequalities. Two such ideals are those of political legitimacy and procedural justice. This study explores the various ways in which one particularly important component of the emerging global climate architecture, greenhouse gas emissions trading, raises significant questions of political legitimacy and procedural justice. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.49]
63.249 PAILEY, Robtel Neajai —
State-building and nation-building in Liberia cannot be fully operationalized without an interrogation of the meaning of citizenship, given that the nation-state of Liberia is fundamentally de-territorialized, with a sizeable number of Liberians scattered throughout the globe, yet still fully engaged as transnational beings. This article scrutinizes the markers of citizenship, narrowly defined in Liberia's current Aliens and Nationality Law. [R]
63.250 PALMER, Neal A.; PERKINS, Douglas D. —
This paper [examines] the role of the internet and information and communications technology (ICT) in potential democratic movements. We propose an ecological model of technological development and democratization which recognizes that change can occur (1) at individual as well as social levels; (2) on a continuum from oppression to freedom; and (3) in multiple social spheres. Using case studies from China, we suggest that ICT might facilitate democracy on account of its potential transformations and efficiencies in terms of individuals' relationships to knowledge and information; governments; persons, groups, and nongovernmental organizations; and work and traditional social roles. [R]
63.251 PANKE, Diana; PETERSOHN, Ulrich —
The IR literature has rich explanations for norm creation, diffusion and socialization, yet there is a theoretical and empirical gap on both the dynamics and scope conditions for the degeneration of international norms. Thus, we develop hypotheses on processes and outcomes of norm disappearances that are tested with a series of qualitative studies. Norm degenerations require the presence of actors who challenge the norm and the absence of central enforcement authorities or individual states that are willing and capable of punishing norm violations. Moreover, our study shows that norms are likely to be abolished swiftly if the environment is unstable and rapidly changing and if norms are highly precise. In contrast, norms are likely to become incrementally degenerated if the environment is relatively stable and if norms are imprecise. [R, abr.]
63.252 PARÍZEK, Michal —
I discuss the possibilities and pitfalls of the study of international institutions' design. I critically review the literature and outline why much of the work on institutional design is theoretically problematic, and any meaningful progress of the study of design as a research program is unlikely. We can overcome these problems by returning to the original concept of institutions as mechanisms for transmission of information formulated in institutional theory in IR. On the basis of this concept we can develop a research program on institutional design that takes seriously the basic realist findings about the power nature of international politics. Focusing on the information transmission function of institutions we open the space for application of the findings from “organizational cybernetics” to the study of IR. [R, abr.]
63.253 PASQUIER, Romain —
How to build a comparative analytical framework? What empirical strategies must researchers develop in data collection? This article provides some answers from a variety of comparative experiences on regions in Europe. The first challenge is to study regional space as a unit of analysis of political change in order to dismiss the methodological nationalism and thus make possible the comparison across the regions and their different political traditions, social values, and cultures. This implies considering territory as a dynamic institutionalized space, producing its own logic of power. The second challenge is to collect a rich and diverse empirical material in order to build an original point of view and argue about the phenomenon studied. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.117]
63.254 PASTERNAK, Avia —
Cosmopolitan justice calls for extensive institutional transformations at the international level. But in the absence of a global enforcing authority, such transformations are bound to be hampered by a range of obstacles, including non-compliance and coordination problems. What solutions can a cosmopolitan thinker offer to address these challenges? The paper focuses on the role that international cooperation between the world's democracies can play in promoting cosmopolitan aspirations. Such cooperation has a crucial role to play in executing global justice reforms; furthermore, the world's democracies have a moral duty to lead the way in implementing cosmopolitan justice. The paper then suggests that a “League of Democracies” could potentially facilitate the type of democratic cooperation that is necessary for cosmopolitan justice. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.46]
63.255 PEREIRA, Irène —
Using pragmatic philosophy and sociology, I analyze the epistemics of common sense from activist and scholarly points of view. Considering revolutionary trade unionism, it is possible to make out a pragmatist epistemology of relations between dominant ordinary discourses and activist discourses. Activist disputes imply three implicit epistemologies which can be paralleled to scholarly ones: the universal rationalist epistemology, the rationalist epistemology of rupture and a standpoint theory. Eventually, the article enhances one last epistemological dimension: although the standpoint activist point of view is non-neutral and partial it is not an absolute obstacle to objectivity. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Controversy”, edited and introduced by David SMADJA. See also Abstr. 63.624]
63.256 PERLIGER, Arie —
While the academic study of counterterrorism has gained momentum in recent years, it still suffers from major theoretical weaknesses. One of the most prominent shortcomings is an absence of theories that can effectively explain the factors that shape the counterterrorism policies of democratic regimes. This study first proposes an analytical framework for a classification of counterterrorism policies. Second, it presents a theoretical framework that strives to uncover the factors that have influenced the struggle against domestic terrorism in democratic regimes. The analyses, which have used a unique and comprehensive dataset that documents counterterrorism policies in eighty-three democracies, show that the robustness of the regime's democratic foundations as well as the symbolic effect of terrorism are major forces in shaping the democratic response to it. [R, abr.]
63.257 PETERSEN, Karen Lund —
Increased focus on catastrophic events (terrorism, climate change, etc.) seems to have given the fields of security studies and risk-analysis a common empirical theme and highlighted the need for a common research agenda. This article explores the intersection between these two fields of study, as it investigates how the “old” disciplinary debates on risk have been translated “into” security studies — to predict, criticize or evaluate the current political practice of security. Such analysis provides a much-needed overview of the risk debates within security studies and brings out the limits of this debate in light of the broader and much more historically settled risk debates within sociology, economics and anthropology. [R, abr.]
63.258 PETERSON, Timothy M.; THIES, Cameron G. —
This article argues that horizontal intra-industry trade is associated with reduced conflict propensity within dyads. Horizontal intra-industry trade is characterized by participation in international markets for similar — in many cases, branded — commodities, resulting from economies of scale and consumer tastes for variety. Conversely, inter-industry trade in accordance with the Ricardian and Heckscher-Ohlin models, while providing valuable trade gains, in some instances provokes vulnerability to trade partners, such that its overall impact on dyadic conflict is ambiguous. Support for this expectation is found in empirical tests spanning from 1963 to 2001. Additionally, there is evidence that development is insufficient to preclude conflict when jointly developed dyads engage in no intra-industry trade. [R]
63.259 PIAZZA, James A. —
Qualitative research suggests that discrimination against minority groups precipitates terrorism in countries. This study adds to this body of research by determining which specific manifestations of minority discrimination — political, socio-economic or cultural — are important and substantive predictors of terrorist activity. To do so, I conduct a series of negative binomial estimations and substantive effects simulations on a cross-national dataset of terrorist attacks and the treatment of minority groups in four specific areas: political participation and representation, economic status, religious and language rights. The results indicate that socioeconomic discrimination against minorities is the only consistently significant and highly substantive predictor of terrorism. [R, abr.]
63.260 PICKERING, Jonathan; BARRY, Christian —
A range of developing countries and international advocacy organizations have argued that wealthy countries, as a result of their greater historical contribution to human-induced climate change, owe a “climate debt” to poor countries. Critics of this argument have claimed that it is incoherent or morally objectionable. We clarify the concept of climate debt and assess its value for conceptualizing responsibilities associated with global climate change and for guiding international climate negotiations. We conclude that the idea of a climate debt can be coherently formulated, and that while some understandings of the idea of climate debt could lead to morally objectionable conclusions, other accounts would not. However, we argue that climate debt nevertheless provides an unhelpful frame for advancing global justice through international climate negotiations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.46]
63.261 PICKERING, Steve —
This article introduces two new datasets. The first is a new interstate distance dataset. Different theories regarding distance and conflict call for different understandings of “distance”; accordingly, ten different types of distance measurement are presented. Moreover, in order for a distance dataset to contain accurate distances, it [must] be based on maps reflecting state border changes over time. As such, a new map dataset is presented, including annualized maps for all states, stored in KML format. The significance of the relationship between distance and conflict is tested for the ten different types of distance measurement, in order to demonstrate that distance remains an important variable and that each different form of distance measure can be significant. [R, abr.]
63.262 PIETRYKA, Matthew T.; BOYDSTUN, Amber E. —
What is the candidate's best agenda-setting strategy? To focus on other issue positions congruent with the same ideological stereotype, shoring up support among like-minded voters? Or to “go maverick” by discussing some issues that signal liberal positions and some that signal conservative positions? Existing voting models suggest the answer depends on voter preferences, since going maverick should have symmetric effects: support among voters who agree with the candidate's positions will decrease, proportionally, as support increases among voters who disagree. We argue, however, that stereotype incongruence prompts these voters to process information differently, yielding asymmetric effects. We test our expectations experimentally, using a fictional candidate webpage to show how the benefits of going maverick can outweigh the costs. [R]
63.263 PIIPARINEN, Touko —
The importance of the principle of Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) has typically been attributed either to its character as a presumed new norm (normative ontology) or to its capacity to influence international politics by mobilizing political actors to protect civilians through military interventions and other forms of intervention (causal ontology), as witnessed in the recent cases of Libya and Côte d'Ivoire. This article argues for an additional model of explanation: the main significance of RtoP might best be understood by reference to its character as a political statement of global policy networks (discursive ontology) calling for the reinterpretation of the sovereignty regime. The article applies M. Foucault's theory of discursive fields to demonstrate that RtoP beneficially introduces human security as an additional criterion of state sovereignty, thus contributing to the “humanitarization of sovereignty”. [R, abr.]
63.264 PIIPARINEN, Touko —
This article argues that the increasingly frequent and robust implementation of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) principle reflects not only the operation of the functionally narrow doctrine of humanitarian intervention, but also the emergence of a new paradigm of global security, namely sovereignty-building. RtoP protects populations from mass atrocity crimes, supports and builds responsible sovereigns committed to protecting their populations, and restrains “irresponsible” sovereigns. These functions of RtoP perfectly capture the sovereignty-building paradigm. This article draws upon the philosophical literature on sovereignty, the analysis of the norm-development of RtoP, and empirical evidence of the UN Security Council's deliberations on the situation in Libya in 2011 to argue that the image of responsible sovereignty featured in RtoP is composed of three aspects: popular, spontaneous and indivisible sovereignty. [R, abr.]
63.265 PLATTNER, Marc F. —
Modern democracy was born in the era of print, and the press has been one of its essential institutions. With the decline of newspapers and the rise of new media, what are the implications for democracy? [R]
63.266 POLLARD, Julie; PRAT, Pauline —
Studies comparing subnational policies must address the impact of national characteristics. The central issue of this paper is: how to identify national framework influences when comparing subnational policies? We first present two main approaches that combine subnational and national levels in comparative frameworks. The first is characterized by the domination of the national level. Subnational cases are used to grasp implementation issues or to refine national patterns. In the second, mainly inspired by urban governance literature, the characterization of subnational entities prevails. Taking into account these two ways of comparing subnational policies, we present a third way to combine these approachs, through observation of actors evolving in a multilevel environment. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.117]
63.267 PORTER, Tony —
Numerical indices and peer-review processes, which are used increasingly to assess and rank countries, are relatively novel governance instruments. They have serious practical consequences and pose conceptual challenges for conventional IR theories. This article draws on concepts from actor-network theory (ANT) to analyze the differences between these two mechanisms, their relationship to networks, their differing materialities, and how they succeed or fail. These concepts include actants, translation, enrolment, black-boxing, obligatory passage points, and immutable or mutable mobiles, which together provide useful insights into the way in which humans and objects work together in transnational networks to produce, alter, or resist power. The article argues that ANT can address some problems associated with the concept of governmentality, while complementing its strengths. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.137]
63.268 PRUITT, Lesley —
This article provides an initial analysis of obstacles to addressing impunity for widespread conflict-related sexual violence. First, a background of trends of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in conflict is provided. The article then outlines why addressing impunity is important for building peace and ending conflict-related SGBV. Next, the article presents an overview of developments and mechanisms adopted by the international community in an attempt to address impunity. Yet despite these advances, conflict-related sexual violence remains widespread and impunity persists. Thus, the article sets out one proposal for addressing the problem-increasing the number of women working in international peace operations through the creation of UN-sponsored Women's Police Service (UNWPS). [R, abr.]
63.269 PUGH, Michael —
Multilateral interventions for regime-change are not new, but their mutation has been congruent with an aggressive attempt to introduce liberal values into peacekeeping and related operations discernible from the 1990s. While recognizing non-coercive, needs-based elements of interventions for peace, this article contends that regime-change wars have harmonized with the UN's facilitation of aggressive peace missions and coercive peace-building. In the 1990s, the perceived failures of, and demands on, the UN, led to a general policy of permissiveness for Western states to pursue regime-change, accompanied by reconstruction and development opportunities to promote neoliberal ideas of political economy in war-torn societies. This article focuses on two aspects of international operations fostered through or by the UN: the militarization of peace missions and peace-building through neoliberal political economy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.185]
63.270 QVORTRUP, Matt Haunstrup —
This article shows empirically, theoretically and statistically that domestic terrorism in Western Europe occurs more frequently in countries with majoritarian political systems (typically first-past-the-post electoral systems and single-party governments) than in countries with consensus political systems (typically countries with PR electoral systems and coalition governments). Based on a survey of all domestic terrorist incidents in Western Europe from 1985 to 2010, the article shows strong negative correlations between consensus institutions and levels of terrorism; that is, the more disproportional the political system is, the higher the levels of terrorism are likely to be. Thus domestic terrorism tends to occur when minorities are excluded from the decision-making process on matters they find important. These findings indicate that constitutional engineering provides a more promising model of counterterrorism than the prevailing orthodoxy. [R]
63.271 RADAELLI, Claudio M.; DENTE, Bruno; DOSSI, Samuele —
In its rational, organizational, historical and discursive varieties, the new institutionalism research agenda is arguably the most successful paradigm in comparative politics and public policy analysis. However, neoinstitutional practice applied to comparative policy analysis reveals four pitfalls: “institutional determinism”, “drop in the box”, “second-best residual explanations” and “theoretical conjectures without foundational mechanisms”. We illustrate and examine the pitfalls and consider the conceptual and methodological implications for the comparative analysis of policies. In the conclusion, we present options for rescuing institutional analysis from bad practice. [R]
63.272 RAJAGOPALAN, Swarna —
What does it mean to adopt a feminist perspective on foreign policy? While feminist writing on international relations is more than two decades' old, foreign policy has not been of great interest to scholars in the field. There are four strands of feminist interest in foreign policy. The first strand is the classic question “Where are the women?”, while the second is scholarship around very specific and very local topics related to foreign policy. The third strand is critical analysis of both foreign policy and other official international engagements through a feminist framework. The final strand relegates foreign policy to one dimension of international relations rather than being central to it.
63.273 RICHARDS, Julian —
Many difficult ethical issues are intertwined with the business of “policing globalization” in the modern era. The changes and developments offer new opportunities in Intelligence Studies for exploring ethics, and the role of the intelligence function within a modern liberal democracy. The questions posed by the new threat picture for such states offer something of an “intelligence dilemma”, which must balance the provision of good security with respecting civil liberties and ensuring the continued support of the population for security and intelligence policy. This article examines the intelligence dilemma within the framework of five dimensions: globalization, risk and resilience; the question of a “surveillance society”; the “intermestic” challenge in the new threat picture; difficulties around the use of covert action and cyber capabilities; and partnership risks. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.162]
63.274 RICHMOND, Oliver P. —
“Local ownership” and “participation” have become buzzwords for international intervention, whether military, humanitarian or developmental, by the UN, World Bank, agencies or NGOs. This has been partly to avoid accusations of intrusion and to enhance its legitimacy. Yet, such strategies have often not promoted local ownership in any meaningful way. Rather, they have denied it, confused which (local), and obscured the wider range of meanings of the concept. Internationals claim that they are referring to “national” rather than local ownership because their focus is on a viable state that should become a member of the international community while also providing rights to its citizens. Despite good intentions such understandings of ownership do little to enhance a contextual social contract. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.322]
63.275 RICKARD, Stephanie J. —
There is general agreement that democratic institutions shape politicians' incentives to cater to certain constituencies, but which electoral system causes politicians to be most responsive to narrow interests is still debatable. Some argue that plurality electoral rules provide the greatest incentives for politicians to cater to the interests of a few; others say proportional systems prompt politicians to be relatively more prone to narrow interests. This study suggests that both positions can be correct under different conditions. Politicians competing in plurality systems privilege voters with a shared narrow interest when such voters are geographically concentrated, but when they are geographically diffuse, such voters have greater political influence in proportional electoral systems. Government spending on subsidies in fourteen developed countries provides empirical support for this argument. [R]
63.276 RICKARD, Stephanie J. —
Recent theories suggest that international trade puts pressure on governments to cut spending. Empirical studies find evidence of this with respect to social welfare spending in developing countries. However, existing studies leave open the possibility that trade has varied effects on different types of spending programs. Governments may cut spending on some programs, such as social welfare, in order to fund greater spending on other budget items. Using data on central government spending in 44 developing countries, trade is found to decrease spending on social welfare programs but increase spending on subsidies. The implication is that governments in developing countries have the capacity to offset the costs of globalization; however, they do so via subsidies rather than social welfare programs. [R, abr.]
63.277 RIERA, Pedro —
A number of institutional and non-institutional factors hamper electoral coordination and, hence, increase party system fragmentation in the nominal tier of mixed electoral systems. Contrary to expectations, the number of electoral parties is not lower in all old democracies. Nevertheless, the level of democratic experience modifies the effect of other variables like the type of mixed electoral system or the closeness of the races. Econometric tests evaluate this phenomenon in a diverse sample of 15 countries and a total of 57 elections with more than 10,000 observations at the district level. [R]
63.278 ROBBINS, Joseph W.; HUNTER, Lance Y. —
We argue that in order to better understand the relationship between party systems and voter turnout, researchers should consider other relevant party system measures. In particular, several scholars have surmised that party system stability holds numerous implications for democracies, but there has yet to be an empirical analysis of this claim. We anticipate that lower volatility and replacement rates — both indicating more stable party systems — should have a positive impact on aggregate turnout. Even when including several control variables, the results of our cross-sectional time-series analyses confirm our hypotheses. [R, abr.]
63.279 RODE, Martin; GWARTNEY, James D. —
Previous empirical studies have found that the institutions and policies of democracies are generally more supportive of economic freedom than authoritarian political regimes. This paper employs a new dataset by J. A. Cheibub et al. (“Democracy and dictatorship revisited”, Public Choice 143(1/2), 2010: 67–101; Abstr. 60.5377) to examine the impact of transitions to democracy on economic freedom. The dataset identifies 48 political transitions from authoritarianism to democracy since the mid-1970s, for which the data on economic freedom are available. Both cross-sectional and panel data analyses are employed to examine these transitions within the framework of fixed-and random effects models. The results indicate that transitions to democracy are associated with subsequent increases in economic liberalization as measured by changes in the Economic Freedom of the World index. [R, abr.]
63.280 RODRIGUES, Miguel; TAVARES, Antonio F.; ARAÚJO, J. Filipe —
Service-provision by local governments can be delivered using in-house bureaucracies, private firms, and partnerships with other governments or the not-for-profit sector. This production decision has been a major focus of discussion among scholars, practitioners and political agents for the last quarter of a century. The transaction costs framework is an important tool to analyze decisions regarding the production of local services. We employ this framework to analyze service-delivery in Portugal and find that service characteristics and the local political environment play a key role in local officials' choice among the three governance mechanisms to deliver public services. [R]
63.281 RODRIGUEZ-BLANCO, Veronica —
R. Geuss [Politics and the Imagination, Princeton, 2010] asserts that there are fragmented views on human rights and that there is no unifying principle. This view conveys the particularity of our perspectives, attitudes, desires and self-understandings. It rejects abstractness and is committed to a thick, perspectivist, historical understanding of person-hood. To understand who we are, is to understand how we arrive at being who we are. By contrast, the notion of human rights deploys abstractness, unification of agency, necessity and a thin view of person-hood. I [examine] these two aspects of the notion of human rights. I argue that the genealogical method advocated by Geuss elucidates our historical contingencies; however, any view in favor of the genealogical method relies on the idea that evaluative or normative concepts cannot be defined in terms of a common denominator. [R, abr.]
63.282 RODT, Annemarie Peen —
Military endeavors related to the management of violent conflict constitute an important and popular field of academic enquiry. However, scholars often fail to define convincingly and coherently what it means to militarily manage a violent conflict successfully. This article considers the theoretical foundations of conflict management. It synthesizes the existing literature on the topic and carefully considers the purpose of military conflict management operations. It explores how conflicts become violent and what role third-party military deployments are intended to play in preventing more violence. In this way, the article links the study of peace operations to the scholarship of violent conflict and its external regulation, to further the understanding of conflict-management and the role of the military in this regard. [R] [See Abstr. 63.322]
63.283 RONZONI, Miriam —
Social liberals and liberal nationalists often argue that cosmopolitans neglect the normative importance of state sovereignty and self-determination. This paper counter-argues that, [in] current global political and socio-economic circumstances, only the establishment of supranational institutions with some (limited, but significant) sovereign powers can allow states to exercise sovereignty, and peoples' self-determination, in a meaningful way. Social liberals have largely neglected this point because they have focused on an unduly narrow, mainly negative, conception of state sovereignty. I contend, instead, that we should more closely consider the positive aspects of sovereignty, understood as the capacity to maintain internal problem-solving capacities and make meaningful discretionary choices on a range of national issues. [R] [See Abstr. 63.46]
63.284 ROSS, Karen; COMRIE, Margie —
The abiding interest of researchers to explore the nature of political communication continues to provoke lively debates about who controls the moveable feast of the news agenda: politicians or journalists. This article argues that despite journalistic claims of impartiality, a careful, multilayered analysis of print and broadcast news of a general election (New Zealand, 2008) and, more specifically, reportage about the leaders of the Labour Party (H. Clark) and National Party (J. Key) demonstrates clear bias against the long-serving (older female) incumbent in favor of the (younger male) challenger. This bias is manifest in several ways, including the visibility of the two leaders measured by column inches, their uses as quoted sources and the tone and tenor of reportage. [R, abr.]
63.285 ROY, Jason; ALCANTARA, Christopher —
Do non-fixed election dates in Westminster parliamentary democracies create an unfair incumbent advantage? The consensus in the literature is that the incumbent party can gain an advantage at the ballot box by controlling election timing. Surprisingly, however, there is a lack of empirical evidence to support this claim. We address this lacuna by providing an empirical test of whether the election-timing power matters for incumbent vote support. We employ an innovative web-based voting experiment. Our findings show that the government does gain an advantage by timing an election when it is to their advantage, but the context is limited to conditions where the election follows immediately after a heightened level of positive government coverage. [R]
63.286 RUBEL, Robert C. —
The assumption that the US operates from a position of strength relative to its potential enemy underpins US deterrence theory. This perceived strength has emboldened American administrations to take serious tactical risks. This tacit assumption, facilitated and entrenched by overwhelming US conventional military superiority in the post-Cold War era, forms the foundation both for the relatively recent development of tailored deterrence and for the “Flexible Deterrence Options” (FDO) that now constitute a routine aspect of the joint military planning process. This article argues that the tacit assumption of strength is too narrow and can promote the implementation of deterrent policies and actions that have the opposite effects of those intended. Deterrence, rightly understood, is a component of a conflict-management strategy which implies a degree of weakness on the part of the state that employs it. [R, abr.]
63.287 RUCHT, Dieter —
Mass protests are dependent on a variety of conditions: e.g., unrest, expressing collective interests, organization and logistics, opportunity structures and the potential outcome of the protests. Whereas basic ideological themes (socialism, liberalism or nationalism) are retreating into the background, specific group interests come to the fore; the protests become more variable and are difficult to survey. [First article of a thematic issue on “Protest and participation”. See also Abstr. 63.35, 247, 746, 807, 816, 824, 890]
63.288 RUMMENS, Stefan —
Three related normative requirements — forum, stage, and network — are founded upon the need to sustain deliberation as an open-ended and ongoing process and should be part of a more encompassing measure of macro-deliberative quality. Representative politics based on a general electoral mechanism has certain characteristics which make it well suited to meet these normative requirements. Representative politics furthermore provides the democratic debate with a kind of visibility which allows representative institutions to play an indispensable role in the connection of political power to public reason as well as in the generation of the epistemic resources and the sources of solidarity required to support ongoing and open-ended democratic deliberation.
63.289 RYAN, Timothy J. —
There is substantial evidence that political actors can incorporate emotional content into their messages with an eye toward evoking politically relevant behaviors. This finding raises the question of why many appeals seem geared to evoke not anxiety, but rather anger. I point to reasons why anger might evoke information-seeking under at least some conditions. Then, in a new type of field experiment, I induce feelings of anger and anxiety and passively measure the effects on information-seeking. Across three studies, I find anger, evoked alone, to increase information-seeking to a large degree — substantially increasing web-users' proclivity to click through to a political website. The results suggest that anger can engage and speak to psychological incentives for political communication, under some conditions, to employ angry rhetoric. [R, abr.]
63.290 SALTER, Michael —
Have we, as C. Schmitt suggested in the mid-20th c., been entering a new global order comprising multiple and co-existing regional hegemonic bodies, each possessing its own spheres of influence and located at an intermediary level between the UN and the traditional individual nation-state? In this order of large political spaces, will China's growing status as a regional superpower, projecting its sovereign power and influence well beyond its own national borders, require legal recognition by a modified and realist form of international law and, if so, then in which particular ways? [R]
63.291 SATTLER, Thomas; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
What determines the level of public support for international integration? We argue that national economic performance and the stringency of the proposed integration treaty modify the effects of two individual characteristics on public support: knowledge about the treaty and trust in the incumbent government. Poor economic performance amplifies the positive effect of treaty knowledge because informed citizens value international integration as collective insurance. However, reducing the stringency of the integration treaty through concessions undermines the positive effects of both treaty knowledge and trust in government because concessions mitigate concern even among uninformed and suspicious citizens. To test the theory, we estimate a random utility model on survey data on two repeated referenda on European integration: Maastricht I and II (Denmark, 1992/1993) and Lisbon I and II (Ireland, 2008/2009). [R, abr.]
63.292 SCARTASCINI, Carlos; TOMMASI, Mariano —
This article builds bridges in the formal study of policy-making across polities of different degrees of institutional development. It explores the reasons why policy-making is fairly institutionalized in some polities but not in others. It suggests extending standard models of institutionalized policy-making to allow for a wider set of actions, including the threat of violence or of damage to the economy. It engages the discussion of institutions as rules and institutions as equilibria, delivering multiple equilibria with different degrees of institutionalization. The likelihood of institutionalized policy-making increases as the cost of alternative political actions increases, as the damage these alternatives cause decreases, and as the economy becomes wealthier. [R, abr.]
63.293 SCHALATEK, Liane —
Addressing climate change requires many billions of dollars. A significant portion of short- and long-term finance will have to come from industrialized countries in the form of public money transferred to developing countries, for private-sector investment and carbon markets are unlikely to be sufficient. This is not only an international treaty obligation of the historic polluter countries, but also a matter of upholding human rights. However, democratic core principles such as accountability, transparency and public and gender-equitable participation in decision-making must guide the mobilization of public climate funding, and the governance and administration of these resources and their allocation to recipients. Citizens in contributing and recipient countries have a right and an obligation to be informed about and involved in how public money is utilized to address climate change. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.49]
63.294 SCHEUERMAN, William E. —
In contemporary international political theory, “cosmopolitanism” is typically juxtaposed to “realism”, with many varieties of the former building on Kantian moral and political ideals, and the latter presumably rejecting Kant and his aspiration for far-reaching global reform. In agreement with a growing body of scholarship that seeks to challenge conventional views of realism, this essay attends to the surprisingly complex views of the Kantian legacy (including H. Kelsen, perhaps the most important neo-Kantian international thinker in the last century) within its ranks. An examination of realism's rendezvous with Kantianism not only helps draw a more differentiated portrayal of realism than is still found in much scholarship, but it also helps us understand how realism dramatically changed within a relatively short space of time during the immediate postwar decades. [R, abr.]
63.295 SCHMIDT, Vivien A. —
M. Bevir's Democratic Governance [Princeton, 2010] is radical in its attack on governance as theory and as administrative practice. It is ambitious in its historical tracing of the roots of governance back through modernism in philosophy, democratic theory and the social sciences. And it has a purpose: to reveal the historical contingency of modernist theories of governance and their deleterious effects on current democratic practice while demonstrating the value of his more “interpretive” social science. He does all of this masterfully, although we are nonetheless left wanting more of an account of interpretivism, more critical engagement with modernist theories, and more developed interpretive solutions to the problems that governance theory has caused for democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 63.192]
63.296 SCHOLZ, Bettina —
The impact of the Olympics seems global, but is it cosmopolitan? Cosmopolitan theory needs to be expanded to include criteria for evaluating the effects of transnational non-governmental associations. Such criteria would enable cosmopolitans not merely to argue for the toleration of associations but also to consider how associations advance cosmopolitan norms and dispositions. Assessing institutional, developmental, shared identity and public sphere effects, this article uses the example of the Olympics to explore what it would mean for an association's effects to be cosmopolitan. Establishing standardized international rules and shared global norms such as fair play are cosmopolitan aspects of the Olympic movement. These shared rules and practices lead to transnational communities among elite athletes, sports administrators and even audiences. [R, abr.]
63.297 SCOTT, Kyle A. —
This article develops a defense of federalism that builds from a virtue ethics justification of consent. It introduces macro-level consent which permits a defense of federalism that is both normatively and practically satisfying. This article's defense of federalism is a necessary step in developing a theory of federalism. The article first develops a virtue ethics defense of consent that is based on an Aristotelian view of human nature and human flourishing. The second section draws on Johannes Althusius to show the role of consent in a federal system. The third section outlines how the Iroquois Confederation used a version of macro-level consent within a federal framework. [R]
63.298 SELWAY, Joel; TEMPLEMAN, Kharis —
Although advocates of consociationalism have asserted that there is solid empirical evidence supporting the use of power-sharing institutions in divided societies, previous quantitative tests of these theories suffer from serious data limitations and fail to take into account the conditional nature of institutional effects. The authors test the effect of (1) proportional representation (PR) over majoritarian electoral rules, (2) parliamentary over presidential or semi-presidential arrangements, and (3) a federal over a unitary system in reducing conflict in a cross-country data set of 101 countries representing 106 regimes. The results undercut much of the previous empirical support for consociationalist arrangements in divided societies. We find that PR and parliamentarism appear to exacerbate political violence when ethnic fractionalization is high, though the effect of federalism is less certain. [R]
63.299 SERDÜLT, Uwe; WELP, Yanina —
Despite incomplete research, bottom-up direct democracy is seen as a way for citizenry to exercise veto power (refusing laws or constitutional amendments) or to innovate (propose bills). This essay challenges this common assumption by analyzing all the experiences of bottom-up direct democracy at the national level worldwide (1874–2009). It is suggested that even so-called bottom-up referendums could be used (1) to concentrate power, (2) to serve as a partisan strategy, and, rather exceptionally, (3) to empower citizens and civil society. While the first type shows a similar pattern to top-down direct democracy in hybrid regimes or non-consolidated democracies, and the second type works as a political party's strategy to increase membership and votes, only the last type could reinvigorate democracy, although to what extent this is happening needs further research. [R, abr.]
63.300 SEWELL, William H., Jr. —
The cascading effects of the current crisis seem to demonstrate irrefutably the tremendous power of economic forces in our contemporary lives. The course of the crisis insistently echoes capitalist crises of past decades and centuries: comparisons with the Great Depression of the 1930s and the tulip mania in early 17th c. Holland are rife in both public and academic discourse. What kind of historical event is an economic crisis? What are the distinctive temporalities of economic life under capitalism that make crises recur? How do economic temporalities combine with political or cultural temporalities to shape historical change over both the short and the long run? And finally, how can an understanding of the temporalities of capitalism help illuminate the implications of the current crisis? [A]
63.301 SHRAGE, Laurie —
What legitimate governmental aims are served by tracking and regulating the sex identities of political subjects? The common protocols followed in many democratic societies to establish or change a person's legal sex violate our rights to medical privacy and self-determination. Moreover, these practices place unjustified burdens on persons who do not have a unitary or unambiguous sex identity. While there are some legitimate public interests advanced by having the state gather population data that include sex and gender information, allowing subjects to self-report and control their legal sex status (as is increasingly done for race and ethnic identities) would not undermine legitimate public interests. [A]
63.302 SINGH, Shane P. —
This study examines how electoral systems shape the underlying dimensionality of political discourse by incentivizing certain strategies among parties. Cross-sectional linear regression is used to examine how electoral systems affect dimensionality. The study provides an original measure of dimensionality derived from an empirical estimation of a spatial model of voter preferences over political parties. Data are from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The analysis indicates that electoral institutions strongly affect a nation's dimensionality, especially in socio-ethnically homogeneous countries. Less proportional electoral systems engender a unidimensional political space. Results are robust across several model specifications. [R, abr.]
63.303 SINNERBRINK, Robert —
In Critique and Disclosure [Critical Theory between Past and Future, Cambridge, Mass. 2006], N. Kompridis argues that the future of critical theory depends upon a pluralistic and critical appropriation of M. Heidegger's concept of “world-disclosure”. Such a move, Kompridis argues, would help overcome Habermas's overly reductive proceduralist conception of reason and thereby transform critical theory into a form of “disclosing critique” oriented towards the future. While agreeing with Kompridis that critical theory should retrieve the romantic strain within its own heritage, I argue that Kompridis's Heideggerian revision of critical theory requires supplementation by a more neo-Hegelian account of recognition. One way of further integrating world-disclosing critique into critical theory is to retrieve the tradition of aesthetic critique of modernity and to link it in productive ways with A. Honneth's attempts to transform critical theory via a theory of recognition. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.358]
63.304 SLANTCHEV, Branislav L. —
Military expenditures are often funded by debt, and sovereign borrowers are more likely to renege on debt-service obligations if they lose a war than if they win one or if peace prevails. This makes expected debt service costlier in peace, which can affect both crisis bargaining and war termination. I analyze a complete-information model where players negotiate in the shadow of power, whose distribution depends on their mobilization levels, which can be funded partially by borrowing. I show that players can incur debts that are unsustainable in peace because the opponent is unwilling to grant the concessions necessary to service them without fighting. This explanation for war is not driven by commitment problems or informational asymmetries but by the debt-induced inefficiency of peace relative to war. [R, abr.]
63.305 SMETS, Kaat —
This research departs from the observation in the literature that some countries, such as Canada, Britain and the US, in recent years witness a widening of the gap in turnout between younger and older citizens. Based on election study data from ten countries this article shows that the trend toward a widening generational divide is not observed in all Western democracies and that over-time trends in the age gap as a matter of fact are decidedly varied. In an attempt to explain over-time patterns and between-country differences, this research focuses on changing societal characteristics and changes in characteristics of elections. More specifically, the idea that over-time variation in the transition to adulthood has been overlooked as an explanation of declining turnout levels among young voters takes a central place. [R, abr.]
63.306 SMITH, Steven B. —
What are the threats to politics fifty years after the publication of B. Crick's classic In Defence of Politics? The chief danger lies in the forces of globalization and the eclipse of the national state as the locus of political life. It is the hope of many in both Europe and the US that we might replace the basic structure of the sovereign state with a variety of post-national forms of organization such as the UN or the EU. What are the forces behind these developments? Are we entering a world beyond politics increasingly administered by international law courts and tribunals no longer responsible to their national electorates? The possibility cannot be ruled out, but such a world, I suggest, would no longer be a political world. [R] [See Abstr. 63.101]
63.307 SMITH, William —
This article sketches a normative framework to orientate moral evaluation of the ways in which liberal democratic societies police civilly disobedient protest. The central argument is that the police should, wherever possible, adopt a strategy of “negotiated accommodation” towards civil disobedience. The core requirement of this strategy is that police officers should attempt to engage in dialogue with protest groups before or during their civil disobedience actions. This dialogue must be underpinned by a conscientious and sincere commitment on the part of officers to balance the traditional goals of public order policing with the good of accommodating civil disobedience. The article contrasts the idea of negotiated accommodation with alternative strategies for policing civil disobedience, illustrates its practical implications through considering various examples, and defends it against important objections. [R, abr.]
63.308 SOIFER, Hillel David —
[Although] critical junctures are frequently deployed in historical analyses, we lack an explicit causal logic for them. This article proposes a distinction between permissive and productive conditions in critical junctures. Permissive conditions are necessary conditions that mark the loosening of constraints on agency or contingency and thus provide the temporal bounds on critical junctures. Productive conditions, which can take various logical forms, act within the context of these permissive conditions to produce divergence. I develop these concepts in detail and use classic analyses that apply the concept to show the implications of this new framework for the scope conditions, case selection, and theoretical completeness of historical analysis, as well as for broader issues in historical analysis such as the relationships between crisis and outcome, and between stability and change. [R]
63.309 SOLARZ, Marcin Wojciech —
The term “Third World” was coined in 1952 by the French scientist A. Sauvy. From the start the meaning of the phrase and its geographical reference have been ambiguous. Generally speaking, the term has always had both a political and a socio-economic meaning, even though at first, during the Cold War, the political sense was more widely applied. The term gained popularity quickly and it became one of the most important and expressive concepts of the 20th c. From the very beginning, however, its critics pointed out many different problems, which is why some people have argued that the notion of “Third World” should be abandoned. Nevertheless, the “Third World” concept remains one of the most frequently used terms for describing the global South. [R, abr.]
63.310 SOLT, Frederick —
Despite much attention to the problematic consequences of authoritarianism, little research focuses on the causes of such unquestioning respect for “proper” authority. Elaborating on the social learning approach to authoritarianism, this article argues that economic inequality within countries shapes individuals' feelings toward authority. As differences in condition increase, so does the relative power of the wealthy. As a result, regardless of their incomes, individuals' experiences are more likely to lead them to view hierarchical relations as natural and, in turn, to hold greater respect for authority. Multilevel models of authoritarianism in countries around the world over three decades support this relative power theory. [R]
63.311 SOMMER HARRITS, Gitte; MØLLER, Marie Østergaard —
Previous research on political target groups demonstrates a link between social constructions, policy design and political legitimacy. Such theories form the background of an explorative analysis of political target groups in a relatively new policy area, namely policies directed against social reproduction and “negative social heritage”. The results show first that target groups in preventive health, day-care and education policies are rather diffuse and delimited mainly by descriptions of social groups. Second, results indicate that political legitimacy in preventive policies are closely connected to the delimitation of and difference between “all children” and “some children”, i.e. children with problems. Finally, the analysis shows that policy tools consist of “corrections of behavior”, which is connected to both descriptions of problems and the general goal of equal opportunities. [R] [See Abstr. 63.427]
63.312 SØRENSEN, Eva —
M. Bevir's Democratic Governance [Princeton, 2010] is an ambitious and courageous book, but it makes the mistake of drawing too sharp a line between modern and interpretive social science. In consequence, it fails to take into account the many important contributions that the so-called modernists have produced about democratic governance and to take issue with the vibrant debates that currently take place among interpretivists. [R]
63.313 SPICER, Michael W. —
This article examines the nature of moral conflicts, the role of politics in mediating moral conflicts at a societal level, and the implications of this role for public administration. It argues that the political practices of a community can help it deal with conflicts regarding different conceptions of the good in a manner that minimizes force and violence by providing an opportunity for hearing the other side on the issues that divide it. It presents an agonistic view that sees politics as an ongoing contest among competing conceptions of the good rather than as a cooperative search for truth. [R, abr.]
63.314 STANDING, Guy —
Liberalized markets promoted by the Washington Consensus under globalization have resulted in a global class structure in which new groups have emerged, including a “precariat” consisting of millions of people subject to flexible, insecure labor relations. The “precariat” is a class-in-the-making, in that the global market system wants most workers to be flexible and insecure, even if it is not yet a class-for-itself. This article traces the factors explaining its growth and considers which demographic groups have the highest probability of being in it. It then considers two possible political scenarios: a politics of inferno, if current negative trends are allowed to continue, and a politics of paradise, a set of policies that would be essential to arrest those negative trends. [R, abr.]
63.315 STARICCO, Juan Ignacio —
In this article I explain the French May [1968] as a point of departure for postmodern politics in the both empirical struggles and the intellectual field. Taking as a point of departure the paradigm shift which occurred around the concept of collective action at the end of the 1960s, I contradict the generally shared assumption that considers the French May as a pioneer case of a New Social Movement. The reading of the events here proposed presents on the contrary the French May as the last case of a traditional movement that nevertheless had important consequences for the establishment of a new paradigm of mobilization. [R] [See Abstr. 63.69]
63.316 STOCKEMER, Daniel; SCRUGGS, Lyle —
We comprehensively analyze the macro-level link between income inequality and electoral turnout. First, we re-examine prior studies which affirm that higher inequality puts a drain on electoral turnout in wealthy industrialized Western countries. Second, we evaluate whether there is an association between the two concepts in a larger, more representative sample of democratic elections around the world. Third, we analyze if income inequality has a different influence on participation in the Western and non-Western countries. Controlling for nine theoretically informed covariates, we assess these claims in a multilevel framework with evidence from more than 550 democratic elections between 1970 and 2010. We find little evidence that electoral turnout is affected by income inequality. [R, abr.]
63.317 STOKER, Gerry —
The defense of political science rests on a starting proposition that practitioners of political science need to embrace relevance rather than fear. Defending the role of politics in resolving societal dilemmas is in part a responsibility of those who study it and the challenge is significant given evidence of disenchantment with the political process in many established and mew democracies. Political science needs to offer not only an understanding of politics that is theoretical, sophisticated and empirically rigorous but also an approach that is not just problem-focused but solution-seeking. Defending political science means defending politics and taking on the challenge of improving its practice. [R] [See Abstr. 63.101]
63.318 STONE, Diane —
The past two decades have seen a wealth of papers on policy-diffusion and policy-transfer. This paper reviews some of the trends in the literature by looking backwards to the political science diffusion literature, and forwards to the expanding multi-disciplinary social science literatures on policy “learning”, “mobilities” and “translation” which qualify many of the rationalist assumptions of the early diffusion/transfer literatures. These studies stress the complexity of context that modifies exports of policy and the need for interpretation or experimentalism in the assemblage of policy. The paper [then] focuses on role of international organizations and non-state actors in transnational transfer in the spread of norms, standard-setting and development of professional communities or networks that promote harmonization and policy-coordination. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.214]
63.319 STRAUSSMAN, Jeffrey D. —
Concepts such as lesson-drawing, policy-diffusion, policy-transfer and, more recently, “isomorphic mimicry” have been used to suggest that, over time, administrative practices, policies and governance systems across countries are converging. Three different sources of data are used to examine the extent of convergence in the roles of legislatures in budget processes. Taken together, there is very limited evidence of convergence despite the efforts of entities such as the International Budget Partnership or the OECD. [R] [See Abstr. 63.460]
63.320 STREBEL, Felix; WIDMER, Thomas —
Quantitative-oriented diffusion studies, either focused on diffusion patterns or mechanisms, take for granted that policy adoptions are manifest and therefore directly observable in the legislation. A more nuanced perspective of policy adoption taking into account gradual differences between adoption and non-adoption is proposed, valid for diffusion among communities and states in federal settings and among countries on the global level. While some measures are transferred with a clear instrumental aim, others are rather transferred for symbolical reasons. Looking at specific processes, the paper proposes a concept that disentangles the current understanding of policy-diffusion and provides empirical evidence that current diffusion research misconceives instances. The four different transfer types are illustrated with empirical evidence from sub-national energy policy-making in Switzerland. [R, abr.]
63.321 SWIGGER, Nathaniel —
Can images in campaign ads change voter perceptions of candidates? I use a series of controlled experiments to demonstrate that viewers make inferences about a candidate based on the types of people depicted in campaign ads. Viewers were more likely to believe that the candidate supported political benefits for certain demographic or professional groups when images of group members were included in campaign ads. They were also more likely to characterize the candidate as liberal or conservative, depending on the ideological reputation of the group pictured. [R]
63.322 TANNAM, Etain —
This article reviews the different approaches to examining intervention, drawing on the other articles in this issue. A critique of local ownership is set out, drawing on the cases of Northern Ireland and the Balkans, particularly Kosovo. [Although] most authors favor either grass-roots or elite-driven approaches, this article highlights the merits of an elite-driven approach and emphasizes the need for more detailed investigation of the correct timing for local empowerment in a given conflict and the necessary conditions for its success. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “International intervention in ethnic conflict”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 63.274, 282, 998, 1010, 1014, 1114]
63.323 TAYLOR, Laura K.; DUKALSKIS, Alexander —
This article reviews scholarship relevant to the potential democratizing effects of truth commissions and derives mechanisms that help explain this relationship. Work from the transitional justice field as well as democratization and political transition more generally is considered. Using a newly-constructed Truth Commission Publicness Dataset (TCPD), the analysis finds that even after statistically controlling for initial levels of democracy, democratic trends in the years prior to a commission, level of wealth, amnesties and/or trials, the influence of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and different cutoff points for measuring democratization across a number of models, more publicness predicts higher levels of democracy years after the commission has finished its work. [R, abr.]
63.324 TAYLOR, Lucy —
This article argues that the location of Latin America is ideally placed to bring a significant critique of IR because of its intimate relationship to one of the conventional IR's key protagonists: the US. The analysis involves thinking about the US from a historical and theoretical position in Latin America, exploring the always intimate relationship between the two. It draws its inspiration particularly from Latin American theorization of the “coloniality of power” and explores two decolonial strategies: thinking about the emergence of a globally powerful USA through coloniality theorizing and examining the political possibilities of “border thinking” and “diversality” within the “colonial difference” for a decolonial IR. The article discusses which positions Latin America as a site for critical thinking and action, and a heartland of decolonial struggle. [R, abr.]
63.325 TAYLOR, Matthew —
Running through B. Crick's In Defence of Politics is an implicit faith in the ability of liberal democracy to deliver progress. From the perspective of 1962 such optimism seems well founded. After the years of postwar austerity there had been more than a decade of steady growth, the middle class was expanding fast providing unprecedented levels of absolute social mobility (more benign and less complicated than the relative social mobility which today's politicians disingenuously claim to pursue). The author explores the case for “social politics”. [R] [See Abstr. 63.101]
63.326 THYNE, Clayton L.; SCHROEDER, Ryan D. —
Understanding that conventional and ideological civil wars are rare, scholars are increasingly coming to view rebellions as large-scale criminality. However, much work remains to link criminality and civil conflict. The authors draw on a large body of criminological research known as social control theory, which identifies informal factors that are expected to produce conformity with norms and laws, such as social attachments, commitment to achieve goals, involvement in the community, and belief that law is just. While a plethora of work has linked these processes to criminological behavior, the authors build a bridge to the civil war literature. Empirical tests examine how marriage, unemployment and military involvement impact the one's “taste for revolt” at the individual-level, and the likelihood of civil war onset at the macrolevel. [R, abr.]
63.327 TURNER, Graham M. —
Since the availability of cheap and suitable energy underpins in many ways both developed and developing economies, it is crucial that national economies are prepared for potential energy shocks. Shocks may arise from physical constraints, such as a peak in the national and global production rate of oil, or from institutional constraints, such as economic incentives to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. This article reviews the potential and implications of alternative energy technologies intended to avoid or alleviate such shocks. It is suggested that system-wide analysis is required to properly assess all alternatives. [R]
63.328 UNDERDAL, Arild —
The author offers two different interpretations of “relevance”: one focusing on the attentive public, the other on professional activities. Concentrating most of his analysis on the latter, he reviews findings from surveys indicating that political science candidates assess their own “academic” skill as (very) good but have less confidence in operational skills for effective communication, teamwork and problem-solving. Employers in the public sector rate political-scientists and economists as equally well qualified but their private sector colleagues have more faith in economists. Some internal critics urge political science to strengthen its “design arm”. The author reviews two contributions to this line of critique to explore possibilities as well as limitations in two more specific undertakings; predicting likely conflict trajectories and determining the political feasibility of alternative options. [R, abr.]
63.329 URPELAINEN, Johannes —
The consequences of global warming are uncertain and possibly irreversible. I investigate the value of early mitigation action given these uncertainties and irreversibilities. I complement standard economic techniques with a political analysis: in the model, an incumbent government may be replaced through elections or other means by another policy-maker with very different preferences. I find that if a green policy-maker (very concerned about global warming) is probably replaced by a brown policy-maker (mildly concerned about global warming), the case for early mitigation action is even stronger than otherwise. Thus, if environmentally aware governments gain power in major emitter countries, they have particularly strong incentives to negotiate a global climate treaty when they expect that their successor may be less interested in climate cooperation. [R, abr.]
63.330 VALASEK, Justin Mattias —
How do measures to increase turnout affect election outcomes? I use a novel approach to analyze how these measures influence both voter turnout and the candidates' political positions. In general, lowering the net expense of voting reduces political polarization. If the net expense of voting is made very low, then candidates no longer have an incentive to take partisan positions to motivate turnout and will converge at the median voter's ideal point. For small changes in the net expense of voting, however, decreasing the cost of voting and penalties for not voting (two common measures) can result in drastically different political outcomes. Counter-intuitively, measures that make voting cheaper might not increase turnout: since these measures decrease the difference between the candidates' political positions, they also decrease the benefit of voting. [R]
63.331 VALENTINI, Laura —
Which standards should we employ to evaluate the global order? Should they be standards of justice or standards of legitimacy? I argue that liberal political theorists need not face this dilemma, because liberal justice and legitimacy are not distinct values. Rather, they indicate what the same value, i.e., equal respect for persons, demands of institutions under different sets of circumstances. I suggest that [in] real-world circumstances — characterized by conflicts and disagreements — equal respect demands basic-rights protection and democratic participation, which I here call “political justice”. I consider three possible configurations of the global order — the “democratic world-state”, “independent democratic states”, and “mixed” models — and argue that a commitment to political justice speaks in favor of the latter. [R] [See Abstr. 63.46]
63.332 VAN BIEZEN, Ingrid; BORZ, Gabriela —
This article investigates the ways in which political parties are codified in modern democratic constitutions, providing a unique cross-sectional and longitudinal overview of the patterns of party constitutionalization in postwar Europe. We demonstrate that there is a clear correlation between the nature and the intensity of party constitutionalization and the newness and historical experience of democracy and that, with time, the constitutional regulation of the extra-parliamentary organization and the parties' rights and duties has gained in importance at the expense of their parliamentary and electoral roles. The analysis furthermore suggests that three distinct models of party constitutionalization can be identified — Defending Democracy, Parties in Public Office, and Parties as Public Utilities — each of which is related to a particular conception of party democracy. [R, abr.]
63.333 VAN DEN BRINK, Bert —
The paper discusses whether deliberative democracy should make us see democracy “as deliberation” only insofar as we need to see it as such, or whether it should make us see democracy “as deliberation essentially”. Critics have argued that deliberative democracy does the latter rather than the former. But they have not sufficiently shown how this works, why exactly it is problematic, and how the associated problems may be overcome. Drawing on recent literature on L. Wittgenstein's idea of being held captive by a picture, I develop a conceptual framework for understanding these questions. Drawing on recent empirical work on the realities of deliberative democracy, I show why empirical accounts of democracy demand that we learn to see democracy under many different aspects — of which deliberation is an important, but not necessarily the essential one. [R]
63.334 VAN DER HEIDEN, Nico; STREBEL, Felix —
Many scholars have convincingly shown that policies diffuse between national and sub-national entities for several different reasons. [However], there is a lack of comparative research across policy areas. [Also], the question of why diffusion might not occur in a certain domain is under-theorized and lacks an empirical test. By comparing the rationale behind diffusion processes in two policy domains — energy policy and locational policy — this paper shows that two aspects matter for diffusion processes: (1) the observability of policy measures, i.e., how easily things can be observed by others; (2) the competitiveness of the policy domain. If policy measures can be hidden easily and the policy domain is highly competitive, policy diffusion is very unlikely to happen. Therefore, we seek the integration of these two aspects in prospective diffusion research. [R, abr.]
63.335 VAN HAUTE, Emilie; CARTY, R. Kenneth —
We identify a distinctive type of party member; those who identify themselves as ideologically at odds with their party. Using survey evidence from nine parties in Belgium and Canada, we measure the prevalence of these “ideological misfits” and explore the characteristics that define them. While there appears to be no systematic cross-party pattern, it is striking that mass parties of the left have disproportionately large numbers of such members. To the extent that those parties pride themselves on intra-party democracy, this raises questions about their capacity to respond to Downsian drives towards the center and suggests that May's law may be one of left-wing disparity. [R]
63.336 WACZIARG, Romain —
We examine empirically the relationship between crude oil prices and the ebb and flow of democratic institutions, in order to test the hypothesis that high oil prices undermine democracy and sustain autocracy. We use a variety of time-series and panel-data methods over a wide range of country subsamples and time periods, finding strictly no evidence in favor of this “First Law of Petropolitics”. [R]
63.337 WAGNER, Markus —
Various scholars have recently argued that niche parties are to be distinguished from mainstream parties, in particular because the two party types differ in their programs, behavior and strategies. However, so far there has been no attempt to provide a concise, measureable definition of the niche-party concept. I argue that niche parties are best defined as parties that compete primarily on a small number of non-economic issues. The occurrence of niche parties is then operationalized and measured using issue salience information provided by expert surveys and manifesto data. After comparing the findings with existing definitions, the main characteristics of the niche parties identified are examined in a final step. [R]
63.338 WALDEGRAVE, William —
B. Crick's greatest polemic In Defence of Politics remains as relevant today as when it was written. As modern politicians try to contract out responsibility for more and more, Crick's argument that honesty about the limitation of what they can achieve is the best defense of their most important of all human activities is increasingly important. His attacks on scientism in political thought, on populism, and on the value-free nature of market mechanisms, remain classic. [R] [see Abstr. 63.101]
63.339 WALLACE, M. S. —
Starting from violence's widely acknowledged status as a wrong, this article critically explores attempts to legitimize violence through appeals to moral frameworks that determine the ends for which violence may be employed. Recognizing that such frameworks exist on all sides of violent conflict, it argues that since there will never be complete agreement on their content or application, nor complete certainty about which moral framework is the “correct” one, it becomes impossible to distinguish legitimate from illegitimate violence either non-controversially or with certainty. If we wish to avoid these problems yet maintain our moral commitments, we must employ nonviolent means to wage our conflicts, as such means remain legitimate despite disagreement or uncertainty regarding ends. [R, abr.]
63.340 WAMPLER, Brian —
The direct incorporation of citizens into complex policy-making processes is the most significant innovation of the “third wave” of democratization in the developing world. Participatory governance (PG) institutions are part of a new institutional architecture that increases the connections among citizens and government officials. This article draws from a single case of PG to explore how its particular mechanisms work to transform representative democracy. In the cases examined here, PG institutions are grafted onto representative democracy and existing state institutions. These are state-sanctioned venues that require the intense involvement of citizens and government officials, without which the programs would grind to a halt. These features can expand citizen participation, enrich political representation, and enhance social justice. [R]
63.341 WARREN, Patrick L. —
This study models how a nation's military manpower system affects the decision to go to war. Manpower systems differ primarily in how they distribute costs: the volunteer system shares the war's manpower costs broadly, whereas the draft forces a subset of the population to bear a disproportionate share of the load. This difference affects an office- and policy-motivated politician's decision to go to war. The draft induces prowar policy-makers to pursue more wars than the volunteer military does, whereas the volunteer system induces anti-war policy-makers to pursue more wars than the draft does. The manpower systems cannot be generically ranked by efficiency because each makes errors the other avoids, but the volunteer system induces selection of more efficient wars for a large class of plausible preference distributions. [R]
63.342 WELLMAN, Christopher Heath —
I argue that, if we take human rights as seriously as we should, then even a legitimate state has no principled objection to outsiders' intervening in its internal affairs if this interference will prevent just a single human rights violation. I defend this stark view by, among other things, showing that it (surprisingly) leaves adequate room for state sovereignty. [R]
63.343 WHITE, Linda A. —
This article examines whether current shifts in government spending on early childhood education and care (ECEC) and maternal employment-promoting policies such as maternity and parental leave reveal a paradigm shift toward a social investment strategy in liberal welfare states. It finds that while governments in liberal welfare states increasingly adhere to the rhetoric of social investment focused on lifelong learning and labor activation, their policies and programs exhibit so much variation in goals, instruments and settings related to the family, maternal employment and the child that it is difficult to claim that any new policy approach has taken hold that is indicative of a social investment “paradigm”. Instead, liberal welfare states appear to be becoming even more liberal at the same time as spending is increasing. [R]
63.344 WIENS, David —
Against the conventional wisdom, I propose that clinical theorists should adopt an “institutional failure analysis approach”, which takes its primary design task to be obviating or averting social failures. The main innovation of this approach is to ground our evaluation of institutional arrangements on a detailed understanding of the causal processes that generate actual problematic outcomes. So conceived, failure analysis enables clinical theorists to prescribe more effective solutions to injustice because it focuses on understanding the “injustice”, rather than on specifying an ideal of justice. [R]
63.345 WINDHOLZ, Eric —
This article builds a taxonomy of the different functions performed by the term “harmonization” in contemporary policy debates. Four broad functions or domains of use are identified — political, policy, process and program — within each of which there are multiple different uses. Based on this classification, the article then develops a multi-dimensional conceptual framework through which the term can be better understood and examined, its political uses identified and isolated, and harmonization initiatives constructed, framed and analyzed. The framework should prove useful for Ministers and government departments called upon to determine if, how and to what extent to harmonies regulations in a particular area; regulators called upon to administer and enforce harmonized regulatory regimes; and regulatees, practitioners and academics concerned to understand the impact of a harmonization task. [R]
63.346 WLEZIEN, Christopher; SOROKA, Stuart N. —
The link between public opinion and policy is of special importance in representative democracies. Policy-makers' responsiveness to public opinion is critical. Public responsiveness to policy itself is as well. Only a small number of studies compare either policy or public responsiveness across political systems, however. It remains, then, for scholars to assess the opinion-policy connection across a broad range of contexts. This paper takes a first step in this direction, drawing on data from two sources: (1) public preferences for spending from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) and (2) measures of government spending from OECD spending datasets. These data permit a panel analysis of 17 countries. The article tests theories about the effects of federalism, executive-legislative imbalance, and the proportionality of electoral systems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.431]
63.347 WOLFSON, Dirk J. —
Individualism, cultural pluralism, and pressures from globalization are putting a strain on matching demand and supply of public services. Citizens want tailor-made solutions, professionals in delivery systems need degrees of freedom to customize supply, and complexity brings along information asymmetries and strategic behavior. All this calls for a new look at interactive governance. This article develops a mode of situational contracting that reveals preference at the level of the individual actor, generates trust in mutual adjustment, and creates scope for customization and innovation in public management. It sets out a strategy, presents results of an early application in the Netherlands, and suggests further applications. [R]
63.348 WOOD, Reed M.; KATHMAN, Jacob D.; GENT, Stephen E. —
We theorize that changes in the balance of power in an intrastate conflict influence combatant strategies of violence. As a conflict actor weakens relative to its adversary, it employs increasingly violent tactics toward the civilian population as a means of reshaping the strategic landscape to its benefit. The reason for this is twofold: (1) declining capabilities increase resource needs at the moment that extractive capacity is in decline; (2) declining capabilities inhibit control and policing, making less violent means of defection deterrence more difficult. As both resource-extraction difficulties and internal threats increase, actors' incentives for violence against the population increase. To the extent that biased military interventions shift the balance of power between conflict actors, we argue that they alter actor incentives to victimize civilians. [R, abr.]
63.349 WOON, Jonathan —
I conduct a laboratory experiment to investigate whether voters focus on the problem of electoral selection or focus instead on electoral sanctioning. If voters are forward-looking but uncertain about politicians' unobservable characteristics, then it is rational to focus on selection. But doing so undermines democratic accountability because selection renders sanctioning an empty threat. In contrast to rational-choice predictions, the experimental results indicate a strong behavioral tendency to use a retrospective voting rule. Additional experiments support the interpretation that retrospective voting is a simple heuristic that voters use to cope with a cognitively difficult inference and decision problem and, in addition, suggest that voters have a preference for accountability. [R, abr.]
63.350 YU Jianxing; ZHOU Jun —
Western and Chinese researchers in the early 1990s offered certain theoretical perspectives for Chinese civil society research. However, research conducted over recent years has developed some new theories out of these horizons, providing new theoretical perspectives on the structural relationship between Chinese civil society and the state, the developmental route of civil society, and theoretical interpretations of new developments, such as multigovernance and network public opinion. This research helps to enhance scholars' understanding of China's political and social changes and facilitate Chinese civil society research. However, Chinese civil society research still needs to strengthen its theoretical foundation and enhance understanding of ongoing changes in order to overcome various hurdles in Chinese civil society studies, such as a lack of theory-oriented research, insufficient micro-level research, and limited explanatory power. [R, abr.]
63.351
A symposium. Articles by Daniel I. O'NEILL, “Revisiting the middle way: The Logic of the History of Ideas after more than a decade”, pp. 583–592; Martyn P. THOMPSON, “The Logic of the History of Ideas: Mark Bevir and Michael Oakeshott”, pp. 593–608; A. P. MARTINICH, “A moderate logic of the history of ideas”, pp. 609–626; Sara R. JORDAN and Cary J. NEDERMAN, “The Logic of the History of Ideas and the study of comparative political theory”, pp. 627–642; Amit RON, “The logic of the historian and the logic of the citizen”, pp. 643–656; Mark BEVIR, “Post-analytic historicism”, pp. 657–666.
63.352
A symposium. Articles by Kenneth A. SCHULTZ, “Why we needed audience costs and what we need now”, pp. 369–375; Branislav L. SLANTCHEV, “Audience cost theory and its audiences”, pp. 376–382; Jack S. LEVY, “Coercive threats, audience costs, and case studies”, pp. 383–390; Erik GARTZKE and Yonatan LUPU, “Still looking for audience costs”, pp. 391–397; Jonathan MERCER, “Audience costs are toys”, pp. 398–404; Marc TRACHTENBERG, “A comment on the comments”, pp. 405–415.
63.353
A symposium. Articles by Fabrizio CAFAGGI and David D. CARON, “Global public goods amidst a plurality of legal orders”, pp. 643–650; Danil BODANSKY, “What's in a concept? Global public goods, international law, and legitimacy”, pp. 651–668; Gregory SHAFFER, “International law and global public goods in a legal pluralist world”, pp. 669–694; Fabrizio CAFAGGI, “Transnational private regulation and the production of global public goods and private ‘bads’”, pp. 695–718; Francesco FRANCIONI, “Public and private in the international protection of global cultural goods”, pp. 719–731; Petros C. MAVROIDIS, “Free lunches? WTO as public good, and the WTO's view of public goods”, pp. 731–742; Elisa MORGERA, “Bilateralism at the service of community interests? Non-judicial enforcement of global public goods in the context of global environmental law”, pp. 743–768; André NOLLKAEMPER, “International adjudication of global public goods: the intersection of substance and procedure”, pp. 769–792.
63.354
Articles by Michael KEMPE; Kerstin PETRETTO and David PETROVIC; Hannes SIEGRIST; Annette KUR; Constanze MÜLLER; René KUPPE; Frieder VOGELMANN.
63.355
Articles by Paola MARRATI, “The ordinary life of democracy”, pp. 397–401; Andrew NORRIS, “Skepticism, finitude and politics in the work of Stanley Cavell”, pp. 402–406; Jörg VOLBERS, “Crossing the bounds of sense: Cavell and Foucault”, pp. 407–410; Cary WOLFE, “Cavell's ‘forms of life’ and biopolitics”, pp. 411–415; Thomas DUMM, “Misgiving, or Cavell's gift”, pp. 416–420. Authors' responses, pp. 421–429.
63.356
Articles by Beate ROESSLER, “Meaningful work: arguments from autonomy”, pp. 71–93; Samuel ARNOLD, “The difference principle at work”, pp. 94–118.
63.357
Articles by Rudolf LEIPRECHT; Peter FRANZ; Désirée WATERSTRADT; Haci-Halil ISLUCAN and Bernd DOLLINGER; Jutta HARTMANN; Käthe SCHNEIDER; Harald SCHOEN; Stephan LESSENICH.