Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
64.965 AITCHISON, Andy —
The article adapts and applies the governing-through-crime framework to analyze the EU and Office of the High Representative (OHR) as international governing actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Limited, ambiguous and opportunistic use of techniques associated with governing-through-crime are most evident in relation to OHR, but only as one of a wider range of governing logics, and are linked to specific challenges of legitimation. The outward spread of criminal justice models and metaphors proposed by Simon is shown to be problematic in light of the breadth of activities that such a stance might admit to the framework. [R]
64.966 ALLAN, Jen Iris; DAUVERGNE, Peter —
During international environmental negotiations developing countries have commonly employed a unified strategy through the G-77 and China (G-77/China). Compared with other negotiations, such as those on trade and security, this strategy has been relatively successful in securing financial and technical benefits. Unity among developing states is not, however, a characteristic of all environmental negotiations. This paper analyzes the case of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation plus conservation (REDD +), where unity has been absent. It argues that the negotiation positions, strategies and coalition politics from 2005 to 2013 have been a result of identifiable power asymmetries among developing states (shifting over time). Some states with vast forest resources have held an effective veto, while others have had considerable moral influence and expert authority. [R, abr.]
64.967 AMATO, Giuliano, et al. —
The article sheds light on recent EU institutional trends since the economic and financial crisis that started to hit Europe in 2009. While much of the contemporary literature has stressed the ultimate rise of intergovernmentalism, here we propose a more open reading. We describe a chaotic evolution characterized by two sets of contradictions: between intergovernmental and community method (with recent institutional developments based on both EU and international law), and between the leading role of national governments and a context marked by a disguised and unbalanced federalism. All this implies major risks for the future of the EU. [R]
64.968 ANSALONI, Matthieu —
Based on the example of the debate on the relations between the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the environment, this article offers a longitudinal analysis of a public problem definition. Focusing on actor struggles, it shows how, in twenty years, the vision of the relations between the CAP and the environment carried out by some environmentalists has become dominant at the European level, generating a large and tacit consensus. Three complementary elements are identified to explain political consensus production: the use of “science” allows projecting a seemly depoliticized and universal worldview, promising an inevitable future; the plasticity of the logic of this vision enables various appropriations, likely to integrate diverse interests; finally, legal consecration of this vision favors a phenomenon of symbolic impact. [R]
64.969 ARIFEEN, Nazmul —
Some IR scholars, primarily those belonging to the dominant realist schools, often undervalued the importance of International Organizations, e.g., the UN, arguing that a “world government” is not attainable in an international system composed of sovereign states of equal status. While that claim is largely valid and a global government remains an unattainability in the foreseeable future, however, global governance — a process through which different actors, both state and non-state, achieve goals through informal and formal structures which in a way contribute in achieving order in the international system — is feasible. This paper argues that the UN has achieved the objectives of global governance by accommodating emerging new actors including non-governmental and civil society organizations. [R, abr.]
64.970 ARNOLD, Christine; SAPIR, Eliyahu V. —
Much of the empowerment of the EP over the years is due to its special role in providing a bridge connecting the public's policy preferences and the legislative behavior of elected officials. As the only popularly elected EU institution, successive treaty reforms increased the EP's political power. These reforms were accompanied by an explicit desire to see citizens’ involvement in EU politics increase and, in turn, provide support and legitimacy to the European integration project. This paper models MEPs’ track records on various political issues, and assesses the extent to which their output is in line with the positions their party campaigned on and the policy preferences expressed in public opinion. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.971 AYDIN-DÜZGIT, Senem —
Following a post-structuralist theorizing of identity in international relations, which argues that identity is relationally and discursively constructed through foreign policy, this article analyzes the way in which the European Commission discursively constructs European identit(ies) in its relations with Turkey around the theme of “security”. It utilizes the methodological tools of critical discourse-analysis in analyzing the speeches and field interviews conducted with European Commission officials, in examining the way in which they construct “Europe” in relation to the security implications of Turkish accession. The findings challenge the argument that Europe is moving beyond the modern state to resemble a post-modern order, and problematizes the designation of the Commission as a “cosmopolitan” actor in EU enlargement policy. [R]
64.972 BÄCKSTRAND, Karin; ELGSTRÖM, Ole —
How to explain the EU's decline as a climate-change leader at the Copenhagen summit? How to understand the partial revival of its leadership position at the Durban climate summit? We advance a twofold explanation, focusing on changes in relative power relations among major powers but also on negotiation strategies and coalition building. In Copenhagen, the EU had a normative agenda and unrealistic expectations and thereby failed to forge any bridge-building coalitions. In Durban, it had moved towards a pragmatic strategy, attuned to the realities of changing power constellations. The EU approached developing countries that shared its desire for a legally binding regime covering all major emitters and probed compromises with veto-players, such as China and the US. This bridge-building strategy was combined with a conditional pledge to agree to an extension of the Kyoto Protocol. [R, abr.]
64.973 BAERISWYL, Pascale —
In times of deep political divide on crisis-management, the international community regularly puts the blame on the UN Security Council. Some take it as additional proof for its inadequate composition, yet others use it as an argument for the moral obligation to act without the Council's consent. But is the organ the main cause of the problem? Do the Council members really exhaust the potential the UN Charter offers for their multilateral governance of peace and security? The development of more modern working methods, based on a balanced partnership between permanent and elected members and a constructive cooperation with other stakeholders, can significantly increase the effectiveness of the Security Council. And maybe this evolution will constitute the first step towards a fundamental structural reform. [R]
64.974 BARDI, Luciano; PIZZIMENTI, Eugenio —
This article identifies the main dimensions of the conflicts that arose around the choice of the EU's first High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR). It develops a series of frames to describe systematically the nested games that surrounded the appointment and emphasize the interactions between party politics, institutional dynamics and intergovernmental bargaining. In the absence of an extensive literature, we engage in a preliminary empirical exploration of the processes that led to the appointment of C. Ashton through an analysis of the Italian and British press on the different perceptions that prevailed in the two countries whose candidates were the main competitors in this highly controversial process. [R, abr.]
64.975 BELLAMY, Alex J. —
This article suggests that the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) is not particularly effective as a “rallying call” that mobilizes action in cases where international society may be initially reluctant to act. It does add value in helping to reshape states’ identities and interests such that consideration of the protection needs of [threatened] populations has been internalized to some extent by the UN Security Council. As such, RtoP is best seen as a “habit-former”. The principle does not, however, determine particular behaviors or guarantee international consensus because decision-making is heavily influenced by contextual factors. [After] examining instances where RtoP has been invoked since early 2006, I explore the role of context in shaping how the UN Security Council responds to particular crises. Finally, I consider the UN Security Council's response to the crisis in Somalia after 2006. [R, abr.]
64.976 BENEDETTO, Giacomo —
This article examines the changes of the Lisbon Treaty to the rules on agreeing the EU's annual budget and multiannual financial framework. The comparative budgets literature as well as theories of agenda-setting, veto-players and empowerment of the EP inform the analysis of how the EU's budgetary powers changed and the likely outcomes on spending. Overall, the EP's powers are reduced, the budget becomes more inflexible and, most significantly, the rules of the Lisbon Treaty have the effect of reducing the amounts available to spend. Although the Lisbon Treaty grants the EP greater influence over ordinary EU legislation, national governments seem to have used the same treaty to send the Parliament's budgetary powers in the opposite direction and to curtail EU expenditure. [R]
64.977 BEXELL, Magdalena —
This article explores legitimacy challenges arising from increased cooperation between the UN and large business companies in the realm of global public health through an examination of the Global Public–Private Partnership for Handwashing with Soap, seeking to prevent the spread of disease in poor communities. In contrast to many health partnerships, it does not employ a “vertical” disease-specific program, neither does it involve pharmaceutical companies. Instead, the partnership stresses the marketing skills of soap companies in influencing individuals’ hygiene behavior as an important rationale for public–private partnering. The article argues that market-based governing strategies might increase the output legitimacy of global health governance, but that modes of representation and accountability have not evolved sufficiently to provide for broader input legitimacy. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Global governance and democratic legitimacy: a bottom-up approach”, edited and introduced by Jan WOUTERS, et al. See also Abstr. 64.41, 50, 177, 229, 978, and the conclusion, Abstr. 64.1023]
64.978 BIJLMAKERS, Stephanie —
Global Corporate Social Responsibility schemes have assumed an authoritative role in today's diversifying global business and human rights governance regime, yet scholarship has paid scant attention to their democratic credentials. This article analyzes the democratic legitimacy of the UN “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework and the corresponding Guiding Principles, as developed by the former UN Special Representative for Business and Human Rights, Professor Ruggie. Applying De Búrca's democracy striving approach [“Developing democracy beyond the state”, Columbia Journal of Transnational Law 46(2), 2008: 101–158; Abstr. 59.1533], the article provides insights into how the design and actual performance of the six years mandate of the Special Representative meet the democratic ideal of equality, participation and accountability. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.977]
64.979 BLINDER, Alan S. —
While objections can be (and have been) raised, the US government's multifaceted macroeconomic policy responses to the financial crisis after September 2008 appear to have been quite effective. Yet, politically, they are more reviled than admired. The paradox is that economic success — in the sense of averting much worse outcomes — turned into political failure. This article asks why. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “The effect of the Great Recession”, edited and introduced, pp. 6–24, by Sheldon DANZIGER. See also Abstr. 64.642, 777, 883, 1281]
64.980 BLOCKMANS, Steven; SPERNBAUER, Martina —
Despite the unification of the EU legal order, the merger of external action objectives and the creation of hybrid coordination structures, the dichotomy between the CFSP and non-CFSP categories of EU external action has been maintained in the Lisbon Treaty. This article considers the legal implications of this dichotomy in the sphere of EU external security provision. We argue that the specificity of CFSP instruments, Member State preferences for a legal basis that provides them with veto power in decision-making procedures, the absence of judicial review from the realm of CFSP, and the two-way “non-contamination clause” of Article 40 TEU effectively stand in the way of “mixing” EU foreign policy measures in the field of external security action and thus hinder a comprehensive approach to conflict prevention, crisis-management and peace-building. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “A European approach to comprehensive security?”, edited and introduced by Carmen GEBHARD. See also Abstr. 64.985, 990, 1046, 1047, 1049, 1084]
64.981 BLOOM, Stephen; PETROVA, Vladislava —
The structural funds were designed to give the European Commission supranational control over where regional aid was spent. We argue that domestic “pork-barrel” politics determine which regions are awarded regional aid in the new member states of Eastern Europe. Support for our argument comes from a dataset that includes 1,688 European Regional Development Fund grants to Latvia's 118 regions and 1,533 pre-accession Phare awards to Bulgaria's 264 municipalities. In both Bulgaria and Latvia, we find that regional aid projects went to wealthier not poorer localities, and to those that supported coalition parties in the previous election. [R] [See Abstr. 64.483]
64.982 BONATTI, Luigi; FRACASSO, Andrea —
The large current-account imbalances in the Eurozone reflect persistent diverging trends between core and periphery countries, also fed by low interest rates and abundant capital flows brought about by the introduction of the euro. With the global financial crisis, the market sentiment has changed, and capital has left the periphery countries suffering from debt and growth problems due to their failure to bring price–wage dynamics into uniformity with those of the more disciplined countries. Germany is called upon to provide financial assistance and additional external demand; however, Germans are recalcitrant. This article investigates the rationale of the German stance in light of the (corporatist-statist, neo-mercantilist) German socio-economic model and the widespread concern about losing the competitiveness that Germany regained through painful reforms and changes in the last two decades. [R]
64.983 BONOTTI, Matteo —
W. Kymlicka's liberal culturalism presents a tension between the idea that linguistic diversity in multilingual polities should be protected and the claim that democratic debate across linguistic boundaries is unfeasible. I resolve that tension by arguing that trans-lingual democratic deliberation in multilingual polities is necessary to legitimize those measures aimed at the protection of linguistic diversity. I conclude that my account provides a coherent normative response to the challenges faced by the EU in the field of language policy and that an EU-wide deliberative forum is not as unfeasible as Kymlicka suggests. [R]
64.984 BORGER, Vestert —
Solidarity is more than a legal notion and should be used as an analytical tool to understand the legal developments arising from the debt crisis. Several rescue operations that have been carried out by the EU and the member states during the crisis have led to the strengthening of solidarity between euro area member states and its transformation since the inception of EMU. As a result, Union law is put under strain. This forms the inevitable consequence of a treaty framework which is based on a notion of solidarity from the past. The current treaties can accommodate the changes in solidarity that have taken place until now. But further changes, whose signs are already visible, will make eventually inevitable new amendments to the EU treaty.
64.985 BOSSUYT, Fabienne; DRIEGHE, Lotte; ORBIE, Jan —
In contributing to the debate on the EU's comprehensive approach to security, this article examines the structural-operational interface between trade and security. It hypothesizes that the challenge of comprehensive security to combine structural activities with operational measures is most pronounced in the trade-security interface. As the oldest, most integrated and most powerful external policy domain of the EU, trade policy has acquired a high degree of institutional autonomy, operates according to its own logic and standard procedures and has a distinct organizational esprit de corps. This inhibits the integration of the EU's trade policy into the more comprehensive security portfolio. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.980]
64.986 BRATTBERG, Erik; RHINARD, Mark —
This article examines the role of the EU and US as actors in international disaster relief. We assess the extent to which different aspects of EU and US actorness led to effectiveness in actual outcomes. In doing so, we make two contributions. (1) We provide a rare comparison between EU and US foreign policy actorness, shedding light on the actor capability of each bloc in the area of international disaster relief. (2) We specify the relationship between actorness and effectiveness, a relationship which is too often assumed rather than explored. Using previous research of EU and US actorness as a starting point, we link four aspects of actorness to effectiveness and assess the resulting hypotheses using the case of the 2010 Haiti earthquake. We find support for our proposed links between actorness and effectiveness. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1057]
64.987 BRETHERTON, Charlotte; VOGLER, John —
Examining a range of policy areas in which the EU acts externally — notably trade, development, climate change and foreign and security policy — this article considers the notion that the years since the mid-2000s have witnessed a decline in EU actorness/effectiveness. In evaluating EU performance, the article employs the interrelated concepts of presence, denoting EU status and influence; opportunity, denoting the external context of EU action; and capability, referring to EU policy processes and instruments, with particular reference to the impact of the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. It is contended that achievement of the increased capability envisaged by the Lisbon Treaty, together with resolution of the Eurozone crisis, with its deleterious effect upon the Union's presence, would not fully compensate for the loss of opportunity provided by the changing international structure. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1057]
64.988 BUSUIOC, Madalina; GROENLEER, Martijn —
Prominently figuring in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the European Police Office (Europol) and the EU's Judicial Cooperation Unit (Eurojust) are tasked with facilitating the exchange of information and providing support to the EU member states in coordinating operational activities. This article investigates the evolution of these agencies, focusing on their actual autonomy, the extent to which they have been able to harness and expand upon the powers granted by formal design, as well as the accountability arrangements in place to hold them in check and ongoing practices in this regard. It shows that, for a long time, Europol and Eurojust have developed in different ways, both with regard to autonomy and accountability, and that the relationship between these phenomena has been anything but straightforward. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1032]
64.989 CAI Congyan —
Great Powers (GPs) have always been prominent in international relations. Their rise and fall often lead to structural transformations of international relations. In the past decade, the world has witnessed the rise of some New GPs (NGPs), which primarily consist of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS). While the effect of the supremacy of the US, an Old GP (OGPs), on international law has been examined extensively since 2000, international lawyers have hardly discussed how the rise of NGPs may shape and reshape international law. This article examines the implications for such rise that stem from the rise of NGPs. In particular, as an “insider” from an NGP, the author reviews the latest development in China's international legal policy and practice. [R]
64.990 CARBONE, Maurizio —
Since the beginning of the 21st c., the EU has promoted the view that security and development policies are inextricably linked. Yet, trying to dismantle the walls erected around the two policy domains has proved very difficult. The launch and implementation of the African Peace Facility (APF), meant to support the African Union in the promotion of security in Africa, exemplifies some of these tensions. While existing analyses have emphasized the role of interests — in a sort of accidental convergence of the bureaucratic interest of the European Commission and those of the Member States — this article concentrates on the normative aspects of the initiative. In particular, the three principles underpinning it — promotion of ownership, solidarity, and a virtuous development-security nexus — make the APF different from any other EU security initiative. [R] [See Abstr. 64.980]
64.991 CARBONE, Maurizio —
This article argues that, by acting autonomously and cohesively, the EU was able to shape the global agenda on foreign aid throughout the 2000s, particularly on the issue of donor complementarity and division of labor. By contrast, its ability to promote aid effectiveness in Sub-Saharan Africa was significantly constrained by national aid bureaucracies and by the complex aid architecture. More generally, to fully understand whether or not the EU is an effective actor, it is necessary to take into account how EU actorness contributes to the issue being discussed. At headquarter level, the European Commission sought to enhance EU actorness, which was seen as key to aid effectiveness. On the ground, national aid bureaucracies resisted EU actorness in the name of aid effectiveness. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1057]
64.992 CARRAPIÇO, Helena; TRAUNER, Florian —
By investigating the evolution and the role of Europol's organized crime reports, this article elaborates on whether Europol has been able to exert an influence beyond its narrowly defined mandate. Theoretically informed by the assumptions of experimentalist governance, the article argues that the different legal systems and policing traditions of EU member states have made it difficult for the EU to agree on a common understanding on how to fight against organized crime. This lack of consensus, which has translated into a set of vague and broadly formulated framework goals and guidelines, has enabled Europol to position its Organized Crime Threat Assessments as the point of reference in the respective EU policy-making area. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1032]
64.993 CHARBONNEAU, Lucie —
The concept of autonomy is well-known by lawyers but has no unanimously accepted definition: the subject has been little dealt with doctrine. The autonomy notions aim at preventing that diverging national definitions question the uniform application of EU law. This interpretative tool, conceived by private international law and the European Convention on Human Rights, has met with spectacular success in the EU Court of Justice, in particular since 2000.
64.994 CHOEDON, Yeshi —
There were great differences between Indian and Chinese positions on the UN peacekeeping operations during the Cold War. India played a pioneering role both in the conceptualization and consolidation of the peacekeeping mechanism. On the other hand, China vehemently opposed the UN peacekeeping operation as a tool of imperialism even after joining the UN in 1971. Both India and China are apprehensive of motivation of the Western enthusiasm for complex peacekeeping operations of the post-Cold War and both expressed strong reservation on number of issues arising from them. The differences in their participation are partly due to vast experience and confidence of India and partly due to hesitancy of China to engage in new terrain. [R, abr.]
64.995 CHRISTIANSEN, Thomas; DOBBELS, Mathias —
The EU's system of delegated powers, “comitology”, underwent significant changes after the Lisbon Treaty [2007] entered into force. This paper assesses the impact of these changes on the European Parliament (EP), European Commission and Council [of Ministers]. It distinguishes between the changes that occurred at the level of treaty reform and subsequent legislative reforms and developments in soft law. While the system of delegated powers has significantly changed through the Lisbon reforms, it falls short of the expectations and intentions that led to these changes. The key objectives behind the reform — a simplification of a highly complex system of centralized policy implementation and greater democratic accountability through an upgrading of the EP's role — have only partially been achieved. To some extent recent developments indicate a step back. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.996 CHRISTIANSEN, Thomas; NEUHOLD, Christine —
In recent years, the dominant formal focus [in political science] has given way to an increasing concern with informal aspects of politics. This can be said for both the study of comparative politics and IR more generally and for research on governance within the EU in particular. Against this background, this research note first reviews the findings of research on informal governance and, second, explores whether analytical concepts can be applied to the EU, with the aim of bringing greater conceptual clarity to the field and identifying future research agendas in this area. It also addresses the normative dimension of informal governance in the EU, discussing both the benefits and the risks of such arrangements from the perspective of transparency, efficiency and democratic accountability. [R, abr.]
64.997 CICHOWSKI, Rachel —
This analysis examines the interaction between advocacy groups and the European Court of Human Rights in the mobilization and development of rights. The article is also concerned with the effects of this litigation on democratic governance. The study includes an original dataset of ECtHR judgments from 1960 to 2006 and examines the frequency and effects of societal group participation. The findings illustrate that rather than undermining democracy, judicialization processes can at times enhance participation in rights development and protection. [R] [See Abstr. 64.570]
64.998 CINI, Michelle —
The introduction of a provision in the Lisbon Treaty [2007] allowing EU institutions to forge binding inter-institutional agreements (IIAs) draws attention to the limited research that exists on these instruments of EU governance. This article presents empirical evidence on two cases of decision-making on IIAs: on lobby regulation, and on the regulation of the conduct of EU public servants. In the first case, the proposed IIA was successfully concluded; in the second, it was not. In contrasting these cases, this article explains these differing outcomes with reference to the relevance of shared inter-institutional values and the mutual benefits of agreement. The findings suggest that both shared values and mutual interests are likely to be important in shaping successful IIA decision-making. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.999 COLLIN, Koh Swee lean —
Given its predominantly maritime orientation, naval cooperation seems set to remain the centerpiece of India-ASEAN defense and security relations. Using Singapore and Vietnam as case studies, this article argues that the different geopolitical circumstances faced by these ASEAN member countries, particularly with regard to political sensitivities revolving around South China Sea issues, will continue to impose varying limitations to the scope of their respective bilateral naval cooperation with India. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1110]
64.1000 COPSEY, Nathaniel; HAUGHTON, Tim, eds. —
Introduction by the editors, “Edging away from the abyss — the EU in 2012”, pp. 1–6. Contributions by Sergey LAVROV, “State of the Union”, pp. 6–12; Paul DE GRAUWE and JI Yuemei, “From panic-driven austerity to symmetric macroeconomic policies”, pp. 31–41; Christian LEQUESNE, “A new [French] socialist president in the Elysée”, pp. 42–54; Iveta RADI OVÁ, “Shock to the system”, pp. 55–62; Simon BULMER, et al., “David Allen: a tribute”, pp. 63–69; Ian MANNERS, “The 2012 Danish presidency of the Council of the EU”, pp. 70–79; George CHRISTOU, “The Cyprus Presidency of the EU”, pp. 80–88; Desmond DINAN, “EU governance and institutions”, pp. 89–102; David HOWARTH and Lucia QUAGLIA, “Banking union as Holy Grail”, pp. 103–123; Jörg MONAR, “Justice and Home Affairs”, pp. 124–138; Fabian AMTENBRINK, “Legal developments”, pp. 139–154; Richard G. WHITMAN and Ana E. JUNCOS, “Stasis in status: relations with the wider Europe”, pp. 155–167; Amelia HADFIELD and Daniel FIOTT, “Europe and the rest of the world”, pp. 168–182; Dermot HODSON, “The Eurozone in 2012”, pp. 183–200; Richard CONNOLLY, “Economies of member states outside the Eurozone”, pp. 201–218; Fabian Guy NEUNER, “Chronology: the European Union in 2012”, pp. 219–224.
64.1001 CROSS, Mai'a K. Davis —
This article makes the case that the most important developments in the European intelligence arena actually have little to do with member states’ willingness to cooperate. Rather, the context for the intelligence profession has changed fundamentally in the past few years in light of globalization and the information revolution, and this has made the creation of a single EU intelligence space far more likely, even despite member states’ resistance. The author argues that the emerging European intelligence space is increasingly consolidating around a transgovernmental network of intelligence professionals that draw upon open-source knowledge acquisition, with IntCen at its center. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1032]
64.1002 DAVIES, Mathew —
There exists a difference between the EU's ability to socialize those member states who have joined since the fall of Communism, and its apparent inability to similarly socialize Turkey. Despite some impressive legal and constitutional reforms since 2001, many in the Turkish judiciary [are] unwilling to implement those revised standards in a consistent way. Existing explanatory accounts — focusing on the credibility of the Union offer of membership, the duration of negotiations or the importance of Turkish domestic standards — [cannot] account for why Turkey seems to occupy a half-way position, exhibiting reformed laws but unreformed legal practice. This article combines existing scholarship on the importance of domestic normative contestation within Turkey with an appraisal of the shortcomings of the Union's conditionality policy itself that emerge from the conceptual studies of conditionality. [R, abr.]
64.1003 DAVIES, William —
The reach of markets and market-based forms of valuation is never unlimited in any society, which invites empirical and political questions regarding how limits to markets are instituted, justified and enforced. Under neoliberalism, the state performs a key role in expanding the reach of markets and associated principles and techniques of valuation, using law and governmental techniques. But this then poses a question of the relationship between the neoliberal state and the market that it endorses and enforces: is the state internal or external to the market order that it helps to construct? EU state-aid rules provide an empirical entry point to consider such questions, providing a combination of normative, technical and sovereign principles, via which the division between state and market can be justified, tested and enacted. [R, abr.]
64.1004 DELCOUR, Laure —
The literature on the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) has so far mostly concentrated on variables pertaining to EU governance to analyze the diffusion of EU norms and rules at its periphery. The paper brings in other factors to assess the EU's influence in its eastern neighborhood and studies the interplay between domestic, EU and international factors in the process of the ENP implementation. The paper maps and explains the EU's influence in Georgia by examining three variables accounting for policy-change in the field of visa policy: domestic preferences, EU pressure/incentives for Europeanization and the influence of other international players. By explaining the resistance to, or the acceptance of, EU norms, the paper contributes to the debate on the mechanisms underlying EU's influence on neighboring countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1037]
64.1005 DI FEDERICO, Rossella —
The article focuses on the concept of “place-based” development. Particularly, it highlights how European policies for 2014–2020, as regards structural funds, will affect functional macro-regions, leading a change in the multi-level governance for development and a strategic repositioning of the stakeholders in the territories into the local governance networks. This repositioning consists of the acquisition, by such stakeholders, of new skills useful to realize the transition from a sectorial policy development to a territorial policy development, as required at European level. There is much resistance to this new development approach, especially on the part of local power elite who, traditionally, continue to be linked to particularistic interests, ignoring the political representation of territories. [R]
64.1006 DINAN, Desmond —
Having a standing president is a major innovation: the European Council is no longer subject to national grandstanding, occasional weak leadership and uneven presidential performance. The new arrangement provides continuity and consistency. H. Van Rompuy became the first elected president in an exceptionally challenging policy environment, with the European Council emerging as a quasi-permanent forum for crisis-management. Fissures erupted between the Eurozone members and non-members; between and among the big and small member states; and between the UK and the rest. A preliminary assessment suggests that the standing European Council presidency and Van Rompuy's incumbency have been highly beneficial for the EU, which fared better than it otherwise would have under the pre-Lisbon rotating presidency. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.1007 DONAS, Tom; BEYERS, Jan —
Subnational authorities (SNAs) are increasingly mobilized at the European level and much research has been conducted on the liaison offices that represent these sub-state jurisdictions. Yet liaison offices are only one of the available organizational forms SNAs rely on in Brussels. We investigate multiple organizational forms — such as trans-regional associations and national associations — and how regional entities combine them. This broader perspective leads to the conclusion that the scope and diversity of EU-level territorial mobilization is much more extensive than liaison offices only. However, resource-full SNAs, SNAs benefiting from a high level of self-rule, or SNAs harboring regionalist political parties are comparatively much more active in establishing liaison offices and occupy a prominent position in various trans-regional associations. [R]
64.1008 EDWARDS, Geoffrey —
The Lisbon Treaty sought to meet new global challenges by providing the EU with stronger institutional capacity and policy instruments to make it a more effective international actor in foreign and security terms. The article sets out the structures and practices agreed and contested by both Member States — especially the UK and France — and the European Commission, focusing on the roles of the High Representative (HR) for Foreign Affairs and the European External Action Service. It points to the disjuncture between the formal calls for greater coherence and consequence in the EU's foreign policies, the problems of creating an effective policy vehicle and the practices that undermine both its efforts and its legitimacy. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1057]
64.1009 ELSIG, Manfred —
Drawing on the EU foreign policy literature on effectiveness, this article studies how the EU chooses judges to serve on the WTO's key judicial institution: the Appellate Body. Conceptually, the article differentiates between effectiveness in representation and effectiveness in impact. The article shows how delegation to the European Commission has increased the strategic agenda-setting power for championing its preferred candidates. The article further compares European and US practice in nominating candidates. Overall, the article finds that effectiveness in representation has increased over time. In terms of effectiveness in impact, the article shows how the international environment conditions the EU's influence. The article also exposes the difficulties of studying the effectiveness of EU external relations due to the peculiar decision-making processes dominant in judicial bodies. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1057]
64.1010 EPPLER, Annegret —
Within the multi-layered European system national Parliaments have constantly lost influence. With the Lisbon Treaty provisions strengthening the parliamentary networking, there is greater hope for a stronger legitimacy for EU policy. Thus national Parliaments have to face missions that previously were reserved to governments: maintain formal relations with external actors and communicate with other systems. [See Abstr. 64.1019]
64.1011 FABBRINI, Sergio —
The Lisbon Treaty has institutionalized a dual constitution, supranational in the single market's policies and intergovernmental in (among others) economic and financial policies. The extremely complex system of economic governance set up for answering the euro crisis has been defined and implemented on the basis of the intergovernmental constitution of the EU. The euro crisis has thus represented a test for the validity of the intergovernmental constitution of the Lisbon Treaty. Although the measures adopted in the period 2010–2012, consisting of legislative decisions and new intergovernmental treaties, are of an unprecedented magnitude, they were nevertheless unable to promote effective and legitimate solutions for dealing with the financial crisis. In the context of an existential challenge, the intergovernmental approach faced a structural difficulty in solving basic dilemmas of collective action. [R]
64.1012 FAGBAYIBO, Babatunde —
The creation of the AU in 2002 was seen as a significant paradigm-shift in the course of continental integration. Unlike its predecessor, the Organization of African Unity, the AU has a normative framework that espouses supranational aspirations. Various aspects of the AU framework, such as the nature of some of the AU institutions, the declared right of intervention, and the objective of harmonizing the policies of Regional Economic Communities under the AU umbrella, are allusions to supranationalism. This paper explores some of the factors that militate against the effective operation of normative supranationalism in the AU and proffers recommendations on how to address those constraints. [R, abr.]
64.1013 FINKE, Daniel; FLEIG, Andreas —
This paper challenges the assumption of separable preferences applied throughout the empirical research on EU legislative politics. Yet our analysis reveals that non-separable preferences are in fact a widespread phenomenon in EU politics. In many cases actors’ spending preferences are conditional upon the expected policy outcome, but not vice-versa. In order to appropriately model such non-reciprocity, we propose a simple modification to the standard Euclidean utility function. Applying simulation techniques, we demonstrate that overlooking non-separable preferences may have caused a substantial bias in the empirical evaluation of competing models of EU legislative politics. Specifically, models that constrain the set of feasible outcomes to either the Winset and/or the core must rely on a correct specification of actors’ utility functions. Therefore, a false assumption of core separable preferences significantly disadvantages these models vis-à-vis unconstrained models. [R, abr.]
64.1014 GEHRING, Thomas; DÖRFLER, Thomas —
Decision-making within the Security Council increasingly involves delegation to subsidiary bodies. Drawing on modern institutional theory, this article examines the effects of the emergent system of divided labor within the al-Qaeda/Taliban sanctions regime. The article first looks at the political economy of the process of listing individuals and private entities as sanctions targets. Second, it explores the distinct functions performed by the bodies of the sanctions regime: the Security Council, the AQT Sanctions Committee, the Office of the Ombudsperson, and an expert body. Third, it analyzes the resulting incentive structures in three successive stages of regime development. The article concludes that the sanctions regime constitutes a surprisingly well-advanced model of how to commit even powerful states to rule-based governance without depriving them of their capability to adopt political decisions. [R]
64.1015 GEPPERT, Dominik —
Germany today holds a half-hegemonic position of power in the European monetary union: too strong to conform to the EU institutions, but too weak to impose Germany policy on the rest of Europe. The historical foundations of European integration have turned into their opposite with the euro crisis. In the current context, increased integration does not appease nationalism, but exacerbates it. [See Abstr. 64.1019]
64.1016 GRABEN, Sari; FITZ-GERALD, Ann —
The authors analyze current spending priorities of the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF)-funded security sector reform (SSR) programs. These priorities do not appear to support traditional components of SSR and underfund programs needed for the development of local public administration and civil society. This is observed despite the published commitments of UN PBF funding priorities to include the strengthening of national institutions to support the wider security and justice sectors. The underfunding of civil society and local administration has been shown to undermine PBF's goals for the type of liberal democratic reform upon which peace-building, conflict-management and conflict-prevention rests. Focusing on the importance of accountability, the authors build on the scholarship of the rule-of-law literature to explore wider concerns associated with limited support to local public institutions and civil society. [R, abr.]
64.1017 GRAVIER, Magali —
This article analyzes the European Commission's staffing policies, focusing on the extent to which, over time, the Commission has taken the criterion of nationality into account. The theoretical framework is the theory of representative bureaucracy. It shows that, although the Commission does not use a quota system, its staffing policies have evolved from a limited practice of representation to a complex, explicit, but flexible strategy of representation, which satisfies the criteria of representative bureaucracy. However, due to the duty of loyalty to which civil servants of the EU submit, these policies satisfy only the criterion of passive representation. The article explores the hypothesis that a third type of representation exists. It suggests the creation of a third concept, linkage representation, to account for this. [R, abr.]
64.1018 GROEN, Lisanne; NIEMANN, Arne —
This article analyzes the extent of EU actorness and effectiveness at the 15th UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Conference of the Parties (COP) meeting in Copenhagen in December 2009. Although the EU has been characterized as a leader in international climate policy-making for some time, the COP 15 meeting in Copenhagen has overall brought about disappointing outcomes for the Union. This casts doubts on EU actorness and effectiveness in this field. We take the article by J. Jupille and J. Caporaso as a conceptual point of departure and then specify a more parsimonious actorness framework that consists of coherence and autonomy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1057]
64.1019 GUÉROT, Ulrike —
Europe has been mired in crisis for more than three years, yet nobody seems to know its exact content. The Euro crisis shows that the European political system no longer can escape the task of defining the European state. To “continue as before and no further” is not a long-term solution. Either the Europe of nation states goes down, or the project to surpass the nation states is over. [First article of a thematic issue, “Europe? More Europe? Upheaval Europe. Europe: the big question. Europe: ‘in or out’?”. See also Abstr. 64.1010, 1015, 1043, 1050, 1055, 1363]
64.1020 GUPTA, Sonika —
This article examines the EU weapons-embargo on China as a major foreign policy challenge that China's new leadership has inherited. It argues that the continuation of the embargo constitutes a failure of Chinese foreign policy to project China as a responsible global player. The article examines the legal framework and the political debate within the EU to emphasize that the embargo has been largely ineffective in its objective of denying advanced military technology to China. The continuation of the ban, however, suggests that China, while becoming an economic and military power, is finding it difficult to overcome the significant political resistance to it being accepted as a responsible global actor. [R]
64.1021 HAJIZADA, Mukhtar; MARCIACQ, Florent —
What kind of region is the wider Black Sea area (WBSA)? Is it constructed by practices of regionalism framed by the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), or does it follow a more inclusive scheme of integration, propelled by EU policy instruments such as the Black Sea Synergy? This paper investigates the very nature of regionalism in the Black Sea region by focusing on trade integration. It measures and compares how patterns of intra-regional and cross-regional trade have been diverted in the WBSA by the BSEC and the EU between 1993 and 2008. The paper argues that the WBSA, overall, has inherited strong intra-regional trade preferences, but it questions the actual capacity of the BSEC to act as an effective promoter of regionalization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1037]
64.1022 HAUKENES, Katrine; FREYBERG-INAN, Annette —
The EU has often been accused of offering little guidance regarding the specifics of desirable democracy models and the means of their consolidation. But are these accusations justified? A detailed examination of European Commission opinions and reports reveals that it has consistently promoted a specific model of democracy in future member states. It shows a strong bias in favor of A. Lijphart's model of consensus democracy, which is indiscriminately advocated for prospective member states. The article [then] draws attention to the serious obstacles which exist in the region to the realization of this model. We question the wisdom of the Commission's one-size-fits-all democratic model given these obstacles and the real-life diversity of political contexts in the region. [R, abr.]
64.1023 HAZENBERG, Haye; MULIERI, Alessandro —
This conclusion outlines a theoretical framework for understanding the relation between global governance, democracy and the findings of the papers in this volume. It identifies the two principles of affectedness and representation in the literature on democratic global governance, and relates them to the three democratic building blocks of equality, inclusive participation and accountability. These five theoretical components are then combined to relate the findings of the previous chapters to three heuristic models of governance: the domination model, the market model and the global democracy model. We show that the particular global governance arrangements discussed in previous papers to some extent contain elements of all these models: undemocratic domination, mildly democratic market mechanisms and fully democratic global-democratic processes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.977]
64.1024 HEHIR, Aidan —
Many observers heralded the Security Council-sanctioned intervention in Libya in March 2011 as evidence of the efficacy of the responsibility to protect (R2P). [However], the implications of Resolution 1973 are not as profound as some have claimed. It is possible to situate the intervention in the context of a trajectory of Security Council responses to large-scale intrastate crises that predate the emergence of R2P. This trajectory is a function of the decision-making of the Security Council's five permanent members, a group guided by politics and pragmatism rather than principles. The Security Council's record in dealing with intrastate crises is characterized by a preponderance of inertia punctuated by aberrant flashes of resolve and timely action impelled by the occasional coincidence of interests and humanitarian need, rather than an adherence to either law or norms. [R, abr.]
64.1025 HENNE, Peter S. —
From 2005 to 2010, the Organization for Islamic Cooperation attempted to ban the defamation of religion internationally through a series of UN resolutions. Although many opposed the resolutions for their potential effects on political rights, numerous non-Muslim states supported them. What explains the dynamic of this support, especially the resolutions’ religious nature and significant non-Muslim backing? I argue that non-democratic states that restrict religion have an incentive to take action on contentious international issues — such as the religious defamation resolutions — to gain support from religious groups and justify their restrictive policies, even though Muslim religious defamation concerns and developing country solidarity also contributed to support. I demonstrate this through a mixed-method study, with a quantitative analysis of states’ votes on the resolutions and case studies of Belarus and Pakistan. [R, abr.]
64.1026 HERMAN, Dan; COOPER, Andrew F. —
The current state of global economic governance is marked by a vacuum of leadership, as neither traditional leading states nor emerging economic actors have proven able or willing to coordinate collective action. This interregnum has allowed space for the G20 to emerge as a calibrating force for the maintenance of a liberal economic order. Protectionist impulses, however, are increasingly emerging victorious as unemployment and domestic interests drive political action. The stabilizing presence of the G20 is thus tested in an environment privileging divisive domestic-oriented forces allowed greater space under conditions in a fragmented post-hegemonic global economy. These spaces for domestic concern, and the receptiveness of policy leaders to them, represent a return to the promise of embedded liberalism and away from the era of hyper-liberalization. [R, abr.]
64.1027 HOBOLTH, Mogens; MARTINSEN, Dorte Sindbjerg —
The application of EU rules is, in general, the responsibility of national executives. This key intergovernmental aspect of the EU's administrative order makes compliance with supranational law vulnerable to distortion. However, the European executive has added important fire-alarm oversight mechanisms by means of transgovernmental networks (TGNs) to its toolbox. This article examines the work mode, horizontalness and effectiveness of such networks as newer governance tools to oversee and monitor the compliance with EU law. It draws on a unique dataset on the Solvit network, enabling us to examine effectiveness and variation of a transgovernmental network in operation. It substantiates the relevance of TGNs in identifying and solving manifold and complex problems of misapplied EU law, finding that the Commission constitutes a focal point in this type of multilevel executive. [R, abr.]
64.1028 KAHN-NISSER, Sara —
This article presents findings of an empirical analysis which show that the level of candidate countries’ compliance with the accession conditionality is positively associated with the extent of annual pre-accession monitoring. Focusing on conditionality and labor rights in 11 post-communist CEE candidate countries, in the period between 1998 and 2009, the study analyzes the relationship between the extent of annual monitoring and the post-communist CEE candidate countries’ labor rights scores, two years later. A positive, statistically significant association between the two variables is found. According to discursive institutionalism, monitoring supported conditionality through strategic, normative and communicative mechanisms. It strengthened certainty regarding rewards and sanctions, reduced domestic costs of compliance and supported normative convergence. [R, abr.]
64.1029 KAMKHAJI, Jonathan C.; RADAELLI, Claudio M. —
Since the inception of the attacks on the sovereign debts of Eurozone countries, the EU has made several attempts to respond with a series of governance innovations. We draw on the analytic framework of “governance architecture” to capture the systemic nature of these innovations. We discuss the different dimensions of the emerging governance architecture of the Eurozone, distinguishing between the ideational and organizational components. We find that the core beliefs have not changed, but there has been a different discourse, accompanied by a formidable expansion of actors and tasks. In the conclusion we discuss the coherence of the emerging architecture, and find it limited in terms of its assumptions about policy learning. [R]
64.1030 KARAKAS, Cemal —
Turkey's EU accession aspirations remain a highly contested issue. Due to the national preferences and mainly socio-cultural resentment in some EU Member States and due to its limited integration capacity, the EU offered Ankara a discriminatory “full membership minus”. The current EU law and the various paradigms of “differentiated integration” do not only provide the spatial, temporal and thematic scope for a conceptual framework on accession alternatives, they also limit it. In this context, the gradual integration/membership concept could be an interesting option for both parties. The depreciation of full membership in the case of Turkey has weakened the EU conditionality policy in general. On the other hand, “external” flexibilization can help to overcome deadlock by allowing the Member States and accession candidates such as Turkey to co-operate at different levels of integration. [R, abr.]
64.1031 KARLSRUD, John —
The literature has generally not grappled with complex decision-making structures within organizations like the UN. Special representatives of the Secretary-General can act as norm-arbitrators in the UN system, generating new practices by weighing against each other the conflicting norms that guide peacekeeping. Practices from the field, crystallized through the actions of SRSGs, constitute a bottom-up source of influence on UN norm-change processes. SRSGs enjoy relative independence and physical distance from UN headquarters. With backgrounds often from diplomatic careers, plus relative autonomy and interpretations of the UN, they can wield influence thanks to a certain level of decentralized authority and their personal prestige. [R]
64.1032 KAUNERT, Christian; LÉONARD, Sarah; OCCHIPINTI, John D. —
This special issue examines the role of agencies and agency-like bodies in the EU's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) — an umbrella term for police and judicial cooperation, border management, asylum and migration, and counter-terrorism — which have acquired increasing importance in the governance of the EU. This introduction reviews the existing literature and sets the scene for the research articles in this special issue. It also argues that future scholarship on these AFSJ agencies would significantly gain by being developed along two research tracks: (1) investigating the forces that have led to the creation of these AFSJ agencies; (2) examining how “legitimate” each of these agencies is, as part of a would-be democratic polity at the EU level. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.988, 992, 1001, 1045, 1051, 1070, 1099]
64.1033 KELEMEN, R. Daniel —
The process of European integration has encouraged a substantial judicialization of politics across EU member states. Critics of “government by judges” suggest that this judicialization undermines democracy by substituting the decisions of unelected, unaccountable judges for those of elected officials. This article argues that on balance the judicialization related to European integration has strengthened democracy across Europe. Judicialization has encouraged greater transparency and accountability in policy-making by member state governments and by the EU itself and has enhanced opportunities for access to justice. However, by emphasising the protection of individual rights, judicialization has pushed member states further from republican to liberal models of democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 64.570]
64.1034 KHASSON, Viktoriya —
The article explores the practices of cross-border cooperation (CBC) at the EU's Eastern border [as they] contribute to the emergence of non-hierarchical interaction patterns in the EU-neighbor relations. Using the concept of regional mobilization, it provides a framework for including the impact of external partners on the process of creating the “shared policy spaces” transcending the external EU borders. The article analyzes nine European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI) CBC Programs and argues that the partnership principle enshrined in the EU's policy approach has not yet resulted in the emergence of new, partnership type and cooperation practices. Although the Programs’ institutional structures have been created on the principle of partnership, the ENPI's implementation framework is still guided largely by the traditional hierarchical mechanisms of EU external relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1037]
64.1035 KIENZLE, Benjamin —
This article examines how cognitive and normative ideas influence the ability of the EU to formulate common policies in response to international crises such as the 2002–2003 Iraq crisis and the Iranian nuclear crisis (since 2002). It argues that in crisis situations, i.e., in highly uncertain circumstances, ideas foster interpretations of a crisis along several core themes: above all, how the crisis issue is perceived, which means are deemed to be legitimate and/or effective and, depending on the particular crisis, how other relevant themes are seen, e.g., the appropriate relationship with the US. Thus, the formulation of common EU crisis response depends on the convergence of these interpretations in Member States — as in the Iran crisis. [R, abr.]
64.1036 KÖNIG, Jörg; OHR, Renate —
European integration is a multilayer process consisting of significant differences in efforts and capabilities of the Member States’ individual EU participation. This article presents a composite indicator measuring the extent of economic integration within the EU: the EU Index. Existing composite indicators concerned with economic integration (globalization indices) were not designed to capture the specific European dimensions. The EU Index offers a unique basis, as now the national differences can be illustrated by one statistical measure. Large heterogeneities are found between the Member States with respect to overall European economic integration and to various sub-indices. Cluster analysis shows that the prevailing economic heterogeneities in the EU are combined with a strong and even growing clustering of its members, thereby challenging present and future steps of European integration. [R, abr.]
64.1037 KOROSTELEVA, Elena A.; NATORSKI, Michal; SIMÃO, Licínia —
In order to understand the complexity and limitations of the EU framework under the European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership initiative — to consider the interface between policy instruments, institutional structures and multiple agents — one needs to adopt an original analytical perspective of practices to comprehensively assess the policies’ outcomes. With this in mind, this issue [examines] patterns of social practices between the EU and its eastern neighbors, and examines how these relations guide agents’ interactions in various policy areas. This introduction outlines the theoretical framework synergizing the three fundamental concepts — of practices, policy instruments and social structures — that have predicated research for this issue. It also outlines the structure and main arguments of the individual case-studies which inform the issue's conceptual framework. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.556, 618, 1004, 1021, 1034, 1079]
64.1038 KOVAČEVIČ, Bojan —
Measures taken by the EU's major decision-makers in order to confront the public debt crisis provide evidence that the EU's constitutional nature has been changed. This compound political community whose legitimacy was based on the fine balance between the need to establish more European unity and the need to preserve political autonomy of member states, is now gradually transforming into an imperial, center-periphery model of governance. The author analyzes this development in the light of the guardian of the constitution concept, developed in the works of Benjamin Constant and Carl Schmitt. [R, abr.]
64.1039 KREPPEL, Amie —
The Treaty of Lisbon explicitly classifies the Council [of Ministers] of the EU as part of the legislative branch; yet most analyses treat the Council as an intergovernmental organization governed by homogeneous member state interests. This research squarely repositions the Council within the legislative studies literature and examines the character of its organizational structure. At the same time, the representatives from the member states are disaggregated to allow for an analysis of the ideological variation within member state delegations. The result is a reinterpretation of Council formations as a type of legislative committee structure. The membership of these “committees” across all member states during the years 2000–2010 is then analyzed to determine whether they are likely to be distributional or informational in character based on their ideological mean. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.1040 KUPERMAN, Alan J. —
NATO's 2011 humanitarian military intervention in Libya has been hailed as a model for implementing the emerging norm of the responsibility to protect (R2P), on grounds that it prevented an impending bloodbath in Benghazi and facilitated the ouster of Libya's oppressive ruler, M. al-Qaddafi, who had targeted peaceful civilian protesters. However, the conventional narrative is flawed in its portrayal of both the nature of the violence in Libya prior to the intervention and NATO's eventual objective of regime-change. An examination of the course of violence in Libya before and after NATO's action shows that the intervention backfired. The intervention extended the war's duration; increased its death toll; and exacerbated human rights abuses, humanitarian suffering, Islamic radicalism, and weapons proliferation in Libya and its neighbors. [R, abr.]
64.1041 LACEY, Joseph —
Contrary to the view that linguistic homogeneity is required to create a viable demos, this article argues that linguistic diversity can be a permanent feature of any democratic community, so long as there is a unified and robust voting space that provides a common intentional object, around which distinct public spheres can aesthetically organize their political discourse. An attempt to explain how such a voting space operates in Switzerland, the finest existing exemplar of a multilingual demos, is given. Following the Swiss example would go a long way to constituting the EU as a democratically legitimate trans-national demos, despite its formidable linguistic diversity. [R]
64.1042 LIÉGEOIS, Michel —
By 2014, the UN will be the number one military force in terms of operations conducted. The UN comes under various criticisms such as the endless operations fossilized in the international landscape and the huge and seemingly endless financial outlay of the UN's deployments in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Darfur. Yet why is it that military powers remain aloof, that one in three UN peacekeepers comes from South Asia? Is the UN's peacekeeping method outdated? But who could possibly be up to taking the reins from the UN? [R] [See Abstr. 64.71]
64.1043 LINK, Werner —
The European Union primarily exercises its international influence through its manifold economic power. This also applies to its foreign and security policy where the EU is increasingly active. In order to be operational both internally and externally, the integration of this large and heterogeneous union of states is necessarily differentiated. This will remain decisive for the potential and limits of the common foreign policy in the foreseeable future. [See Abstr. 64.1019]
64.1044 LUDWIG, Fernando José —
This article aims, firstly, to discuss the role played by the UN concerning the construction of international peace, bearing in mind the concept of hegemony. Secondly, it is intended to explore in which ways the concept of peace is instrumentalized by international institutions, that is, the UN. In sum, the main goal is to provide the reader a critical reading about the construction of peace in the international led by the UN peace operations. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Hegemony and empire — interpretations”. See also Abstr. 64.219, 624, 1092, 1115]
64.1045 MACKENZIE, Alex, et al. —
The post of EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator (CTC) has often been seen as ineffectual. However, this article argues that such a critical assessment of the post of EU CTC is due to a significant extent to an over-emphasis on the internal dimension of the EU CTC's activities. Consequently, it suggests focusing on the external dimension of the EU CTC's work, which has often been largely overlooked. For that purpose, it develops an international actorness analytical framework. On that basis, the article demonstrates that, despite the limitations inherent to this post, the EU CTC is already significantly advanced in the process of establishing himself as a fully-fledged counter-terrorism actor on the international stage. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1032]
64.1046 MAJOR, Claudia; MÖLLING, Christian —
While the EU has subscribed to the Comprehensive Approach (CA), it struggles to effectively apply its unique toolbox and substantial resources, particularly in the area of peace-building. Hence, numerous actors call for an EU peace-building strategy to define and prioritize the Union's objectives and to improve the coordination and effectiveness of its instruments across the peace-building activities, i.e., civil and military capabilities, institutions and operations. This article shows that such a strategy is both necessary and doable. First, it defines the underlying concepts: strategy and peace-building. Second, it analyzes the EU-settings in which peace-building concepts, instruments and resources are located and identifies factors that regularly spoil strategic coherence within EU peace-building. Third, it defines a peace-building strategy and describes how it could improve the effectiveness of the EU's CA. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.980]
64.1047 MATTELAER, Alexander —
This article puts forward the contrarian argument that the EU's “comprehensive approach” does not exist as far as crisis response planning is concerned. This practical inexistence is the result of internal EU politics. The notion of a comprehensive approach is fundamentally driven by a functional need for effectiveness in crisis-management, but this frequently clashes with the logic of intergovernmental decision-making prevalent amongst the Member States. The argument builds on an analysis of how EU crisis-response planning arrangements have evolved over time and zooms in on topical ongoing debates such as the review of the EU's Crisis Management Procedures, the Comprehensive Approach Communication and the development of operational planning tools. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.980]
64.1048 MATTHEWS, Hannah —
International human rights law and international humanitarian law, of which Common Article 3 and Additional Protocol II are applicable in non-international armed conflicts, at first glance seem two separate bodies of law with contradicting foundations and provisions. However, this article explores the similarities between the two, demonstrating their shared philosophical underpinnings and purpose of protecting people's rights despite the varying contexts within which they apply. Through studying the application of the two bodies of law in varying jurisdictions, this article concludes that far from an either/or choice, the best way to ensure the protection of those who find themselves the victims of non-international armed conflicts is to use the two bodies of law together so that they complement and strengthen each other. [R]
64.1049 MERKET, Hans —
The need to enhance the coherence of EU security and development policies is stressed in numerous EU policy declarations. This article analyzes this commitment against the background of the legal architecture of EU foreign policy. This demonstrates that the political simplicity with which this commitment is often put forward tends to hide the complexity of this undertaking in an external action system that submits the policy fields of development cooperation and the CFSP to different rules and procedures. While the EU institutions have increasingly targeted development and security policies at the mutual challenges of insecurity and poverty, the lack of a shared and comprehensive strategy leads to significant improvisation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.980]
64.1050 MIHAI, Silvia —
Although Romania and Bulgaria have been seriously hit by the economic crisis and suffer from the consequences of the EU austerity policies, their citizens tend to trust the European Union more than they trust their own government. 50–60 per cent of Romanians trust the EU, against 20 per cent for their own Parliament. In Bulgaria, more than 60 per cent trust the EU and in both countries the EU objectives are considered more important and realistic than the European average. [See Abstr. 64.1019]
64.1051 MONAR, Jörg —
Since its formal establishment as a treaty objective in 1999, the EU's area of criminal justice has been primarily based on mechanisms and instruments facilitating cooperation between national judicial authorities. Because of the political sensitivity of the criminal justice domain member states have largely avoided extensive harmonization and hierarchical structures. While some real progress has been achieved the absence of a more integrated cross-border criminal justice system continues to reduce the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation. Since its establishment in 2002 Eurojust has been at the frontline of the emerging criminal justice area, and the gradual strengthening of Eurojust has been among the primary EU responses to the continuing dysfunctionalities of its criminal justice area. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1032]
64.1052 MÜLLER, Patrick; SLOMINSKI, Peter —
This article refines the joint-decision trap model by introducing additional time-based exit mechanisms. The procrastination of decisions, temporary derogation, and transitory compensation enable EU member states to escape gridlock by distributing the costs and benefits of a decision over the time axis. In addition, time-based mechanisms not only help to overcome stalemate in policy-making, they also lock member states into a policy regime that may gradually be strengthened once delayed measures take effect. We demonstrate the workings of time-based strategies for the case of the EU's Emission Trading System (EU ETS). While established exit mechanisms do not provide conclusive explanations for the case of the EU ETS, we argue that time-based strategies were key to move the EU's policy on emission trading forward. [R, abr.]
64.1053 MURPHY, Alexander B. —
In the wake of the Single European Act of the mid-1980s and a series of follow-on initiatives aimed at fostering greater integration in Europe, a number of commentators began describing Europe as a truly novel political-territorial arrangement. By the middle of the 1990s, however, the adoption of a common currency came to dominate the European integration agenda. The embrace of monetary union reflected a view of European integration that was firmly embedded in the logic of the modern territorial state system. That logic led many commentators to view the success or failure of integration in terms of the degree to which powers were being transferred from state governmental and economic institutions to the central decision-making bodies of the EU. [R, abr.] [See also Martin MÜLLER, “Toothless tigers? A commentary on Alec Murphy”, pp. 724–729; Anita KIAMBA, “Crisis in the system of states: the financial crisis in the European Union”, pp. 730–734; Veit BACHMANN, “Europe's lack of visions”, pp. 735–741]
64.1054 MUSLADIN, Marijana —
The ultimate goal of EU policy towards its neighbors is to achieve security and stability. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, with various policies and instruments, the EU is constantly present in the region of Eastern Europe. Emphasis is placed on measures and policies by which the EU maintains its position in an attempt to stabilize the Eastern neighborhood. The paper first defines the region of Eastern Europe, and then reviews bilateral relations between the EU and the Eastern European countries that participate in the Eastern Partnership (Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine). [R, abr.]
64.1055 NEGT, Oskar —
Europe is also a piece of peace utopia. The cornerstones of the European edifice should not be put together according to old patterns, but follow the rules of society building whose focus is the desire for justice. Legitimacy can only originate in the rights and duties which are linked to the ethics of living together. The more just the social organization, the greater its capital of legitimacy. [See Abstr. 64.1019]
64.1056 NESADURAI, Helen E. S. —
This paper explores the ways in which APT [ASEAN Plus Three] member states have responded to key issues raised by the global and European crises in order to understand the kinds of global governance arrangements APT countries are willing to accept and in what areas less global governance is preferred and why. The paper [begins], therefore, with the crises and what these reveal about the problems inherent in the contemporary global economic system and the gaps in its governance. It focuses on two issues related to the crises that have received less attention by those studying East Asia's crises responses, namely that of rebalancing and sovereign wealth funds (SWFs). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1376]
64.1057 NIEMANN, Arne; BRETHERTON, Charlotte —
The goal of this issue is to improve our conceptualization and empirical understanding of EU actorness and effectiveness in IR. While the EU aspires to play a greater global role, its actorness and effectiveness cannot be taken for granted given the nature of the EU as a multi-level and semi-supranational polity encompassing 28 Member States with diverse foreign policy preferences. The EU is presently at an important crossroad. This introductory article unpacks and further elaborates the issues raised [herein] by delineating the EU as an international actor in the empirical context, by reviewing the existing conceptual literature, defining and conceptualizing key notions and by providing an overview of the contributions to this issue. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.986, 987, 991, 1008, 1009, 1018, 1095]
64.1058 NOVAK, Stéphanie —
According to conventional wisdom, in areas where the Council of the EU is supposed to decide by qualified majority voting, it does not vote but rather decides “by consensus”. This article explains why the Council does not vote and what “consensus” means. It argues that formal voting is avoided because it would disclose the identity of opponents and would be detrimental to the negotiation process. Furthermore, ministers tend not to register their opposition even when they remain unsatisfied with an adopted measure because they expect to be blamed by their constituencies for having failed to defend national interests. Consensus is not necessarily used to signal that a general agreement is reached. It sometimes results from a strategy of blame-avoidance that conflicts with democratic accountability. [R, abr.]
64.1059 PACHECO PARDO, Ramon —
Relations between the EU and East Asia have evolved as a result of the global financial and Eurozone debt crises. Throughout the 1990s, economic, political and security relations were dominated by the EU. As an increasing number of East Asian countries became more economically successful and diplomatically assertive throughout the 1990s, EU-East Asian relations became more balanced. With the onset of the global financial crisis, balanced relations fostered cooperation, while a degree of satisfaction spread over East Asia, one of the regions less affected by the crisis. The Eurozone debt crisis has accentuated both developments. Today, cooperation in economics, politics and security dominate EU-East Asian relations. Many leaders in East Asia seek to help their European counterparts while pointing out the superior performance of their domestic economies. [R]
64.1060 PINFARI, Marco —
This paper triangulates the main theoretical approaches of three areas of research (regional conflict-resolution, inter-regionalism and multiparty mediation) and applies them to the study of conflict-resolution in Arab Africa. It focuses in particular on twelve conflicts which involved members of the two main regional organizations operating in the region — the Organization of African Unity/African Union and the Arab League — to explore the occurrence of “forum shopping” behavior and its causes. The analysis of these cases sheds lights on the factors that can lead to the emergence (or non-emergence) of “forum shopping” in multiparty mediation and therefore contributes to a reformulation of the debates on the role of regional organizations in the resolution of persistent conflicts. [R]
64.1061 PLECHANOVOVÁ, Běla —
The Treaty of Lisbon's institutional modifications narrowed the options for member states within the formal decision-making rules, mainly due to the broadening of the ordinary legislative procedure. This paper hypothesizes that the actors in EU institutions seek to strengthen their influence through coordination across the EU legislative institutions, along either national or political party lines. The research data consist of co-decision files that include information on the national and political identities of all the relevant actors in the legislative process in 2004–2011. Statistical tests assess the likelihood of changes in the dynamics of the legislative process as related to the affiliation of the actors after Lisbon. The results show that, in the post-Lisbon legislative process, the political party identity of the actors may play a more significant role. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.1062 PRASHAD, Vijay —
When the BRICS countries gathered for the first time in 2009, many observers perceived this as the birth of a new significant player in world politics. But until now there seems to be no alternative to the predominance of the North. The author analyzes the historic development of the alliance and its potential. It concludes that what the BRICS states have done and currently do is neo-liberalism with a southern slant.
64.1063 RADAELLI, Claudio M.; DUNLOP, Claire A.; FRITSCH, Oliver —
Since 2003, the European Commission has produced analytical documents (called Impact Assessments, IAs) to appraise its policy proposals, the cornerstone of the regulatory reform policy of the EU. Previous research has been concerned with the quality of the IAs in terms of evidence-based policy, usages of economic analysis and other standards of smart regulation. Instead, we draw on the narrative policy framework to explore IAs as a text and discursive instrument. Conceptually, insights from discursive institutionalism are used to explore narratives as tools of coordination within complex organizations such as the European Commission, and as communicative tools through which policy-makers seek to enhance the plausibility, acceptability and, ultimately, legitimacy for their policy proposals. Empirically, we consider a sample of IAs that differ by originating DGs, legal instrument, and level of saliency. [R, abr.]
64.1064 RAOS, Višeslav —
The EU, a unique postmodern political system, redefines statehood, sovereignty and territoriality and thus changes the traditional significance of territory and state borders. European integration causes the dismantling of existing spatial referential frames (deterritorialization), yet simultaneously fosters reterritorialization, i.e., the creation of new spatial relations and referential frames. EU enlargement includes expansion of border and customs mechanisms which yet again emphasizes the role of territorial control and the importance of spatial boundary-drawing. The dynamic role and significance of territory in politics can be especially seen in the Croatian case. The war experience in recent Croatian history is linked with the imagining of territory and territoriality in politics. [R, abr.]
64.1065 RAUH, Christian; SCHNEIDER, Gerald —
We examine the economic effects of the European Commission's struggle to obtain competences in international air transport. Stock market reactions to key events in the political conflict between 1995 and 2004 unravel whether investor beliefs about the distribution of power in the EU follow the basic conjectures of neofunctionalism, intergovernmentalism or institutionalism. The event studies show that particularly judicial proceedings and the involvement of the ECJ send credible integration signals to financial markets. This supports the hypothesis that investors consider the subtleties of the EU's decision-making apparatus carefully and only react to developments that definitively alter the political regime and thus also the market situation. These findings are in line with an institutionalist interpretation of a reform that has radically changed the international aviation regime. [R, abr.]
64.1066 REH, Christine, et al. —
This article investigates the shift of EU legislative decision-making from public inclusive to informal secluded arenas and the subsequent adoption of legislation as “early agreements”. Since its introduction in 1999, “fast-track legislation” has increased dramatically. Drawing from functionalist institutionalism, distributive bargaining theory, and sociological institutionalism, this article explains under what conditions informal decision-making is likely to occur. The authors test their hypotheses on an original data-set of all 797 co-decision files negotiated between mid-1999 and mid-2009. Their analysis suggests that fast-track legislation is systematically related to the number of participants, legislative workload, and complexity. These findings back a functionalist argument, emphasizing the transaction costs of intra-organizational coordination and information gathering. [R, abr.]
64.1067 REINALDA, Bob, ed. —
The contributions to this symposium document what has been happening in European politics in relation to the Bologna Process and the European Commission, focusing on the question of how harmonization is affecting political science. The contributions should send an alarm signal to political scientists about the effects of this process and its politics on their discipline. The introduction examines the main global and European developments and their more visible implications. The Symposium focuses on political science, although the Bologna Process does not differentiate between disciplines, Brussels treating political science as part of the broader category of “SSH” (Social Sciences and Humanities). [R] [Introduction to a series of articles on “The Bologna process” [of reform and harmonization of European universities and academic institutions]. See also the articles by Anne CORBETT and Mary HENKEL, “The Bologna dynamic: strengths and weaknesses of the Europeanization of higher education”, pp. 415–423; Richard MÜNCH, “The Bologna Process in the German system of higher education: from occupational monopolies to the global struggle for educational prestige”, pp. 424–431; Heather SAVIGNY, “The (political) idea of a university: political science and neoliberalism in English higher education”, pp. 432–439; Erkki BERNDTSON, “Contradictions of the Bologna Process: academic excellence versus political obsessions”, pp. 440–447]
64.1068 ROACH, Steven C. —
This article challenges the conventional focus on the ICC's apolitical nature by examining its political and pragmatic role in seeking mutual accommodation. It argues that the ICC should seek mutual accommodation rather than simply justice under the Rome Statute. It develops and applies the term “diplomatic efficacy”, or the political capacity of the ICC to produce acceptable solutions, by addressing the soft power dimension of such efficacy. The ICC's diplomatic efficacy not only reflects its special role as an independent court or agent in the interstate system, but also represents a practical and strategic attempt to manage the political problems that its interventions and deferral to national authorities may create. The ICC's political efficacy can help to resolve the incongruities between proactive complementarity and the provisions of cooperation encoded in the Rome Statute. [R, abr.]
64.1069 ROACH, Steven C. —
I argue that preserving and even enhancing the ICC's legitimacy depends in large part on its willingness to negotiate more, rather than less, with states regarding its jurisdiction and requests for cooperation. I address the challenges posed to the ICC's credibility and assess this factor of the ICC's legitimacy in terms of the complex relationship between (proactive) complementarity and cooperation. One of my principal aims is to show how a flexible approach, or what I call negotiated justice, can bring together proactive complementarity and cooperation. I conceive negotiated justice in terms of the constructive trade-offs involved in meeting one another's demands and the need to reduce the tensions between realpolitik and the cosmopolitan ideals embedded in the Rome Statute. [R, abr.]
64.1070 ROZÉE, Stephen; KAUNERT, Christian; LÉONARD, Sarah —
This article provides an assessment of Europol as a comprehensive policing actor with a particular focus on crime-fighting. It argues that Europol has moved beyond some of the early obstacles it faced regarding the lack of trust and confidence from the police forces of the member states and the limitations that those issues had caused. The agency now makes contributions in all of the broad areas associated with international crime-fighting. As a result, it can be argued that Europol's mandate and activities include the range of police functions comprised by policing in the area of crime-fighting. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1032]
64.1071 RUDOLF, Peter —
The normative principle of “responsibility to protect” (R2P) favors a moralistic framework that ignores the dilemmas of humanitarian military intervention, instead of reflecting their ethical complexity. Not only pragmatic but also moral reasons may be cited to increase the threshold for protective responsibility and military intervention that only seem justified in extreme situations. [First article of a thematic issue on “International security”. See also Abstr. 64.113, 192, 1075, 1166, 1300, 1335]
64.1072 SALVERDA, Nynke —
A majority of UN peacekeeping operations deployed to civil wars face violent attacks by rebel groups. This article examines why rebel groups fight against peacekeepers in some cases, while not in others. I argue that since peacekeepers are mostly impartial but not neutral, they become an actor in a conflict and tend to protect the weaker side from total defeat. This implies that relatively weaker rebels will seek protection from the government by peacekeepers. On the other hand, relatively stronger rebels will challenge the peacekeepers in order to restrict their behavior and/or make them withdraw. If stronger rebels are successful in targeting the peacekeepers and the peacekeepers withdraw or alter their behavior, a victory for these rebel groups should become easier. [R, abr.]
64.1073 SCHLESINGER, Stephen —
The UN was created in 1945 to serve as a “warrior” organization to end all future conflicts. But, instead, it has become mainly known for its peacekeeping missions and its agencies dealing with health and social welfare matters. In its first 45 years, Cold War clashes between the Soviet Union and the US prevented the UN Security Council from taking action against aggressors — except in the case of the 1950 Korean War. Following the Cold War's end, the UN twice more acted in a warrior capacity to crush invasions — in Kuwait and in Afghanistan. In sum, though, for most of its history, the UN has avoided intervening in most conflicts and left unused the machinery it has at hand in its Charter to prevent strife. [R, abr.]
64.1074 SCHMIDT, Vivien A. —
The economic policies of the Eurozone crisis, generally presented in apolitical terms, are political both in their underlying principles and in their effects. The EU's “policy without politics”, based on ordo-liberal ideas for macroeconomic austerity and neo-liberal ideas for structural reform, has left the member states with “politics without policy”, in which dissatisfied citizens have had little recourse. This has led to increasing political disaffection, polarization, and Euroskepticism. Proposals to politicize so as to legitimize the EU by electing the Commission President hold some promise, in contrast to election of the Council President. But the danger, given the Eurozone crisis, is that such elections will only politicize so as to delegitimize. [R]
64.1075 SCHMITT, Eva —
The UN Security Council developed after 1990 into a significant assembly of the international security framework. Its institutional relevance depends however on the collective hegemony of the Euro-Atlantic states. This macro-institution remains subject to the Security Council: its leading nations retain their recourse to their own institutions (NATO in particular) in order to consolidate relevant conflicts. [See Abstr. 64.1071]
64.1076 SCHMITT, Eva Marieke —
The article deals with the post-2005 debate on a UN Security Council reform, both from the perspective of institutional change (closure of the Open-Ended Working Group, establishment of the Intergovernmental Negotiations) as well as concerning the engagement of traditional groups (especially the G4) and new like-minded groups like the “L69” alliance. While past initiatives on UN Security Council reform centered around actors from the industrialized world, recent developments show an increasing relevance of developing and emerging countries (e.g., India, Brazil, and their supporters). Following the introduction of a new draft resolution by the L69 and the presentation of a resolution of CARICOM, recent discussions seem to gather momentum. In reference to the G4 initiative of 2004/2005, chances and challenges of the new constellation for continued momentum at a (planned) 2015 reform summit are evaluated. [R]
64.1077 SCHUBERT, Kartsen —
Human rights violations based on sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) were, for a long time, hardly recognized in the UN. But for the last years, the subject has been high up on the agenda. In 2011, the Human Rights Council adopted resolution 17/19 on SOGI-related violence and discrimination. In 2013, the OHCHR started a worldwide media campaign against the discrimination of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersexual people (LGBTI). This article characterizes the human rights violations based on SOGI, describes the protection of LGBTI by current human rights law as well as the various activities of UN institutions, and expounds fundamental problems rights protection for LGBTI. [R]
64.1078 SCOTT, James; HARMAN, Sophie —
The Doha Round of WTO negotiations has significant implications for global health which have received insufficient attention from the global health community. All too often the health implications of global trade agreements are examined only after their conclusion, and are concerned only with intellectual property rights. This paper moves beyond this narrow focus and elucidates the wider health implications of the Doha Round. It explores the negative effect of the Round on state capacity to provide and regulate health services in low-income countries, and the impact it will have on livelihoods among the poor and their ability to access health services. The paper makes the case for greater engagement from the health community with the WTO and the Doha Round negotiations beyond the customary focus on intellectual property rights. [R]
64.1079 SIMÃO, Licínia —
The promotion of regional cooperation has been a central feature of the EU's external relations. Forms of sub-regional cooperation are deemed to be essential confidence-building measures, as a means of consolidating a shared community of values, practices and interests. This article looks at region-building processes in the EU's relations with the South Caucasus, as the interface between the existing approaches and the ensuing practices. It argues that the European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in particular have some critical limitations for effective region-building in the South Caucasus, mainly pertaining to the endorsement of artificial regional labels, limited ability to balance multilateral and bilateral approaches, and poor local ownership of identity-building processes. At the same time, the EaP offers some interesting possibilities for the development of a variable-geometry regional approach. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1037]
64.1080 SKOVGAARD, Jakob; BLAXEKJAER, Lau —
This paper analyzes the international climate negotiations from the 2007 Bali Roadmap over the 2009 breakdown in negotiations at the UN climate summit COP15 to the following COP meetings with a focus on central issues and tendencies. The analysis applies the concepts of content and process as empirical and heuristic tools, to analyze the road to Paris, where COP21 will be held in 2015 with the stated goal of reaching a global agreement corresponding to the previous goal of COP15, only now covering the period from 2020 onwards. The paper concludes that the recent COPs can be characterized by three overlapping discussions: How parties interpret and seek to implement the principle of common but differentiated responsibility, the principle of equity, as well as the question of real effects of actions to mitigate climate change. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “International climate policy — prospects for a global agreement in 2015”. See also Abstr. 64.557, 1260]
64.1081 SKOVGAARD, Jakob —
In 2007, the EU decided to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 20/30 per cent, which was considered a proof of the EU's willingness to take on high targets independently of others. In the period 2009–11, the EU could not reach an agreement on stepping up to a 30 per cent reduction target. Why could the EU adopt high targets independently of others, [but not] agree to increase its mitigation effort? I argue that whereas actors skeptical of a high target could be rhetorically entrapped in 2007, such entrapment was impossible in the 2009–11 period. The lack of entrapment can be explained in terms of changes in the international and socio-economic contexts, which led to changes in the policy processes and the normative environment, which again made effective entrapment impossible. [R, abr.]
64.1082 SMEETS, Dieter; ZIMMERMANN, Marco —
Using an event-study approach, this article examines whether crisis meetings of European heads of state and government, as well as their agreed and communicated results, had a significant impact on Europe's financial markets. The analysis is based on daily data for seven Member States of the Eurozone (France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain), [from] 2008 until 2012. The high-profile meetings appear to have only minor effects that ceased quickly. Therefore, we conclude that investors consider Europe's economic and political crisis-management insufficient and its communication strategy little convincing. [R, abr.]
64.1083 SMITH, Karen E. —
This article contributes to the burgeoning literature on why states ratify human rights treaties. It first analyzes why Ireland, the UK and the US did not initially ratify or accede to the 1948 Genocide Convention, and then explores why the three countries eventually did accept it, 20–40 years after it was approved by the UN General Assembly. The extent to which material costs and benefits, the logic of appropriateness, and acculturation played a role in each of the three cases is assessed. Acculturation is particularly evident in the Irish case, but it also helps to explain the UK and US acceptance of the Convention. [R]
64.1084 SMITH, Michael E. —
Since 2003, the EU has developed into a provider of international security services. Given the complex nature of EU institutions, and the extent to which EU policy domains overlap, the EU has also attempted to impose more coherence on its foreign security actions to improve their effectiveness and raise its overall global profile as a political actor. These efforts are increasingly framed as the “comprehensive approach” to European security actions. The comprehensive approach refers to the EU's more pro-active, and more coordinated, integration of its various external policy tools to address specific international security problems. This article explains how processes of experiential institutional learning helped generate new ideas regarding the comprehensive approach by examining a range of CSDP operations launched by the EU since 2003. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.980]
64.1085 SPASOVA, Slavina; TOMINI, Luca —
This article examines the evolution of institutions of social dialogue and actors’ perceptions in Bulgaria within the context of Europeanization. The paper [examines] how and under what external and internal conditions the institutions of social dialogue in Bulgaria have been built and have evolved over time. The overall conclusions comprise two interrelated points: (1) EU conditionality became the main source of change in the area of social dialogue at the national level through technical assistance and the dissemination of ideas and “best practices”. However, it did not have the same impact in respect of negotiations at sectoral/branch and local levels. (2) Its role was limited to the time of enlargement negotiations, and above all the effects of its influence were strongly dependent on the commitment of internal actors. [R, abr.]
64.1086 SPENDZHAROVA, Aneta; VERSLUIS, Esther —
Analyses of agenda-setting and decision-making have highlighted that issue-salience plays an important role in those stages of the policy process. This article investigates the role of issue-salience in the implementation stage, focusing on transposition. We examine the extent to which issue-salience influences the timeliness of transposing EU directives in national legislation. We analyze 143 EU environmental directives adopted in the period 1996–2008 in ten member states. We operationalize issue-salience as the salience of hazardous substances and materials, salience for political parties in government and salience for the general public. Our results show faster transposition when environmental issues are salient for the governing political parties, Green political parties are included in the government, and the general public ranks environmental issues as a top priority. [R, abr.]
64.1087 STRANGE, Michael —
What does it mean when activist networks describe themselves as “European” or “Global”? Existing studies into the geographic character of such networks have focused on the interplay between multiple “levels”. However, there is a need for greater research on the discursive function played by geographic descriptors within the formation of activist networks. This article examines the use of multiple geographic descriptors to articulate a particular activist network — the “Seattle to Brussels” (S2B) network — consisting of European-based groups contesting the form of multilateral trade governance embodied in the WTO. [R, abr.]
64.1088 STUENKEL, Oliver —
Little is known about how and why institutionalized cooperation between the BRIC countries began. The 2008 financial crisis among developed countries, paired with relative economic stability among emerging powers caused a legitimacy crisis of the international financial order, which led to equally unprecedented cooperation between emerging powers in the context of the BRIC grouping. The BRIC countries used their temporarily increased bargaining power to become agenda-setters, culminating in the IMF quota reforms agreed on in 2010. Intra-BRIC cooperation in the area of international finance enhanced trust and led to a broader type of cooperation in many other areas, suggesting the occurrence of spillover effects. Intra-BRICS cooperation (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) is therefore likely to continue, even after the conditions that facilitated its genesis have disappeared. [R, abr.]
64.1089 ‘t HART, Paul; SUNDELIUS, Bengt —
Fifteen years ago we presented an agenda for crisis-management research and training in Europe. Here, that article is revisited through a comprehensive review of social science scholarship in the field. Both the discourses on risk- and crisis-“management” and on crisis “politics” are surveyed in an effort to show the connect between knowledge and policy agendas for capacity-building. The vital roles of research-based education and experience-based training to foster enhanced crisis management practices are noted. Independent yet policy-focused centers of crisis-management scholarship are encouraged and needed. These should be linked through a transnational network to support a common “rapid reflection” force in service of European leadership, when it matters the most. [R]
64.1090 THAKUR, Ramesh —
This article explains why the UN's civilian protection agenda is particularly relevant and important for Africa and why the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) might be said to be an African norm export to the rest of the world. Next, it traces the reasons for peace operations’ reluctance to use force. It then shows how the civilian protection agenda has tried to fill critical gaps in the existing normative architecture, with both R2P and the Protection of Civilians (POC) resulting from growing shame at the accumulating list of atrocities in which the international community stood by as passive onlookers, frustrations at the “constitutional” constraints and normative inadequacies rather than indifference and apathy to the plight of civilian victims that produced the passivity. [R, abr.]
64.1091 THOMSON, Robert —
What impact will the Lisbon Treaty's new system of voting in the Council have? After describing the new voting rules, this study develops a modeling approach to assess their likely impact. The analysis first examines the extent to which procedural rules have affected the decision-making process in the recent past, since this will help assess the likely impact of the changes brought by the Lisbon Treaty. It [then] presents a counterfactual analysis of recent decisions, exploring what would have happened had the Lisbon rules been applied. Even under the strong and unrealistic assumption that formal rules define the decision-making process, decision outcomes would have been the same in most cases. The paper discusses the features of Council decision-making that soften the impact of these rule changes. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.1092 TORRES, Francisco; VILA MAIOR, Paulo —
The assumptions and lessons from the main theories of European integration (neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism) are depicted in order to understand their explanatory potential for the creation and evolution of Economic and Monetary Union. Since both theories come from international relations theories, their restrictions on the context of European integration are obvious. Though both theories explain different moments of European monetary integration, they need to be supplemented by other theoretical approaches that capture the particularisms of European integration. The role of ideas, the awareness of the Europeanization of politics, and the influence of powerful epistemic communities come to the surface. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1044]
64.1093 TOSUN, Jale —
The EU has adopted the precautionary principle (PP) as a legal principle for dealing with uncertain risks: situations in which the relationship between activities and their potential hazard cannot be established. While the PP's application has been defined by the European Commission and EU case law, political considerations ultimately determine whether and how it is invoked. This article reviews the literature on the PP's application in EU policy-making by addressing three research questions: When do EU policy-makers invoke the PP? How are EU precautionary policies made? Is the making of EU precautionary policies different from the making of regulatory policies addressing certain risks? While the conceptual literature provides some insights regarding all three questions, the empirical literature is particularly instructive regarding the first two questions. [R, abr.]
64.1094 TRÁVNÍČKOVÁ, Zuzana; KNOTKOVÁ, Vladimíra —
Arctic environmental protection and the protection of species living in the Arctic are subject to a number of multilateral international treaties, bilateral agreements, and instruments of soft law, and they are touched upon by the national laws of the Arctic coastal countries as well. Based on the theoretical approaches of O. Young, the paper construes the current environmental protection in the Arctic as an international regime. It defines the basic features of the Arctic and Antarctic environmental regimes, such as duration, resilience, an institutional structure, internationalization and the agreed procedures and processes of the regime's development. It discusses whether their differences have been reflected in their environmental regimes. The paper concludes that the procedure used in the Antarctic might not be fully transferrable to the case of the Arctic. [R, abr.]
64.1095 VAN SCHAIK, Louise —
This article relates the effectiveness of the EU's effectiveness to its international actorness in negotiations on international food standards taking place in the Codex Alimentarius Commission (CAC). Actorness is taken to result from EU competence, preference homogeneity and processes of socialization among EU Member State representatives. In the 2009 negotiations on growth promoters for livestock, whose use the EU opposes, the Commission took the lead. It was trusted and supported by the EU Member States, but its dominant role resulted in them being rather passive. As a result, the EU's potential to negotiate effectively in the CAC was not used in its full potential. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1057]
64.1096 VERDUN, Amy —
This paper examines the institutional rules and the decision-making process in the EU before and after the Lisbon Treaty [2007]. What challenges did the EU respond to that ultimately led to the Lisbon Treaty? What institutional changes were made? What has been the outcome of these changes? If we look at these results through various European integration theory lenses, what can we learn? [After] introducing the issues, the paper examines the challenges to which Lisbon was supposed to be the answer. It examines the institutional and decision-making changes made by means of the Lisbon Treaty. Section four assesses the Lisbon changes’ effects. The fifth draws on European integration theories to make sense of the findings. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Decision-making in the EU before and after the Lisbon treaty”, edited and introduced, pp. 1121–1127, by Madeleine HOSLI, Amie KREPPEL, Běla PLECHANOVOVÁ and the author. See also Abstr. 64.970, 995, 998, 1006, 1039, 1061, 1091, 1098, 1101]
64.1097 VOROBYOV, Vitaly —
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has become one of the leading components of Russia's foreign policy both doctrinally and on the practical level. It is in Russia's long-term interests for the SCO to stand firmly on its feet and move steadily forward in its development, strengthening its reputation as a macro-organization of a new type. Russia's upcoming presidency of the Organization in 2014–2015 imposes an additional obligation on our state of make a proactive and significant contribution to the formulation of SCO strategy. [R]
64.1098 WARNTJEN, Andreas —
This study compares the role of the Council presidency before and after Lisbon, focusing on the continuity of the legislative work of the Council, a major concern in the discussions leading to the Lisbon Treaty. The Treaty established an elected presidency to head the European Council for up to five years. The presidency of the Council, however, continues to rotate every six months between member states at the ministerial and working-group level, where the bulk of the legislative work takes place. Discontinuity of leadership in negotiations decreases their efficiency. Different priorities of the changing chairmen can be disruptive and lead to major delay. The hybrid solution of the Lisbon Treaty falls short of an institutional design that would have put a premium on continuity in the legislative work of the Council. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.1099 WOLFF, Sarah; SCHOUT, Adriaan —
Building on the notion of “agencies” as non-majoritarian instruments to professionalize (or “depoliticize”) EU policy-making, this article examines whether the introduction of Frontex as an agency instrument in 2004 implied a major change in the management of the EU's border control compared to the earlier network. Even though formal evaluations have acknowledged the positive achievements of Frontex, this article questions whether those assessments actually helps us to understand better the added value of Frontex as agency. To do so, the article draws from a legitimacy-based model to assess the added value of the agency. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1032]
64.1100 WU Chien-Huei —
In accordance with the objectives and principles of EU external actions as enshrined in the EU Treaty, and from the perspective of “the EU as a normative power”, this article examines the EU's role in pursuing international criminal justice. It investigates the evolution of the EU's judicial practices and home affairs, and police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. It then traces the EU's contributions to the effective functioning of the ICTY and ICTR, and the universality and integrity of the ICC. It explores the EU's response to US efforts to conclude non-surrender agreements with third countries. The EU has played a significant role in establishing international criminal justice systems, which underlines the importance of the objectives and principles guiding the EU's external actions and strengthens the EU's normative image. [R]
64.1101 XI Jin; HOSLI, Madeleine O. —
This paper focuses on effects of the Lisbon Treaty on the coherence of EU behavior at the UN General Assembly (UNGA). It theorizes the EU's presence at the UNGA in terms of a principal-agent model wherein the EU and its entire membership are considered to constitute a collective principal while the actors playing the role of the agent have varied in different phases. It then investigates, in the light of this framework, the voting cohesion of EU member states at the UNGA between 1993 and 2012, paying particular attention to differences before and after the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty. The statistical analysis shows that EU voting cohesion has been increasing, but the level of cohesion is not (yet) significantly different post-Lisbon as compared to pre-Lisbon. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1096]
64.1102 YUVACI, Abdullah —
By quantitatively analyzing how MEPs voted on an amendment that proposed a special status for Turkey, this article sheds some light on the voting patterns of MEPs on the question of Turkish accession to the EU. It finds that although member-state and European party group affiliations were related to MEPs’ voting behavior on Turkey, MEPs’ national party preferences were the strongest predictor of the vote. In addition, the study shows that the GDP per capita and public opinion were also highly correlated with MEPs’ voting attitudes toward Turkish accession. [R]
64.1103 ZIMA, Amélie —
This analysis of the relations between the North Atlantic Alliance and Moscow focuses on the processes that led to the signing of the Founding Act in May 1997. This examination of the positions adopted and game played by national and international players, deconstructs the wheeling and dealing that have taken place in various places, points out their characteristics and thus proposes approaches to studying the complicated relations between NATO and Russia, in particular when Central European lands sought to join the Alliance. The emergence and influence of painful experiences from the past are also noted. The chosen example contributes to our understanding of structural changes in international relations. [R] [First of a series of articles, “Between Atlanticism and Europeanism. The evolution of security policies in Central and Eastern Europe”, edited and introduced by the author. [See also Abstr. 64.1207, 1209]
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
64.1104 ADOMEIT, Hannes —
That the foreign ministers Sergei Lavrov and John Kerry agreed on 14 September 2013 to a six-point plan for the destruction of the Syrian chemical weapons cannot gloss over one thing: relations between Russia and the US are at a low point. Reasons for this profound alienation are incompatible domestic and foreign policy aims and perceptions of the two governments. The willingness for the restart announced by President B. Obama after his election is missing. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1384]
64.1105 AHMAD, Ishtiaq —
Pakistan's recent assumption of the role as a key facilitator of the Afghan reconciliation process signals a pragmatic shift in its regional security approach. Occurring essentially in response to NATO's military exit from Afghanistan, this shift entails a major compromise on its previous India-centric “strategic depth” policy of dominating Afghanistan through Pashtun-Taliban proxies. It is a part of its broader “regional pivot” towards enhanced cooperation with regional states to secure long-term geo-economic gains such as increasing the level of trade with India, gaining access to Central Asian energy sources, and making Pakistan a corridor of trade and energy from Central to South Asia. Consequently, the country has reached out to traditionally hostile non-Pashtun Afghan leaders of the erstwhile Northern Alliance, proactively pursued peace process with India, and diversified regional and international relations. [R, abr.]
64.1106 ALEXANDER, Keith B.; GOLDMAN, Emily; WARNER, Michael —
Cybersecurity threats represent a defining test for the US. The National Security Agency is pursuing a focused strategy to protect the nation in a domain where its adversaries’ capabilities are growing rapidly. [R]
64.1107 ALLISON, Roy —
Russia has managed to become the key protective power of the Assad regime in Syria. Why is Moscow taking such an enormous diplomatic risk? Historical bonds and a longing for past greatness do not suffice as explanations. Russia's economic and strategic interests in Syria are also not that great. A certain role is played by the fear of radical Islamists, who could destabilize the northern Caucasus after a victory in the Syrian civil war. But the decisive motivation for Moscow's Syria policy is another one. After the fall of M. Gaddafi in Libya and the rise of a protest movement in Russia itself, President V. Putin and his entourage want to prevent at all costs regime-change supported from the outside. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1384]
64.1108 ANAYA MUÑOZ, Alejandro —
Felipe Calderón's government pursued continuity in Mexico's foreign policy on human rights in line with the two previous administrations. This continuity may be explained by the pressure exerted “from outside” on the Mexican government by international human rights groups, and by the effect of applying an external “lock-in” on new foreign policy on the issue. This policy has had little impact on respect for human rights in Mexico. The foreign policy of openness and multilateral activism has been a significant aspect of a process (one that is incomplete and contentious) of redefining the identity of Mexico in the international sphere. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1109 BACIK, Gökhan; AFACAN, Isa —
Turkey is formulating its new foreign-policy discourse on Sub-Saharan Africa. The emerging discourse is reaching for old themes like Ottoman-ism and Islamic humanitarianism, and for newer themes such as “the trading-state”. The Turkish experience of Sub-Saharan Africa is not rich, and hence the reliance of actors on themes developed in geographical regions quite other than Sub-Saharan Africa. Typically in the early stages of such discourse, its themes reflect images of the major actors more than the realities. As actors’ understanding of a subject area improves, the early themes of a discourse are necessarily adjusted to accommodate the issues that emerge in that area. Adjustment happens also in response to various agents’ critical commentaries. Therefore, the foreign-policy discourse on Sub-Saharan Africa that has emerged so far will undergo constant adjustment. [R]
64.1110 BASRUR, Rajesh; DAS, Ajaya Kumar, eds. —
While India-Southeast Asia strategic relations have been explored periodically, little detailed investigations have been undertaken on the defense aspects. This special issue fills that gap by exploring (1) a general strategic framework within which India-Southeast Asia defense relations may be placed; (2) the Indian perspective on the defense relationship; (3) the Southeast Asian perspectives on the defense relationship. The authors identify the impediments to closer security and defense relations between India and ASEAN states at various levels, yet all agree that there exist opportunities for further expansion. They emphasize the need for policy-makers, especially in India, to undertake more carefully considered efforts to build defense linkages with Southeast Asia. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.999, 1117, 1137, 1194, 1239]
64.1111 BESHARATI, Neissan Alessandro —
Since 2007, there has been discussion to formalize, rationalize, coordinate and provide structure to South Africa's development cooperation through the establishment of a centralized South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). Progress in rolling out the new institution, however, has been extremely slow, owing to the political and technical complexities of South Africa's institutional environment. This paper elaborates on the rationale and driving forces which have led to the establishment of SADPA and the steps taken to gradually operationalize the new agency and the partnership fund dedicated to providing development support on the continent. The paper examines the different mechanisms for the financing, implementation and oversight needed to take forward Pretoria's development cooperation, and the challenges of leadership, coordination, accountability and information management that face the new agency. [R, abr.]
64.1112 BISLEY, Nick —
This article analyzes the current state of the US–Australia alliance and argues that Canberra's pursuit of close relations with the USA reflects the interaction of a rational calculation of the costs and benefits of the alliance with a set of resolutely political factors that have produced the current policy setting. It first assesses the security cost and benefit behind the alliance. It then argues that the move also derives from the strong domestic support for the US alliance, a sharpened sense that China's rise was generating regional instability that only the US primacy could manage and the realization that the economic fallout of such a move would be minimal. It reflects on what it might take to change the current policy settings. [R, abr.]
64.1113 BISLEY, Nick; PHILLIPS, Andrew —
The language US officials use about the “pivot” implies a shift from the Asia-Pacific to the Indo-Pacific. It would be better for Washington to continue view East Asia and the Indian Ocean as linked but distinct. [R]
64.1114 BLANK, Stephen; KIM Younkyoo —
Ukraine's current policy line is counterproductive. Not only may potential supporters be unable to help Ukraine, they will probably not want to help it and will ignore the consequences of its distress given their preoccupation with other problems. Then many wolves will flock not only to Ukraine's but to Europe's door obliging us then to confront a much greater crisis with fewer resources at hand to meet it. [R]
64.1115 BOTELHO, Teresa —
This paper discusses two recent speeches by President Obama and the two different types of changes they introduce, identifying the decision processes they reflect. The first speech implies a move away from the continuity of the security policy adopted by the previous administration, embodied by the Authorization to Use Military Force, announcing changes of the global strategy in the fight against terrorism, a greater judicial and political control on the use of drones and asking Congress to review the legal obstacles it created to the closure of Guantanamo. The second speech appears to invert the promises of the non-interventionist stance adopted by this administration, announcing the intention to use military force to punish the government of Syria for its repeated use of chemical weapons, without a UN mandate. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1044]
64.1116 BRATERSKKY, M. V. —
Having acknowledged Russian integration projects in Eurasia seriously, the US is now defining its perception of Russia's strategy goals: to what extent is the Russian policy focused on gaining access to markets and the growth of its economy, and to what degree on the building a regional political-economic subsystem in Eurasia with the new regional power center in Moscow. [R]
64.1117 BREWSTER, David —
India's defense strategy in Southeast Asia is a function of two sets of strategic objectives. The first is a perceived imperative to be the predominant power in the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea, which border Southeast Asia. This is a key defensive space for India and control over the sea lines of communication that cross the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea provides India with considerable strategic leverage. India's second set of strategic objectives in Southeast Asia stems from its desire to expand its own strategic space. Many ASEAN states such as Singapore, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand are encouraging India to extend its political and economic engagement with Southeast Asia, but there is no consensus yet on India's defense role in the region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1110]
64.1118 BULMER, Simon; PATERSON, William E. —
This article explores the growing perception, prompted by the Eurozone crisis, of Germany as a hegemonic power in the EU. It explores the realignments in the power balance within the EU, applying the insights from the literature on hegemony. It reviews the evidence for Germany playing a hegemonic role, but then emphasizes three sets of constraints. First, German pre-eminence is largely confined to the economic sphere. Even in this area Germany has not acted fully in line with the role ascribed by hegemonic stability theory. Second, its pre-eminence in the EU encounters problems of international legitimacy. Third, growing constraints arising from German domestic politics further hamper playing the role of hegemon. In consequence, Germany is intrinsically a reluctant hegemon: one whose economic leadership is recognized but politically contested. [R, abr.]
64.1119 CABESTAN, Jean-Pierre —
Sino-African relations have led an impressive development in the past decade. The expansion was favored by the adoption by China of a new African policy aimed at fulfilling its growing economic needs as well as consolidating its status as a world power. The rapid increase of Sino-African trade, as well as the number of Chinese infrastructure projects in Africa has contributed to deepening China's diplomatic, and perhaps also strategic, relations with most African capitals. This new Sino-African connection is not nevertheless without problems, and for China with new responsibilities and challenges. These multiple challenges are connected with the political, diplomatic and security consequences of China's growing economic and human print in Africa. These challenges affect the real weight of China and its ability to influence its future. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1185]
64.1120 CARLSON, Allen —
The question for all those with an interest in Asian security, and the wider international order, has become: what does China want to do with its newfound power? This article [argues] that national identity, rather than nationalism alone, stands at the center of such issues. The latter of these two has attracted more attention. However, it tends to lead analysts to see only a narrow bandwidth of identity-formation within a country, whereas the former is more inclusive of the potential variety of collective constructs in play in a given location. From within such a framework, it is then possible to both examine the production of Chinese collective imaginings and explore the role that they play in framing China's interaction with the rest of the international system. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1202]
64.1121 CARPENTER, Ami C. —
US policy toward Mexico has been influenced by a “drug war” frame that has left little rhetorical and operational room for creative multisectoral strategies to stem the violence and address its causes. This article proposes conflict-analysis, a lens for viewing conflict that brings into focus a multilevel, integrative diagnosis of the violence in Mexico and supports recent evolutions in Plan Mérida toward a more holistic peace-building approach. [R]
64.1122 CHABAT, Jorge —
This paper offers a brief overview of the evolution of the issue of security in Mexican foreign policy since the government of Salinas de Gortari and shows how its acquired increasing importance despite the mistrust shown by the Mexican political class towards the outside world, in particular the US. The paper claims that collaboration on the security issue dramatically increased during the government of Felipe Calderón due to two factors: growing international interaction, especially with the US, and the increase in insecurity and violence within Mexico since 2005. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1123 CHARAP, Samuel —
The US and Russia assess their relationship based on diplomatic “deliverables”. And the early “reset” period saw many such deliverables emerge to lend credence to a warming trend. But this superficial assessment mode shrouds from view the underlying fragility of the relationship. Now it is time to address the relationship's deeper realities and problems. [R]
64.1124 CHO Young Nam —
This article reviews the previous studies on China's assertive foreign policy since the global financial crisis in 2008, and presents a few features of China's assertive diplomacy into four categories. First is China's official position. Second is the argument of offensive realism. Third is the interpretation of bureaucratic politics model. Fourth is an empirical analysis. This paper investigates these four categories focusing on each of these arguments and problems, and then explains a few features of China's assertive diplomacy based on my own observation. [R]
64.1125 CILLUFFO, Frank J.; CARDASH, Sharon L. —
The US military recently accorded cyberspace the status of a “domain”, which means that it is a potential battle-space like land, sea, air, or outer space, and will be treated accordingly. Besides being the newest battle-space, however, cyberspace also meets, merges with, and intersects the physical battlefield in various ways. What is the nature of conflict and threats in this digital landscape? What key policy questions will arise from the US, as a result, and how might these matters be best addressed? These emerging questions will be top priorities for policy-makers. It is therefore necessary to explore them and help shape some of the contours of policy debates as this new and distinct domain continues to touch and impact all the others. [See Abstr. 64.133]
64.1126 CIMBALA, Stephen J. —
The B. Obama Administration's desire to push forward with strategic nuclear arms reductions during the President's second term requires the navigation of numerous shoals and reefs. US and Russian negotiators will have to overcome both political and military obstacles to accomplish post-New START reductions in long-range nuclear weapons. For example, efforts to reduce offensive nuclear weapons are complicated by US and NATO plans for missile defenses deployed in Europe and by exigencies in US and Russian domestic politics. In addition, the militarytechnical aspects of cyber war and nuclear deterrence can no longer be treated, analytically or practically, as isolated compartments. This article considers several aspects of the relationships among possible post-START offensive force reductions, advanced conventional weapons including missile defenses, and emerging cyber capabilities. [R]
64.1127 CLAD, James C. —
The lessons in America's ill-fated invasion of Iraq are many, but most flow from the lost “Golden Hour”, a term from trauma-response medicine connoting in this instance the brief time when the gods of fortune could still have been summoned. They were not, and most of the ensuing problems flowed from that strategic lapse. This on-the-ground reminiscence offers insight into the debacle. [R]
64.1128 CLARKE, Michael —
This article demonstrates that Iran conforms to R.K. Betts's model of a “pariah” nuclear aspirant, as its nuclear program is driven by a potent combination of security, normative and domestic political motivations. The regime's commitment to its nuclear program is influenced by Iran's long-standing sense of vulnerability to both regional and international adversaries, and an enduring sense of national humiliation at the hands of foreign powers, in parallel with a powerful belief in the superiority of Persian civilization. This has resulted in the development of a narrative of “hyper-independence” in Iran's foreign policy that simultaneously rejects political, cultural or economic dependence and emphasizes “self-reliance”. Current strategies that focus exclusively on Iran's security motivations or on a heightened regime of sanctions fail to recognize the mutually reinforcing dynamic between Iran's security and normative/status-derived nuclear motivations. [R, abr.]
64.1129 COOK, James L. —
While military alliances have always been important to the US, some experts wonder about their future. In today's uncertain security environment, they question whether these alliances may have outlived their usefulness. The author argues that US national security leaders face some difficult choices as they formulate strategy and determine the number and types of collective security arrangements the nation will require to secure its national interests in the future. [R]
64.1130 CORNEJO, Romer —
This paper presents an overview of the principal events affecting the relationship between Mexico and China, in order to explain the deterioration it underwent in 2012. It begins with a look at the foundations of Mexico's foreign policy, set out in the National Development Plan, before turning to trade relations, characterized by increasing trade, Mexico's growing trade deficit, negotiations on safeguards and the reaction of the affected sectors in Mexico. Subsequently, the text presents the diplomatic interactions and disagreements, and finally reviews aspects of the perceptions each country holds of the other that may affect the state of their relations. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1131 COVARRUBIAS VELASCO, Ana —
This paper makes a partial evaluation of the foreign policy of the Felipe Calderón administration through a comparison of official documents that set out the objectives and strategies of this policy — the National Development Plan, the sectoral program and Foreign Ministry reports — with three empirical cases: the Merida Initiative, relations with the rest of Latin America and actions in the multilateral sphere. This reveals a degree of congruence between foreign policy actions and these documents, especially in the cases of relations with the rest of Latin America and the multilateral sphere; the success of these actions is also questioned. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Foreign policy during Felipe Calderón's administration”, introduced, pp. 447–454, by Humberto GARZA, Jorge A. CHIAVON and Rafael VELÁSQUEZ FLORES. See also Abstr. 64.619, 914, 1108, 1122, 1130, 1144, 1156, 1197, 1208, 1213, 1218, 1225, 1242, 1253, 1254, 1255]
64.1132 COX, Dan G. —
The most common assertion about US foreign policy appearing in scholarly journals and opinion articles is that it is incoherent. This article shows that nothing could be further from the truth. In fact, it is a growing cohesiveness from political science centered around the democratic peace thesis and a growing interdisciplinary consensus that western human rights need to be granted and enforced around that world that has fed into a highly cohesive, highly militarized, foreign policy of what will be defined as Liberal Imperialism. [R]
64.1133 CRAIG, Campbell —
This article explores historical assessments of the foreign policy of President J.F. Kennedy, who was assassinated fifty years ago. It traces the evolution of JFK historiography from the uncritical “Camelot” school to harsh revisionist critiques in the 1980s and 1990s, and on to the current “third wave” of scholarship. It focuses on new work concerning JFK's handling of the Berlin and Cuba superpower crises, his role in expanding the US's involvement in Vietnam (and whether blame for this war can be assigned to him) and larger questions about his approach to the danger of nuclear holocaust and the possibility of defusing Cold War tensions. The conclusion suggests that Kennedy may have been turning towards a more critical view of American Cold War politics when he was killed. [R, abr.]
64.1134 CROCI, Osvaldo; VALIGI, Marco —
This article contributes to the academic debate concerning continuity and change in Italian foreign policy during the so-called Second Republic. After identifying the variables affecting continuity and change in foreign policy, it focuses on the intervention in Libya. It argues that the choices taken by the center-right coalition government headed by S. Berlusconi were based on enduring national interests, values and principles, and as such, largely transcended partisan political preferences. As a consequence, such choices are not different from those that a center-left coalition would have made had it been in government rather than in opposition. The only difference lies in the discourse that would probably have been used to present and justify them publicly. [R]
64.1135 DADDIS, Gregory A. —
For the war in Vietnam, real perspective can come only when we extricate ourselves from the historical quagmire and start evaluating the conflict as more than just a mistake that deserves our condemnation. [R]
64.1136 DALSHEIM, Joyce —
In the case of Israel/Palestine, the idea of anachronism is deployed among liberals, progressives and radical theorists, and activists seeking peace and social justice who express animosity toward religiously motivated settlers and their settlement project. One way in which they differentiate themselves from these settlers is by suggesting that settler actions belong to the past. They also pity Palestinians conceived of as stuck in an oppressive system of settler colonialism that also belongs to the past, preventing them from moving forward. Both perceptions of anachronism limit the ways we can think about human liberation and peace. This article sheds light on a conundrum about who or what belongs to the past, and how thinking in such terms can contribute to the production of a particular moral collective and to the production of enmity. [R, abr.]
64.1137 DAS, Ajaya Kumar —
India has enhanced its strategic and geopolitical position in Southeast Asia [since] its Look East Policy in 1991. Its strategic interest in the region is complemented by its growing economic interests. The article argues that India's soft power underlines its strategy of building strong defense and strategic links with Southeast Asia. While analysts distinguish between the hard power of military and economic instruments available to the state, this article shows that there is a substantial overlap between them, and that the “soft” aspects of hard power play a significant role in meeting India's strategic objectives. Whereas India has been empowered by its use of soft power in both military and non-military resources, the article suggests how to optimize the effects of hard and soft power, thereby strengthening its strategic position in the region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1110]
64.1138 DEPLEDGE, Duncan —
This article considers the UK's contemporary interest(s) in the Arctic at a time of unprecedented change in the northern latitudes. It focuses on the ongoing emergence of UK Arctic policy as an assemblage of processes involving various actors — government officials, scientists and other academics, environmental campaigners, journalists and the private sector — which not only define UK interests but also delimit what the term “Arctic” means to, and demands of, the UK. The article [focuses on] the recent activities by the Ministry of Defense, the House of Commons Environmental Audit Committee and the related work of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office to develop an Arctic Policy Framework, drawing on official government documents and a series of interviews conducted between 2010 and 2013 for evidence. [R, abr.]
64.1139 DODDS, Klaus; HEMMINGS, Alan D. —
[We examine] Britain's contemporary and future relationship with the British Antarctic Territory and the wider region. In the aftermath of the ill-fated plans for a merger of British Antarctic Survey (BAS) and the National Oceanography Centre, it is timely to ask how the UK projects influence and secures its scientific, resource and strategic interests. The contemporary Antarctic is increasingly characterized by tension over resource-management and conservation politics as Antarctic Treaty parties disagree over the purpose of legal instruments and the regulation of activities such as fishing and marine conservation. The article cautions [that] scientific excellence is no longer sufficient to guarantee geopolitical/strategic interests; there is growing evidence that claimant and non-claimant states alike are no longer regarding Antarctica as an area that will remain free of intensifying and diversifying resource-exploitation. [R, abr.]
64.1140 DOESER, Fredrik —
The article [considers] the concept of leader-driven change, which focuses on the determined efforts of a political leader to change policy. Empirically, it investigates the change that occurred in Denmark's foreign policy when its government decided to participate in the UN sanctions against Iraq in August 1990. It finds that the foreign minister was the main initiator of the policy change, that his personal characteristics played a decisive role, and that the Gulf crisis created a window of opportunity for the foreign minister to initiate the change in policy. In implementing the policy change, however, the foreign minister could not act independently, since he needed the support of other political actors. On the basis of these empirical findings, the article suggests a new theory of foreign-policy change. [R, abr.]
64.1141 DOMBROWSKI, Peter; KELLEHER, Catherine; AUNER, Eric —
Israel's vaunted Iron Dome missile-defense system, so successful in the country's November 2012 effort to thwart Palestinian rocket attacks from Gaza, has been heralded by some as a prototype for huge global defensive shields that could render ballistic missiles obsolete around the world. But, despite its impressive technical achievements, Iron Dome is a limited system with limited applicability. [R]
64.1142 DUCHÂTEL, Mathieu —
China renewed its governing team at the turn of 2013. Xi Jinping, the new head of the Chinese Communist party, who also heads the Central Military Commission, has initiated major adjustments in terms of foreign policy in less than a year. He personally oversaw two priority issues: the relations with the US and security in Eastern Asia. He has avoided the traditional ambiguity of China by expressing clearly its quest for strategic parity with the US in Asia. Under his authority, Chinese foreign policy is evolving towards more personalized decision-making, even though its development remains fragmented for non-priority issues. The article describes the incorporation of new diplomatic issues, confirmed under Xi Jinping: Chinese citizens’ security abroad, cyber issues, and the affirmation of opposition to western intrusions in the Middle East regarding the Libya war. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1185]
64.1143 DUNNE, Michael —
President J.F. Kennedy in 1961 promoted an “Alliance for Progress” throughout Latin America, “to transform the American continent” by improving the often desperate living conditions of its peoples; advancing industrialization; diversifying and increasing exports; encouraging interstate trade and communications; and strengthening democracy. The primary means for achieving these ends would be the extension of loans by the US and others, thereby building up capital for industrial production while increasing food and raw material supplies to maximize foreign exchange — all with the aim of reversing the “dependency” of “underdeveloped” Latin America upon the more “advanced” economies of the north Atlantic area. Kennedy's expressed fear was that Latin America, its impoverished peoples ripe for revolution, would follow the path of Cuba under the new regime of Fidel Castro. [R, abr.]
64.1144 DURAND, Jorge —
Felipe Calderón chose to leave the issue of migration out of negotiations with the US, in order to focus on the war on drugs and national security. This paper looks at the complexity of the migration issue for Mexico over the period, the international agenda and Mexico's position in different forums of negotiation, together with the legal reforms around the issue of transit migration. Meanwhile, it points to a new phase in migration and describes the context of the handover of power in Mexico while making suggestions for handling the question of migration in the country. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1145 ECKERT, Amy E. —
While governments in both Libya and Syria responded with force to unarmed civilian protestors, and are suspected of crimes against humanity, only the former was the target of intervention by the international community. The contrast between the two countries bears out the fact that the responsibility to protect is subject to many of the same pitfalls as humanitarian intervention. A brief overview of the two cases allows to survey the evolution of the debate about the international community's role in responding to human rights violations, with an emphasis on the emergence of the responsibility to protect and the dynamics of the international system that frustrate its consistent application, perpetuating the inconsistency that subjected the right of humanitarian intervention to criticism. [See Abstr. 64.1199]
64.1146 EKMEKCI, Faruk; YILDIRIM, Abdulkadir —
We investigate the “Eastern turn” in Turkish foreign relations through an analysis of Turkish Prime Minister R.T. Erdogan's foreign visits to the non-Western world between 2003 and 2010. Using Poisson regression models, we test ideological and economic explanations of Turkey's “Eastern turn”. We fail to find a particular anti-Western trend in his foreign visits. To the contrary, Erdogan's most frequent destinations in the non-Western world were pro-Western countries. The results of our statistical analyses provide support to the argument that the Justice and Development Party's foreign policy has been guided more by a sensible economic rationale than by ideological orientation. [R]
64.1147 ELIAS, Barbara —
Despite strong shared interests and dependence on US assistance, Kabul and Islamabad frequently fail to cooperate with the USA's post-9/11 security agenda. Why doesn't the US have more leverage in these alliances and what can it change to be more influential? This article identifies four structural factors in Washington's alliances in Afghanistan and Pakistan (“Af-Pak”) contributing to Washington's lack of coercive power: (1) the US's interest makes coercion difficult; (2) Kabul and Islamabad have more invested and will bargain to protect their interests; (3) the form of US commitment (a temporary military commitment) produces incentives for Kabul and Islamabad to adopt short-term solutions, frequently running against US interests; and (4) the tenets of counterinsurgency policy cause Washington to be politically dependent on Kabul and Islamabad, effectively reducing its influence. [R]
64.1148 ENVALL, H. D. P. —
The US military bases in the Japanese prefecture of Okinawa have long been a source of domestic political opposition to the US-Japan alliance. As an alliance management issue, the ongoing troubles surrounding the bases raise questions as to when and why states adopt particular bargaining strategies when dealing with allies. Why, for instance, has the Japanese government not made greater use of this “Okinawa card” when negotiating alliance issues with the US? Even though highlighting particular domestic problems as a part of a negotiating strategy (known as tying hands) should appeal to a weaker ally such as Japan, this article argues that in the Okinawan case the reverse has been true. Japan has generally, though not always, sought to minimise or downplay domestic opposition to its alliance agreements, essentially preferring a cutting-slack to a tying-hands approach. The Japanese experience suggests that when states which are directly dependent on an alliance for their security see their security environment as unstable, they view tying-hands strategies as too likely to undermine their bargaining credibility. Maintaining credibility is important in an alliance bargaining context because it is a way for such states to signal their commitment to an alliance and so guard against abandonment. [R, abr.]
64.1149 ERTHAL ABDENUR, Adriana; ESTEVÃO MARQUES DA FONSECA, João Moura —
Over the past 10 years Northern aid agencies have made a concerted effort to participate in South–South cooperation. This article analyzes the key modes and motivations behind this growing engagement, looking specifically at three areas: multilateral platforms, triangular cooperation and knowledge-production about South–South cooperation. Across all these efforts we perceive a concerted attempt to gain legitimacy by emphasizing horizontality in the co-construction of knowledge about development. We argue that, within a context of shrinking Northern aid, this engagement is a way to harness South–South cooperation in order to preserve and expand Northern influence, both within and outside the field of development cooperation. [R, abr.]
64.1150 EVSEYEV, Vladimir V. —
The article describes the controversies which have appeared in Central Asia between Russia, the US and China in the past twenty years. Their greatest acuteness was when the Bush administration pursued a policy of “aggressive realism”. The Obama administration has appealed to the use of “smart power”, which has led to an unstable balance among major players. The Central Asian states have used this actively in their own interest. The leaders of the Central Asian countries will seek to use the contradictions between Russia, the US and China. For the major foreign players, it is highly desirable to avoid possible confrontations and not to involve themselves in regional conflicts. [R, abr.]
64.1151 FARWELL, James P.; ARAKELIAN, Darby —
Iran's cyber capability has strategic considerations to regional instability and future conflict. Though its cyber capabilities are less powerful than those of the US, China, or Russia, we should not dismiss Iranian cyber intentions as irrelevant. Iran is building and willing to use cyber tools in maintaining regional power and conducting influence operations among Shi'a populations, such malware targeting critical infrastructure. Iran has shown an aggressive approach in building cyber capabilities and is unlikely to be deterred. However, until Iran significantly improves its cyber capabilities to a higher level of sophistication, it is unlikely to directly engage in near-term regional conflict. [A] [See Abstr. 64.133]
64.1152 FIOTT, Daniel —
The EU and the US are on the verge of agreeing to a transatlantic free-trade agreement. The proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is aimed at boosting EU and US economic growth, but the negotiating partners have not excluded the defense sector from negotiations. Europe is at a tipping point regarding the rationale for its defense-industrial integration efforts. Any TTIP extending to the defense sector will raise questions about the nature of the European Defense Technological and Industrial Base, and, crucially, how it impacts NATO and the CSDP. [R]
64.1153 GEBHARD, Carmen —
In the context of European integration, Sweden and Finland are frequently seen as natural allies. By focusing on the specific conduct of Sweden and Finland as regional stakeholders in the Baltic Sea Region (BSR), this article challenges these common assumptions. It shows that Sweden and Finland do not converge in their positions, also in matters concerning the EU's Northern Dimension. Instead of pooling forces to attain greater leverage within the EU, Sweden and Finland rather compete with each other in this regard. Using the example of the Finnish Northern Dimension initiative, this article shows how Sweden and Finland have promoted sub-regional matters through different political and organizational channels, keeping bilateral cooperation to a minimum and leaving potential avenues of pooled action at the EU level aside. [R, abr.]
64.1154 GELB, Leslie H.; SIMES, Dimitri K. —
US conventional wisdom dismisses prospects for a Russian-Chinese alignment aimed at putting America on the defensive. But the two powers seem increasingly friendly toward each other as they confront what they consider to be America's “dual containment” policies. US policy-makers should ponder the global implications of an alliance they may be fostering, however inadvertently. [R]
64.1155 GENTILE, Gian P. —
Counterinsurgency as an operational method employed by the American military to achieve policy aims at a reasonable cost in blood and treasure has failed miserably. The idea that it has worked should be buried in the ground with a requiem stating that counterinsurgency is dead. Unfortunately, a large group of writers over many years have constructed a deeply flawed narrative that suggests that it is alive and well and continues to shape and influence American foreign policy toward and activist use of American military force in the world's troubled spots. [R]
64.1156 GONZÁLEZ GONZÁLEZ, Guadalupe; VELÁSQUEZ FLORES, Rafael —
Calderón's government established a relatively modest, low-profile policy of developing closer ties with Latin America — with goals that were limited in scope — in order to provide an immediate response to some of the problems inherited from the previous administration and to retrieve platforms for dialogue. This paper briefly describes Mexico's foreign policy towards Latin America during the longstanding PRI regime and the six years of rule by Vicente Fox; it sketches out the external scenario for Mexico and its principal challenges in the Latin American region; it sets out the domestic context for Mexico since Calderón's assumption of the presidency; it reviews the economic agenda for Mexico and the region; and it analyzes the political agenda for Mexico and Latin America during the Calderón administration. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1157 GRYGIEL, Jakub —
Europe's financial crisis gets the headlines, but underneath lurk multiple strategic challenges — Russia's increasing assertiveness, fostered in part by Western arms deals; and increasingly vulnerable eastern flank; nervous frontier states opting to arm themselves; and Europe's own fecklessness. All this threatens not only Europe but also America's position in the world. [R]
64.1158 GULBRANDSEN, Christer —
Even though the Norwegian government report on the 2012 EEA Agreement (Europautredningen) was a great leap forward in terms of our knowledge of Norway's relationship with the EU, there are still subject areas we know too little about. One is how Norwegian coordination with the EU in international organizations is conducted. This article presents empirical material on Norwegian coordination with the EU in the International Maritime Organization. Using these, as well as relevant literature on EU coordination in international organizations in general, the author raises eleven potentially useful questions concerning the empirical landscape of Norway–EU coordination in international organizations. [R]
64.1159 HABASHNEH, Saddah A. Al; Al-KATATSHEH, Mohammed H. —
This study investigates the main areas of Russian-Chinese agreements and disputes during the period 1991–2010. Russian-Chinese relationships started to improve as far back as 1989, [but] after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, they picked up momentum. Cooperation between them is obvious on several levels and regarding different matters: [e.g.,] the expansion of NATO in the former USSR countries, the Missile Shield, and the issue of Kosovo. China seeks Russian support in such matters as the American intervention [over] human rights in China, Chinese armament, and the Taiwan question. The relationship has developed in almost all economic, military, cultural and human areas. There still exist some disputes, particularly with regard to demographic disorder, competition over oil and gas, the Russian military support of India, and Chinese relations with America. [R, abr.]
64.1160 HALVORSON, Dan —
This article reinterprets Australia's motives for its 2003 intervention in the Solomon Islands. It argues that considerations of Australia's international reputation have not been afforded sufficient importance in explaining the J. Howard government's decision to intervene. A primary concern for the Howard government was to bolster Australia's reputation in the “War on Terror” vis-à-vis the US and the international community more broadly by being seen to maintain order in its regional sphere of responsibility. The article establishes the historical basis for Canberra's claims to a special responsibility for the South-West Pacific region. It then demonstrates the close connection between Australia's responsibility for order in its region and the reputational norms that evolved during the early years of the War on Terror. [R, abr.]
64.1161 HANIF, Muhammad —
With the tense history of their Cold War relationship, the Afghan Jihad against Soviet occupation and the subsequent “war on terror” now behind them, Pakistan and Russia see their strategic and economic interests converging in the face of the awaited withdrawal of US-led coalition forces from Afghanistan in 2014. Both envisage a role for themselves in achieving peace and stability in Afghanistan and economic cooperation in Central Asia. While Pakistan needs Russian investment for reviving its economy due to dwindling American aid, Russia also eyes Pakistan as a good destination for its investments and trade, with India getting closer to the US and Europe in its place. It is in this light that the recent progress in Pak-Russian relations is seen. [R, abr.]
64.1162 HANSON, Philip —
The Russian economy, though so far in better shape than Europe, is facing the possibility of very slow growth in the near future. Its tendency to volatility was demonstrated in 2008–2009, when Russian GDP fell more than that of any other large country. Looking at that experience and at current concerns, it seems that Russia has both demand-side (slow world growth, uncertain future oil prices) and supply-side (falling labor force) problems. The continuing failure to provide secure property rights for business probably compounds these difficulties. [R]
64.1163 HARRISON, Graham —
This article explores the way that Africa has been represented within British political modernity through the representations of campaign organizations. Using a model of framing, campaigns are reviewed in terms of the ways that Africa is rendered diagnostically, prognostically and motivationally. In each case, one can identity a “layering” within a single campaign tradition. This tradition is based in a Christian, liberal and humanitarian nationalism that emphasizes notions and norms of good Britishness at least as much as it does specific realities in African spaces. As a result, representations of Africa within campaigns are “domesticated” for national consumption. The article considers the prospects of this tradition in a period when development campaigning has become more globalized. [R]
64.1164 HASHEMI, Nader —
The recent public statements by senior American politicians in support of democracy in the Middle East ignore longstanding US policy, with political stability preferred over parliamentary democracy. Stability was a code word for support for authoritarian regimes that protected US interests from hostile forces emerging from within and outside the region. A brief overview of this forgotten history that substantively begins after World War II, when the US emerged as a global superpower and continued until the 2011 Arab Spring is necessary in order to analyze the emerging challenges to US interests, with a focus on the implications for Israel that flow from the spread of democracy in the region. [See Abstr. 64.1199]
64.1165 HEILBRUNN, Jacob —
A chorus of media and foreign-policy elites is decrying the return of isolationism. But it is prudence about employing military force in Syria and elsewhere that will sustain, not undermine, American leadership abroad. [R]
64.1166 HELLMANN, Gunther —
Germany is more confident than ever before. The term “hegemony” is experiencing something of a renaissance in the discussion concerning Germany's role in the EU as its influence in Europe has increased considerably. But this influence may become decisive only if her partners are listening and do not construe German might as a potential threat to their security. [See Abstr. 64.1071]
64.1167 HOSSAIN, Segufta —
Global security scenario has changed with the beginning of the 21st c. and dimensions of the definition of security have also changed with the end of the Cold War. Non-traditional security threats have in some aspects replaced the traditional security concerns. Sources of security threats have also increased and become diversified in the era of globalization. Environmental stresses and degradation have become a security threat and the main concern of environment-security nexus is the scarcity of resources which initiates competition, displacement and gradually conflict. Bangladesh is highly vulnerable to global warming, climate change, environmental stresses and environmental degradation due to climate change. [R, abr.]
64.1168 HUBER, Daniela —
The momentous changes in the Middle East and North Africa have brought the issue of human rights and democracy promotion back to the forefront of international politics. The new engagement in the region of both the US and the EU can be scrutinized along three dimensions: targets, instruments and content. In terms of target sectors, the US and EU are seeking to work more with civil society. As for instruments, they have mainly boosted democracy assistance and political conditionality — that is, utilitarian, bilateral instruments of human rights and democracy-promotion — rather than identitive, multilateral instruments. The content of human rights and democracy-promotion has not been revised. [R]
64.1169 HÜRSOY, Siret —
This paper examines the active Turkish foreign policy, the complex dynamics in the Gulf where Turkey could offer possible alternative solutions for regional and international problems, and the extent to which the bilateral economic objectives which are being pursued in the Gulf will inevitably generate a more substantial political and strategic role for Turkey. The following political and economic issues with some convergences and divergences between Turkey and the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) countries are discussed: how the moderating role of Turkey began to gain substance as a unique example of modernization in the aftermath of the nascent political Arab Spring events in the Gulf and how the substantial increase of business and trade levels resulted in the improvement of relations between Turkey and the GCC countries. [R, abr.]
64.1170 HWANG Jihwan —
As a result of the rise of China and changes in Chinese-North Korean relations, the North Korean problem can no longer be seen from the post-Cold War framework of the 1990s. North Korea is now a nation strongly dependent on and supported by a rising China. Thus, it is high time for South Korea to think again about its North Korea policy. The South Korean government needs to reassess the changing balance of power on the Korean Peninsula and seek a new North Korea policy that can increase its influence on North Korea. [R, abr.]
64.1171 INBAR, Efraim —
Many view Israel as an isolated state. Yet, the greater isolation apprehended by many is primarily impressionist. A closer look at Israel's interactions with many powerful international states and less-powerful international organizations shows that to be wrong and provides a more nuanced and less pessimistic picture. In fact, Israel's international standing is much stronger than commonly assumed. [A]
64.1172 INKSTER, Nigel —
Competition in key areas such as space and cyber is inevitable and not necessarily malign. But to avoid the relationship becoming self-defeating and tragic, both sides will need to show greater self-awareness. [R]
64.1173 JABALI, Saqer —
This study analyzes, using the elite approach, the relationship between the Israeli ministerial elite and their adoption of a unilateral withdrawal plan from the Palestinian territories because the socio-economic constituents of this elite are so strong and influential that it affects the political conduct of its members. [R, abr.]
64.1174 KARAGIANNIS, Emmanuel —
During the 1990s, Greek governments largely ignored the Black Sea region as they focused on the immediate Balkan neighborhood, which was in turmoil at the time. Since the early 2000s, however, Athens has developed a multidimensional policy toward the Black Sea region that deserves to be examined. This policy is based on a combination of hard and soft power resources, including economic might, military diplomacy, pipeline development, public diplomacy, multilateralism, and outreach based on political values, culture, and history. While the formation and implementation of the Greek foreign policy has remained in the hands of state officials and agencies, nonstate actors have had an important contributing role. The extent of Greek Black Sea policy's success and limitations are also discussed. [R, abr.]
64.1175 KATZ, A., et al. —
For decades, Russia has supported Syria militarily, economically, and politically. But this alone does not explain why Moscow has so resolutely stood by the Assad regime. For some observers, Russia has a legitimate interest in security and stability on its southern border. Others see in the Syrian conflict only a stage that the Kremlin cynically plays. For Moscow, this is not about ending the suffering of people and arresting those responsible for the murder and the use of poison gas; it is about stopping the US and satisfying its own status consciousness. The character of the civil war, the rationality of Russian behavior, the importance of the chemical weapons initiative, and Moscow's influence on Teheran are analyzed here by: E. Karsh, M. Katz, M. Klein, F. Lukianov, M. Mendras, and G. Mirsky. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1384]
64.1176 KHAN, Khurshid —
India and Pakistan recognize the effectiveness of nuclear deterrence. [Thus,] the two countries could avert going to war over several serious crises that surfaced over the past 40 years. Unfortunately, the emerging political and security scenarios in the region do not fully ensure that nuclear deterrence will remain effective in the medium to long term. India's offensive security doctrine backed by its nuclear weapons is a serious setback to the existing nuclear deterrence stability in South Asia. It is highly unlikely that Pakistan will be able to match India's massive investment in the defense sector in the coming years. We are witnessing a synchronized use of economic, psychological, diplomatic, political, information, intelligence and military tools by India against Pakistan, causing frustration, a factor that may lead to brinkmanship. [R, abr.]
64.1177 KHAN, Zulfqar —
The paper analyzes the raison d'être of Pakistan's foreign policy, which principally has been to safeguard and sustain its sovereignty against Indian threats. Its bilateral relationship was basically constructed on tactical convergence in view of the peculiar global strategic structure. Pakistan had relied exclusively upon the dynamics of the Regional Security Complex (RSC), without ostensibly understanding the intricacies of the transitory nature of the state's relationship with other states. The paper concludes that in a conflict of interests between states, the strong state with global outreach would prevail against the weaker state reliant on the RSC, without thoroughly understanding the dynamics of the nature of world politics and that, in essence, no country betrays, rather it is the shifting goal-posts of interests that compel them to realign their policies. [R, abr.]
64.1178 KINACIOĞLU, Müge; GÜRZEL, Aylin G. —
After the Cold War, NATO formulated its new role on the basis of broader political aims and new security objectives by assuming crisis management operations beyond its borders. This article argues from a constructivist perspective that keen Turkish involvement in NATO out-of-area operations constitutes a context of social interaction that has led to particular identities and certain security policy outputs for both. Turkey's participation in NATO's military operations as the sole Muslim ally, in the post-Cold War era, enabled NATO to build an identity as a global security actor in crisis-management while Turkey's active role in these operations served to keep Turkey's sense of prominence in the protection of the universal values and, thus, its claim to Western identity. [R]
64.1179 KREMENJUK, Viktor A. —
In December 2012 Russia and US made an exchange of acts: the Magnitski Act adopted by the US Congress versus the Duma's Yakovlec Act. The result was easily predictable: a political crisis of indefinite magnitude. This article examines the type and scope of this crisis, its significance for the relations between the two nations, and future development option. [R]
64.1180 KUMARASWAMY, P. R. —
Since their establishment in January 1992, Israeli-Indian relations have improved dramatically. Israel has emerged as a major Indian trading partner for India in the Middle East, cooperation in the military-security arena has grown, and there are widespread popular exchanges between the two countries. Yet failure to acknowledge the limitations of this relationship would be costly. New Delhi continues to maintain some of its pre-1992 positions vis-à-vis the Palestinians and to support Palestinian political rights. Furthermore, India and Israel are not on the same page over Iran. In the past, Indian leaders expressed their concerns to Israel counterparts in private; as of late, there has been some open discussion of the views of India's Muslim population and its perceived opposition to Israel.
64.1181 KUZNETSOV, A. V. —
The article focuses on the US and UK supremacy and privileges in setting the current international order standards and rules. The features of the Anglo-Saxon global domination in the age of non-polarity are then analyzed. The author states that the objective of global power balance restoration is only feasible on a new value basis which implies creating a sound model of development as an alternative to today's market fundamentalism. [R]
64.1182 LANKO, Dmitry A. —
Political leaders’ beliefs change not only across time, the process known as political learning, but they sometimes also change across regions of the world. The conclusion of this article is two-fold. First, the use of the method of operational coding for decision-making by US President G.W. Bush indicates that his risk-acceptance when the Middle East is at stake is significantly lower than in cases [involving] the Western hemisphere or Europe. Second, operational codes found for Russian President V. Putin indicate that his risk-acceptance does not change significantly across regions of the world. This article introduces the term “regional approach” to define situations when leaders’ instrumental beliefs change from region to region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.825]
64.1183 LARIVE, Maxime H.A.; KANET, Roger E. —
With the shifting balance of power following the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the EU and Russia has been fraught with problems. The basis of the EU-Russian tensions is the ideological clash between the two actors. Both agents have developed different economic-political models, a post-modern entity versus a traditional Westphalian state. These ideological and political dichotomies are the bedrock for past, present and future tensions, which can be categorized into three types of clashes: geopolitical, military and diplomatic. [A]
64.1184 LEON, Tony —
Most of the current constructs which theoretically underpin foreign policy for this country are either overblown or incoherent; they do not appropriately define or advance or priorities South Africa's national interests abroad, nor do they acknowledge the tensions embedded in the clash between normative policies and realpolitik. Drawing from “real-time” experiences in international diplomacy, [the author] explores some of the dilemmas that South Africa, as a middle-range power in the world, confronts in its international engagements. The cost-effectiveness of South Africa's global projection is also examined, and some practical reforms to achieve better results in the current age of austerity are suggested. [R]
64.1185 LEPESANT, Tanguy —
Since Ma Ying-jeou's first election in 2008 and the Kuomintang's return to power in Taiwan, cross-strait relations have enjoyed a certain degree of stabilization. The signing of numerous agreements and the rapid liberalization of exchanges bring some observers to conclude that China-Taiwan relations are henceforth on a path to inexorable “peaceful unification”. But behind this apparent détente, all the driving forces creating tensions in the Taiwan Strait are still at work. Contrary to Ma's assertions, his years in office are not characterized by the preservation of the status quo or appeasement, and they have certainly not brought an end to the Chinese threat. In return, they have weakened Taiwan's position whereas the identification to a Taiwanese nation-state and the rejection of unification are still consolidating. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Geopolitical approaches to China”. See also Abstr. 64.1119, 1142, 1221]
64.1186 LUNSTRUM, Elizabeth —
Since its inception in 2001 and subsequent integration into the trinational Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park (GLTP), Mozambique's Limpopo National Park (LNP) has been progressively transformed into a functioning wildlife park. Standing behind this transformation has been a profound expansion of Mozambican state power over and through the park. While this reinforces predictions in the early transfrontier conservation literature, it stands in tension with observations that these projects threaten state power. I address this tension by developing the concept of articulated sovereignty, which understands sovereignty as a heterogeneous set of powers that are produced through often unequal interactions with other actors, including foreign or extra-territorial actors. In short, sovereignty is articulated through these interactions. [R, abr.]
64.1187 LYNCH, Daniel C. —
The tendency for Chinese foreign policy elites to securitize culture in international relations by portraying it as a zone of intense contestation with other states suggests that China's rise will be rocky. Some seek to defend China's cultural autonomy from American hegemony, others, to establish Chinese domination over weaker states. [R]
64.1188 MANNING, Robert A. —
Rather than considering itself a hegemon, the US should think more like a chairman of the board, convener-in-chief, a catalyzer and — decreasingly — the world's first responder. [R]
64.1189 McDEVITT, Michael —
Since the summer of 2010, the B. Obama administration has clearly signaled through a combination of diplomacy and greater military presence that creating rules-based stability in the South China Sea (SCS) is an important US national objective. Washington has become much more involved in the day-to-day security dynamic between China and SCS littoral states — and, while remaining neutral about the merits of respective sovereignty claims, it is not neutral about assertive behavior. This stance has brought the US to a strategic cul-de-sac when it comes to the complex SCS issues because Washington has little-to-no direct leverage on the most important issues: sovereignty, China's nine-dashed line, and fishing disputes. The administration does have some policy options that might play an important role in achieving its objective. [R, abr.]
64.1190 MEIER, Daniel —
What is UNIFIL drawing in south of Lebanon and what does it create? The hypothesis stated here is that by marking a line on the border, UNIFIL is de facto defining a new political geography blurring the limit between Blue Line and borderline. The paper first recalls the UNSCR 425 that helped to identify the Blue Line in 2000 after the Israeli withdrawal. [It then] illustrates with examples the plural dimension of the border within the same space–time and how UNIFIL's actions contribute to the establishment of frontier zones in some contested delineation spaces. It explores the manner in which UNIFIL is redefining boundaries among actors in monitoring the Tripartite Meeting Commission, showing the interdependence that exists between enemies. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1353]
64.1191 MENON, Anand —
The furor that greeted news that negotiations were to start on a transatlantic free-trade agreement revealed not only the potential importance of any putative deal, but also the tendency of Europeans to view international politics almost uniquely in economic terms. This neglect of security and broader geostrategic issues is short-sighted and dangerous. It is precisely the liberal world order in place since the Second World War that has allowed Europeans to develop their economic potential. Leaving it to the US to preserve that order is an increasingly problematic strategy, with the US ever more reluctant to police the world in the way it once did. [R, abr.]
64.1192 MISHRA, Rahul —
INS Sudarshini, India's Sail Training Ship (STS), was sent on a commemorative expedition to the ASEAN member countries for six months along the monsoon trade winds route to trace India's civilizational and cultural affinities and rejuvenate trade and maritime linkages with its neighbors in the East. The heartening reception of the INS Sudarshini expedition across the Southeast Asian region has underscored the point that India's maritime diplomacy has been a success in the region. [R, abr.]
64.1193 MIYAOKA, Isao —
Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's acceptance and institutionalization of a non-combat military role to aid the US has led to its new identity as a US ally and has transformed the content of its “peace state” identity. It is this role that has made these two identities more compatible. This article first measures the long-term shift in Japan's two identities by conducting a content-analysis of Japan's Defense White Papers and then traces the formation process of Japan's dual security identity through which it accepted and institutionalized a non-combat military role. In the final section, the article discusses the source of a security identity shift in Japan and draws some implications for the future of its security policy. [R, abr.] [see Abstr. 64.1202]
64.1194 MOHAN, C. Raja —
The changing dynamic in Southeast Asia and its waters has raised demands for greater Indian participation in the structuring of a stable regional balance of power. Expanding military capabilities, especially the reach of its Navy, has begun to make India a part of the regional defense calculus. For the first time since the end of the Second World War, when the Indian armies played a decisive role in bringing its end in Southeast Asia, Delhi is in a position to contribute effectively to the Southeast Asian security order. This objective possibility is limited in the near term by a number of factors, including India's geopolitical dilemmas, the enduring focus on internal conflicts and bilateral territorial disputes, and the emphasis of its political leadership on a cautious approach to external military activism. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1110]
64.1195 MOHAN, Giles —
This article provides a political economy framework for analyzing China's engagements with Africa. It situates the rise of China in the context of the changing balance of power in the world system and particularly China's re-entry into spheres of influence in Africa that have been the purview of the former European colonial powers for two centuries or more. It begins by arguing that current approaches to China, Africa and international relations are fragmented in particular ways which prevent the development of a more critical political economy. It then examines a pervasive theme in China-Africa relations, which assumes that the Chinese work through enclaved investments to secure the resources of low-income economies, though in this sense the Chinese are no different from other investors. [R, abr.] [Part to a thematic issue on “Globalization with Chinese Characteristics”]
64.1196 MOORE, Thomas G. —
The global economic crisis revealed China to be an interdependent giant, one whose “rise” was undeniable but also one whose deepening participation in transnational production sharing and network trade made it highly susceptible to an external shock. China weathered the storm relatively well — avoiding a recession, in particular — not because it had “decoupled” from the G7 economies but because its stimulus measures were unusually swift and powerful. One cost, however, has been a worsening domestic imbalance between investment and consumption that carries a heightened risk of asset price inflation, non-performing loans and destabilizing levels of local government debt. Meanwhile, China's ties to the world economy have not fundamentally changed since the crisis began. [R, abr.]
64.1197 MORA, Luz María de la —
The commercial policy of Calderón's government continued that of previous administrations. Unilateral tariffs reduction led to greater opening up of the country's economy; measures to boost trade were implemented and major trade disputes were resolved. By contrast, the agenda of trade negotiations made little progress and suffered setbacks. Despite the continuity in policy, both business leaders and legislators sought to overturn trade policy decisions, which led to a lack of trade integration. On the domestic level, unilateral liberalization made it easier to import commodities but did not lead to the formation of supply chains. On the external level, economic integration made little progress in creating better conditions for Mexican exports. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1198 NAIDU, G. V. C. —
The global center of gravity is shifting to East Asia, due to its remarkable economic dynamism, but the rise of new power centers and their assertive attitudes also brings huge security challenges. India is renewing its age-old links with East Asia; after a long hiatus it is looking to East Asia once again to engage with it more purposely. Compelled by political and economic imperatives, New Delhi launched the “Look East” policy in the early 1990s, which, despite its slow takeoff, has evolved into a comprehensive engagement underpinned by several political institutional mechanisms, strong economic association through a variety of comprehensive cooperation agreements, and robust defense links and security cooperation. As a result, India has now become an inalienable part of the evolving East Asian economic and security order. [R, abr.]
64.1199 NANDA, Ved P. —
More than two years after the uprising in Tunisia, which eventually spread to Egypt and Libya and toppled the repressive regimes in those countries, the prevailing mood in the region is of uncertainty and unease. Compounding the problem is the ongoing civil war and humanitarian crisis in Syria. The international community, which invoked the “responsibility to protect” doctrine in Libya, is reluctant to move beyond sanctions in Syria. The US did not foresee the nature and scope of these dramatic events and is attempting to adapt its foreign policy so as to balance its interests in security and stability with its values in freedom, democracy, and human rights. The US considers it a strategic necessity to support democratic transitions. [A] [First of a series of articles on “The Arab Spring and its unfinished business”. See also Abstr. 64.340, 1145, 1164, 1259]
64.1200 NIEDEMEIER, Alexander —
The article [examines] the primary domestic and international security challenges faced by Iran and the way the regime deals with them on the (para-)military level. Additionally to possible kinetic attacks in connection with Iran's nuclear program, Teheran's threat-perception also comprises cyber-attacks both by foreign powers and the domestic opposition as well as possible spreads of the Arab Spring movements that might extend the “Arabellion” into an “Irabellion”. Iran reacts to this multifaceted threat situation with its Mosaic Doctrine, a strategy of both offensive and defensive asymmetric warfare in the kinetic as well as the cyber realm, and the Pre-emptive Jihad approach. The article analyzes these specific forces, their ideology, their new mission and the means and strategies to achieve the set goals. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.768]
64.1201 NUSSEIBEH, Sari —
The Oslo Accords have failed. The fragmentation of the West Bank and the annexation of East Jerusalem by Israel have rendered the classic two-state solution impossible. To get out of this rut, a new solution must be envisioned, one of confederal states and porous borders. Such a solution has no chance of achieving peace unless the strong party, Israel, accepts that if the status quo is maintained the Zionist project will come to nothing. [R]
64.1202 OLLAPALLY, Deepa —
India's foreign policy preferences cannot be understood without referring to its deep-seated identity sources: a unique mixture of post-colonial nationalism, civilizational exceptionalism and secular democracy. India's identity has placed an inordinate amount of importance to strategic autonomy but with a normative aversion to power politics and use of force. This orientation is now coming under increasing strain, because of the rise of a realist strand of thinking challenging the country's traditional normatively driven foreign policy outlook. Realist thinking is posing as a distinct alternative that calls for a more proactive and power infused policy stance. The rise of China in India's neighborhood is giving greater weight to realist arguments. India's core value of strategic autonomy is taking on a different form that is more nuanced, more flexible and adaptable. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Identity and Asian powers”, edited and introduced by Mike MOCHIZUKI and the author. See also Abstr. 64.1120, 1193]
64.1203 ÖNIŞ, Ziya; KUTLAY, Mustafa —
The rise of BRICs presents a major challenge to the existing global order. A second category of emerging powers — near-BRICs — have also displayed increasing pro-activism in recent years in terms of influencing the regional balance of power politics, in addition to their growing presence in international organizations and global affairs. We examine Turkey as a striking example of a “near-BRIC” power, a country that has adopted an increasingly assertive and independent style of foreign policy with aspirations to establish itself as a major regional actor. Using the Turkish experience as a reference point, this paper [examines] the extent to which near-BRIC countries possess the economic capacity, sustainable growth performance and soft-power capabilities needed to establish themselves as significant regional and global actors. [R, abr.]
64.1204 OVALT, Şevket —
This essay examines the domestic and external roots of Turkey's activism in the Middle East through the lens of role theory. The conceptual tools that are used in decoding the roots of Turkish activism are examined. [Then] I discuss the national role conceptions of Turkish foreign policy elites for the Middle East, while the third section examines the expectations of external actors about Turkey's role in the region. In the empirical sections, the methodology involves a close examination of both Turkish foreign policy elites’ and external actors’ speeches, which are assumed to deliver cues about Turkey's role conceptions in the Middle East. [R]
64.1205 PANOV, Aleksandr N. —
The article provides an analysis of prospects of US economic integration project known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership to counter the rise of China in the Asia-Pacific region and to obtain regional economic influence there. [R]
64.1206 PARRAGUEZ KOBEK, Maria Luisa; GONZÁLEZ RODRÍGUEZ, Mariana —
The terrorist attacks of 9/11 [2001] created a need for the US to exercise its political objectives of securing its interests through military means. The War on Terror waged in Afgnanistan and Iraq shifted US foreign policy objectives, allowing American leadership to embrace to opportunity to use raw force as its right of sovereignty and power. With a doctrine focused on a victory in both scenarios, the inability to secure these countries resulted in civil war and insurgency. Enforcing responsible sovereignty to pressing transnational security threats and strengthening the international architecture through a multi-dimensional response can be learned from analyzing foreign policy implementations through the use of force. [R]
64.1207 PASZEWSKI, Tomasz —
Since the launch of the current missile defense system development a decade ago, US decision-makers have ascribed a certain role to the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, choosing this region for its advantageous geographic location and traditional pro-Americanism. The CEE countries, however, received the US proposal with mixed feelings. The American offer appeared at a time when, on the one hand, their Atlanticism had somewhat faded, their disappointment with US foreign policy was widespread and Europeanization of foreign relations was well on its way. On the other hand, the need for a US security and strategic presence was seen as more important and urgent than before. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1103]
64.1208 PELLICER, Olga —
The international political situation in the second half of the first decade of the 21st c. offered greater opportunities than in the past for middle powers to have an impact on multilateral policy. With this in mind, the paper reviews three multilateral experiences Mexico was involved in over the 2006–2013 period: the initiative to create the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), its role on the UN Security Council, and hosting the 16th Conference of Parties (COP16). Analysis of these cases casts light on the potential and limitations of Mexico's foreign policy. It enables an evaluation of the significance of its multilateral action on the consolidation of its role as a middle power. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1209 PERCHOC, Philippe —
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are the only former Soviet republics that joined the EU and NATO (in 2004). The Iraqi crisis in 2003 gave the impression that they would fervently support the US and, therefore, be less inclined toward European integration in matters of national security and defense. Accordingly, these three lands, given the weakness of their armed forces, would count on coverage under Art. 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty and reject EU policies that might undermine trans-Atlantic relations. However this view of the place of NATO and the EU in their defense did not take into account changes in national security along the post-modern dimensions of, for instance, energy and cyber-security. These three countries are trying to position themselves inside NATO on these new issues, while becoming involved in EU cooperation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1103]
64.1210 PLASSNIK, Ursula —
Austria's foreign policy of the past few decades has not been sufficiently scrutinized. The practical dimension of EU membership is unknown to most people and the country's foreign policy is still viewed through the filter of the 1970s. But the last 25 years have offered Austria the opportunity to become progressively more free and self-conscious, repositioning itself by building bridges, in particular through immigration from the Balkans. 450,000 people from former Yugoslavia today live in Austria. And another six Balkan states are waiting to join the EU, representing 18.5 million people to be integrated.
64.1211 POTTER, Philip B. K. —
Conventional wisdom holds that large margins of electoral victory contribute to presidential power. How does this variation in power impact US foreign policy? I argue that presidents who win elections by a substantial margin authorize the use of substantial military force more regularly, but do so at the expense of personal diplomacy and low-level crisis engagement. This distinction stems from the variation in the external constraint that other political actors place on these policies. New presidents who are empowered by a decisive election have more leverage and are therefore better able to pursue otherwise constrained foreign policies such as the use of major force. In contrast, those who win by smaller margins have less political capital and are forced disproportionately to the less constrained arenas of diplomacy and crisis intervention. [R]
64.1212 POUPONNEAU, Florent —
During the summer of 2007, in a break with the foreign policy pursued over the past four years, the French government promotes sanctions against Iran outside of the UN framework. This paper aims to explain this change of “France's position” in examining the national configuration where this public policy is elaborated. The empirical investigation identifies a major split within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between the diplomats in charge of bilateral relations with Iran and those who are specialized in non-proliferation. The latter can rely on a “non-proliferation community” within and at the margins of state apparatus in order to construct the Iran's nuclear program as a problem. In addition, they benefit from the election of a president who intends to show its support for the US policy. However, the study of transgovernmental relations leads us to adopt a non decisionist perspective about foreign policy. [R]
64.1213 PRADO LALLANDE, Juan Pablo —
International development cooperation is a foreign policy instrument used by nations with processes and impacts that depend on the make up of the regulations and institutions charged with its implementation. In the final year of international development cooperation in the foreign policy of President Calderón.'s term in office, an International Development Cooperation Law was adopted. Its regulations oblige the Mexican government to put in place a number of entities to bolster the institutional nature and impact of this tool. This paper evaluates Mexico's international development cooperation under President Felipe International development cooperation in the foreign policy of president Calderón)., analyzing the most representative actions and characteristics and drawing attention to the legal and institutional transformations that have taken place since the new law entered into force. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1214 REVERE, Evans J. R. —
The US–Japan alliance today faces a rapidly changing security environment in Northeast Asia and a set of challenges that must be managed well to maintain regional stability. North Korea's unrestrained missile and nuclear weapons programs mean that the alliance will eventually face a hostile regime that can strike its neighbors with nuclear weapons. A rising China, particularly with its increasingly capable military and uncertain regional aspirations, poses a special challenge. The US–Japan alliance should encourage positive behavior by China and engage constructively with Beijing. If Japan's troubled relationship with South Korea fails to improve, it could benefit both North Korea and China. The US will stand firmly by its Japanese ally, and there is every reason to believe that Washington and Tokyo can take their relationship to the next level. [R, abr.]
64.1215 RICH, Timothy S.; RECKER, Sterling —
What motivates increased relations between China and African countries? While Chinese interests in natural resources throughout Africa is well known, less attention is given to whether these interests are short-term or long-term in nature. We challenge the assumption of Chinese neocolonialism without portraying growing relations as void of problems for African development. Instead of viewing these relations from one of two polarized positions, we suggest that reality is somewhere in the middle, with the potential for deeper mutually beneficial relationship coexisting with some level of exploitation. [R]
64.1216 ROCHE, Jean-Jacques —
There are fewer wars and they have fewer casualties. This statement is supported by multiple, well-founded statistical analyses. It is explained most notably by the pacifying role played by states in the post-Cold War period. Despite this, the common preconceptions of an unstable and dangerous world are hard to shake. For various reasons, the realists, liberals and anti-globalists refuse to recognize this reality and perpetuate the stereotype of a planet on the edge of destruction. [R[See Abstr. 64.71]
64.1217 ROSENOW, Patrick —
The US is one of the most influential member states of the UN. America's attitude towards the world organization is therefore highly relevant for the UN's scope of action. After the G.W. Bush administration from 2001 to 2009, which questioned several UN actions, a fundamental change towards a more multilateral approach took place during B. Obama's first presidential term. Two important women supported Obama's altered US policy toward the UN? Due to their similar foreign policy approaches, it is expected that the new UN ambassador S. Power will continue the multilateral and value-oriented focus started by her predecessor S. Rice. [R]
64.1218 RUANO, Lorena —
The institutional inertia provided by the Association Agreement signed between the EU and Mexico has enabled the relationship to continue and deepen, despite an adverse global climate and a number of issues that have caused tension in the relationship, related to insecurity in the country. In 2008 a “strategic association” was formed between Mexico and the EU that expanded issues of political dialogue to include security, climate change and reform to the international financial system. The period even closed with an upturn in trade and a positive tone resulting from multilateral work and from the perception in Europe that Mexico is a growing power with which closer ties should be forged. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1219 RUDLOFF, Peter; SCOTT, James M.; BLEW, Tyra —
This analysis develops a theory that links indirect rivalry factors with allocations of foreign aid. It argues that indirect rivalry factors are likely to affect a state's foreign assistance, as states in a rivalry strategically allocate aid to create friends and isolate their targeted rivals. It argues that donors direct greater amounts of aid to (1) other states involved in a rivalry with the donor's rivals (rivalries in common, or “rivals of my rival” effects) and (2) states within the geographic region in which the donor's existing rivals are situated (neighborhood effects, or “neighbors of rivals”). Hypotheses on the effects of these factors on aid allocations are developed and then tested empirically against US foreign aid allocations from 1962 to 2000. [R, abr.]
64.1220 SACHS, Jeffrey D. —
On 10 June 1963, President J.F. Kennedy's commencement speech at the American University helped to spur the signing of a world-changing agreement between the Soviet Union and the US — the Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. This episode of peace-making arguably helped to save the world, since the nuclear confrontation at that stage of the Cold War was a highly unstable situation that was prone to accidents, misjudgments and potential disasters. Second, this was an episode of statesmanship in which presidential leadership played a crucial role. Following the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kennedy used the “peace speech” to create a novel kind of peace diplomacy, and worked together with his counterpart, Soviet leader N. Khrushchev, to pull the superpowers back from this precarious brink. [R, abr.]
64.1221 SAINT-MÉZARD, Isabelle —
The leadership transition that took place at the helm of China between Autumn 2012 and Spring 2013 drew the attention of Indian authorities mostly because of the friendly gestures that it entailed. These goodwill gestures raised hopes of progress on the security issues that had been disrupting the otherwise dense and diverse relations between the two countries. But, as the new Chinese leadership tried to deploy this new friendly policy towards India, a serious incident in the border areas came as a reminder that the Sino-Indian relationship was marked by a profound asymmetry. This incident, the most serious since the late 1980s, also confirms that the two countries are locked in a serious security dilemma. If the principle of status quo on the border areas remains the point of reference for both, it is weakened by small scale — but highly symbolic — military movements, on the Himalayan heights. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1185]
64.1222 SALEHI, Arastu —
Diplomatic disputes, sanctions, and calls for war have dominated relationships between Iran and the West, furthering instability in a region that has been restructured by global power shifts, foreign interventions, and popular uprisings, for better or worse. This paper argues and explicates how the concerns over Iran's nuclear program are largely based on a misreading of Iran's current geopolitical and economic interests, especially as they pertain to the industrial and energy sector, position in the region and global order, history, as well as the current political climate. This article outlines policy-recommendations on how the US should integrate realities in regards to Iran's nuclear and economic interests in the region into a framework for policies that could construct mutually beneficial policies. [R] [See Abstr. 64.768]
64.1223 SALTER, Mark B.; MUTLU, Can E. —
To advance the on-going debate on Securitization Theory (ST), we argue that the important questions of audience and attention can be addressed through careful historical study. In an analysis of the securitizing moves concerning the American military base on Diego Garcia, we are able to demonstrate that the Copenhagen and Paris Schools are not methodologically incompatible, and empirically that public attention for security issues has a tendency to dissipate without continual discursive investment. [R]
64.1224 SAMAAN, Jean-Loup —
This article explores a scenario of extended nuclear opacity in the Middle East that would comprise two undeclared nuclear powers: Iran and Israel. We argue that this regional spread of nuclear opacity would act as a major driver of instability in terms of conflict-prevention and non-proliferation efforts. In both cases, it would demand a profound reevaluation of security policies conducted by Western countries and their allies in the region. Extended nuclear opacity in the Middle East would mean no communication channels, and no declaratory policies. It would entail no information on security perceptions, doctrines, capabilities, or targeting policies. This scenario of nuclear opacity is worth exploring, as it re-emphasizes a feature sometimes considered too casually: deterrence, if it ever is working, is not a natural state. [R, abr.]
64.1225 SANTA CRUZ, Arturo —
This paper presents a panorama of the foreign policy of the government of Felipe Calderón towards the rest of North America. Given that the issue oc cooperation on security with the US was of the greatest importance, it takes a central role in this paper. The first section deals with the analytical framework and historical context of the period in question; the second looks at the security agenda with Washington; the third concerns other aspects of this bilateral agenda; and the fourth examines the Mexico-Canada agenda. The fifth section addresses Mexico's policies towards the region as a whole and presents a number of observations on the future of North America. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1226 SANTOS VIEIRA DE JESUS, Diego —
Brazilian energy diplomacy intensified from 2003 to 2010. This intensification was related to the structure of more convergent preferences of Itamaraty — Brazil's Foreign Ministry — other related ministries, and agencies with foreign government preferences for engagement in energy security and/or integration. Co-extensive with these preferences were those of most Brazilian domestic actors on the diversification of the state's energy supplies, enhancement of access to markets or reserves, stimulus for sustainable production and use — mainly in developing states — and strengthening of strategic international partnerships — mostly with developed states — for training and the competitive insertion in the international market. [R]
64.1227 SASIKUMAR, Karthika; VERNIERS, Gilles —
The US-India civil nuclear energy agreement triggered a contentious debate in India from 2005 to 2008. Regional political actors played crucial and unanticipated roles in the debate. We present explanations for the positions adopted by the main actors and the level of contention. We find that parties’ positions were driven not by ideology but by the compulsions of coalition politics. [R]
64.1228 SCHADLOW, Nadia —
America's instruments of foreign policy are weak. As a result, Washington depends much more on its military power than it should. The militarization of foreign policy is neither good for American interests nor sustainable, since many political, economic, and ideological outcomes are not attainable through the use of military force. In virtually every theater of the world, local, regional, and strategic competitions affect America's ability to exert influence through its aid and diplomacy. From Pakistan to the Middle East to Africa, ideas about how to develop economies, shape educational systems, administer health-care programs, and build political institutions, are contested. Until the competitive nature of aid and diplomacy is deliberately and explicitly considered, Washington's ability to achieve outcomes using its non-military power — often called “soft” or “smart power” — will remain fundamentally limited. [R, abr.]
64.1229 SCHNEIDER, Mark B. —
It is possible that Iran has covertly acquired a very small number of nuclear weapons and that these have been tested by North Korea. There is an increasing number of reports to this effect going back to 2007 when the London Daily Telegraph reported that with North Korean help Iran could obtain a “low-grade device — less than half a kiloton — within 12 months”. If Iran has covertly acquired nuclear weapons, they are likely to be very few in number and low yield. There may still be time to prevent the development by Iran of an extensive nuclear weapons capability but the continuation of the current ineffective diplomacy will not do it. [R, abr.]
64.1230 SHAW, Ian G. R. —
This paper critically assesses the CIA's drone program and proposes that the use of unmanned aerial vehicles is driving an increasingly “dronified” US national security strategy. It suggests that large-scale ground wars are being eclipsed by fleets of weaponized drones capable of targeted killings across the planet. Evidence for this shift is found in key security documents that mobilize an amorphous conflict against vaguely defined al-Qaida “affiliates”. This process is legitimized through the White House's presentation of drone warfare as a bureaucratic conflict managed by a “disposition matrix”. These official narratives are challenged by the voices of people living in the tribal areas of Pakistan. [R, abr.]
64.1231 SHAYAN, Fatemeh —
This article enters into the debate about geopolitical subjectivity between Iran and the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) on the three islands issue. The islands at the Western entrance to the Strait of Hormuz have so far been examined as an issue between Iran and the United Arab Emirates from historical, sovereignty and law perspectives, but this article examines the argument that the GCC has become a geopolitical subject through its support for the US policy of isolating Iran. Geopolitical subjectivity, a concept building on P. Aalto's conceptual scheme, is the concept of goal-oriented ordering of territories and political space. We can use it to identify the GCC institution as a subject with the ability to act (and abstain from acting) and to examine Iran's response to the GCC's willingness to order the three islands. [R, abr.]
64.1232 SHIRIYEV, Zaur; DAVIES, Celia —
This paper analyzes the domestic and regional impact of the Turkish-Armenian normalization process from the Azerbaijani perspective, with a focus on the changing dynamic of Ankara-Baku relations. This line of enquiry is informed by international contexts, notably the 2008 Russian-Georgian war and the respective roles of the US and Russia. The first section reviews the changed regional dynamic following two regional crises: the August War and the Turkish-Armenian rapprochement. The second section analyzes domestic reaction in Azerbaijan among political parties, the media, and the public. The third section considers the normalization process, from its inception through to its suspension. [R, abr.]
64.1233 SIDDIQI, Toufiq —
This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects. [R]
64.1234 SIMÓN, Luis —
This article calls for an expansion in the study of Asian geopolitics beyond the Indo-Pacific axis. China's geostrategic rise and that of Asia's other main powers are phenomena that bear multiple maritime and continental manifestations. Insofar as Asia's powers meet in different regions, the “primary” Indo-Pacific theater cannot be isolated from developments in Central, South, Southeast, Northeast Asia, the northwestern Pacific, or the Arctic. By conceptualizing sea power and land power as an interactive dyad in geostrategy and zooming in on the maritime and continental directions of China, India, and Russia, this article depicts Asia as an increasingly interdependent geopolitical whole. [R]
64.1235 SMITH, Paul J. —
For more than six decades, the geopolitics of South Asia have been shaped by a symbiotic and triangular relationship involving India, Pakistan, and China. A succession of interstate conflicts has created two fundamental and enduring security structures, one rooted in India's partition and subsequent Indo-Pakistan wars (the “1947 structure”) and the other in a persistent and often antagonistic Sino-Indian rivalry, including a border conflict in 1962 (the “1962 structure”). During the Cold War, exogenous powers, including the United States and Soviet Union, sought to use or manipulate these structures to advance their political objectives. In the long term, however, the 1962 structure is likely to become the dominant security architecture in the region. [R, abr.]
64.1236 SOLOMON, Hussein —
Counter-terrorism initiatives are failing across the African continent. A major reason for this failure lies in the state-centric and military-focused nature of many counter-terrorism initiatives. In Africa, the state is often the source of insecurity for ordinary citizens. Any military strengthening of an illegitimate African state by the international community not only serves to bolster a predatory state but also undermines the human security of citizens. More importantly, such an approach conflates substate and international terrorism and serves to bolster the latter, thereby undermining regional and international security further. Put simply, current counter-terrorism initiatives are counter-productive. This paper focuses on counter-terrorism efforts in Nigeria and Mali with a special focus on US initiatives to combat terrorism in the region. [R]
64.1237 SONG Tianyang —
The thought of Laozi is of paramount importance in Chinese traditional culture. It is significant for us to discover some meaningful factors in Laozi's ideological systems in order to expand and strengthen China's soft power. Coincidently, there exists something in common between the thought of Laozi and ethics in Western political philosophy. This essay summarizes some common factors between the thought of Laozi and Western global ethics that can contribute to the construction of China's soft power. This could in turn offer an approach to establishing a “Chinese school” in international political theories as well as contribute to global ethics architecture. [R, abr.]
64.1238 SORLEY, Lewis —
When General C. Abrams took command of US forces in Vietnam, a better war resulted from his superior understanding of the war and more effective conduct of it, including improvement of South Vietnam's armed forces and emphasis on pacification. As American forces were progressively withdrawn, the South Vietnamese took on more and more of the load, winning the counterinsurgency war and fighting valiantly and effectively against the enemy's conventional invasion until the US Congress drastically reduced materiel and financial assistance at the same time communist forces received massively increased support from their patrons. Thus, inevitably, South Vietnam succumbed. [R]
64.1239 SUPIRYANTO, Ristian Atriandi —
India and Indonesia share many similarities that warrant a closer defense relationship. However, defense relations also equally depend on the overall health of the bilateral relationship, defined by the non-geographical distances in their “mental maps”. In reality, Indonesia's mental map has largely neglected its Indian Ocean frontier. As such, Indonesia has recognized very little of India's strategic potential as a defense partner. Establishing a closer bilateral defense relationship would thus require Indonesia to narrow the non-geographical distances with India in its mental map through a three-pronged approach, namely increasing bilateral economic and strategic interdependence, improving shared awareness and interests for power projection in the Indian Ocean, and further exploiting their shared common democratic values to promote greater regional security and stability. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1110]
64.1240 SVENBALRUD, Hallvard Kvale —
Support of the UN has constituted a constant of Norwegian foreign policy since World War II. The UN played the combined role of “foundation” and “ornament” in Norwegian foreign policy. The article (1) presents the main principles of the Norwegian government's view of the UN's role in international politics; (2) discusses some fundamental tensions of Norwegian UN policy in three policy fields: security policy, economic policy and social and humanitarian policy. Finally, three main trends of Norwegian UN policy between 1970 and 2005 are identified: a more selective use of the UN; downscaled ambitions for the UN; and a “softer” Norwegian profile in the world organization, more focused on social and humanitarian matters. [R, abr.]
64.1241 TAHERI, Amir —
In its third year, the Syrian civil war still divides the international community and defies diplomatic solution. The conflict has developed into a proxy war in which rival power blocs fight over the future geopolitical shape of the greater Middle East. With almost 100,000 dead and more than 1.5 million refugees, the war has prompted a debate on the advisability or otherwise of direct intervention by outside powers interested in ending the conflict by toppling President B. al-Assad's regime. This article discusses the arguments for and against intervention and the possible impact of action and inaction on the broader balance of power in the eastern Mediterranean region. [R, abr.]
64.1242 TAWIL, Marta —
This paper studies the actions carried out by Mexico in relation to the Middle East in the fields of trade and investment, politics, scientific and cultural cooperation and the multilateral agenda (human rights and the environment). The foreign policy focus of Mexico with regard to the Middle East during this administration was dominated by economic interests. The positions taken by Mexico on the issues of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Iran's nuclear program were in line with those assumed in the past. The factor bearing the greatest weight on these sensitive political issues is Mexico's close relationship with the US, filtered through the preferences, interests and prejudices of the president and decision-makers in Mexico and Washington. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1243 TAYLOR, Brendan —
Hopes that Beijing has turned a corner in its relationship with Pyongyang have been raised before, only to be disappointed. Despite recent strains, this pattern is unlikely to change. [R]
64.1244 TERADA, Takashi —
The paper identifies two coalition-building measures China has utilized to gain more influence in the global financial institutions, the BRICS framework including Brazil, Russia, India, China and South America, and East Asian regionalism in the form of ASEAN+3. Financial cooperation as embodied in the BRICS Bank and the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) respectively became the first and foremost agenda in both institutions in which China has exercised a predominant influence. The paper especially highlights the development of financial cooperation in East Asian regionalism, since the cooperative development has been attributed to the competition between Japan and China, a manner which might be recurred at the global level between China and the US in the IMF. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1376]
64.1245 THOMAS, Andrew —
This article provides an analysis of the efficacy of unilateral and multilateral sanctions on Syria since 9/11 [2001] and the policies that underpin them. It also provides potential remedies to what is perceived to be a limited and unpredictable foreign-policy tool in international sanctions. [R]
64.1246 TOCCI, Nathalie —
Relations between Turkey and Northern Iraq have evolved at a breathtaking pace, with Turkish policies currently bolstering the KRG's drift towards independence, a prospect considered unthinkable in Ankara only a few years ago. Energy politics is an important component of this puzzle, but Ankara's strategic choice can be understood only against the backdrop of Iraq's deepening sectarianization, the unfolding civil war in Syria and the dynamics in Turkey's own Kurdish question. The Turkish government is pursuing a high-risk/high-gain strategy. A more democratic Turkey, in partnership with the KRG, would be best placed to hedge against the centrifugal sectarian trends afflicting its southern neighbors. It is far more likely that Turkey will win its gamble with the support of the EU. [R]
64.1247 TSAI Tung-Chieh; LIU Tony Tai-ting —
This article [examines] China's foreign policy and its efforts to participate in East Asian integration. It argues that under the rhetoric of peaceful development and community building, China's foreign policy is pragmatic and changes with the tide of events in international relations. China's participation in regional integration serves as a good case for examining changes in Beijing's strategy. In the past two decades, China has moved from a reluctant participant of regional affairs to an active participant and potential future leader. China's adjusting role is a consequence of Beijing's pragmatism in policy and its growing economic confidence. Pragmatism has led China to “hide its light under a bushel” and wait for the proper timing to step onto the world stage. [R, abr.]
64.1248 TÜRKMEN, Füsun; ÖKTEM, Emre —
The fate of Turkey's non-Muslim minorities has been somehow linked to the country's foreign policy since the 18th c. Throughout the Ottoman era, the early years of the Republic and the Cold War period, foreign policy issues had a mostly negative impact on the treatment of the non-Muslim minorities, engendering the state's suspicion and repression. This has changed at the turn of the 21st c., with the emergence of a new variable in Turkish foreign policy: the EU. Reforms undertaken by Ankara since then have considerably transformed the scene, although challenges do still remain, demonstrating the dialectical nature of the issue. [R]
64.1249 TURNER, Oliver —
China's increasing capabilities are a central focus of modern US security concerns. Throughout history, “threats” from China towards the US, rather than objectively verifiable phenomena, have always been social constructions of American design and thus more than calculations of material forces. Powerful and pervasive American representations of China have been repeatedly and purposefully responsible for creating a threatening identity. These representations have enabled and justified US China policies which themselves have reaffirmed the identities of both China and the US, protecting the latter when seemingly threatened by the former. Three case studies from across the full duration of Sino-American relations expose the centrality of ideas to historical and contemporary understandings of China “threats”. [R, abr.]
64.1250 UEHARA, Alexandre; CASARÕES, Guilherme —
We analyze the relationship between Brazil and Japan, China, South Korea and North Korea. Even though most of these bilateral contacts are not new, they have been taken to a whole new level in the last two decades. While trade and investments have been the main element in these relations, they have assumed, especially under Brazilian President Lula da Silva, an important political dimension. Our hypothesis is that stronger ties between Brazil and East Asia, however difficult they will be to achieve, will become paramount in shaping a new global order, inasmuch as they may lead to a growing relevance of these countries in international politics. From a Brazilian perspective, East Asia may help the country attain its main foreign policy goals in the 21st c. [R]
64.1251 ÜNAY, Sadik —
There has emerged a large amount of optimistic literature portraying China as the principal engine of growth in the world economy in the wake of the global economic crisis, along with parallel and more pessimistic literature on the Chinese administration's supposed sinister geostrategic “intensions” based on its anti-Western inclinations. This study argues that both these strands of writing in economics, development studies, political science and IR literatures need to be treated with great caution as they tend to exaggerate the positive and negative aspects of China's system transforming capacity. Although China has become a crucial actor in the areas of global trade, finance and production, its current growth capacity is based on deep interdependence with Western interests and multinational corporations. [R, abr.]
64.1252 VAN DE GRAAF, Thijs —
This article develops a framework for understanding the varying effects of oil sanctions, rooted in the working of the international oil market. The framework stresses the importance of two conditions that determine the success or failure of oil sanctions: the state of the oil market and the type of sanctions. This results in two conjectures: (1) oil sanctions against producers have a relatively greater chance of success in a buyers’ market (where sellers must compete for consumers) than in a sellers’ market; (2) unilateral, selective oil boycotts are far less effective than sanctions that a large group of buyers impose or abide by. [R]
64.1253 VARELA BARRAZA, Hilda —
Taking as a reference point the historical development of relations between Mexico and Africa, it is suggested that although changes in foreign policy were observed, these were not of any substance in the case of Africa. In Mexico's foreign policy a self-ascription as an emerging middle power was evident (although this concept foes not appear in official documents), which in Africa translated into the deployment of a large number of activities. However, it is likely that these are short-term in nature. Moreover, with regard to the foreign policy objective of supporting internal development, not enough evidence was found to support this assumption. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1254 VELÁSQUEZ FLORES, Rafael; DOMÍNGUEZ, Roberto —
At the outset of his term of office, Calderón's foreign policy maintained a low profile due to the domestic political and social situation, the international crisis and the president's personal concerns. Once interior and exterior conditions improved, the administration was able to drive forward a more dynamic foreign policy. This paper analyzes the foreign policy project set out by Felipe Calderón, reviews Mexico's international relations during the first part of the administration using systemic, state and individual levels of analysis, and examines the state of affairs at the close of the term in office. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1255 VILLANUEVA RIVAS, César —
This paper analyzes the administrative transformation of the Department of Cultural Affairs, freedom of expression, the year of Mexico in France, the image of Mexico in the world and the closure of Mexico's diplomatic mission to UNESCO. During this administration, cultural diplomacy waned an lost its institutional standing. Efforts to counteract the deteriorating image of Mexico abroad through cultural diplomacy lacked the financial resources necessary to expand their activities and, combined with a series of poor decisions and circumstantial events, the cultural activities run by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs entered a clear phase of decline. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1131]
64.1256 WELT, Cory —
Over three years after the signing of protocols on opening diplomatic relations and land borders, the prospects for Turkish-Armenian normalization in the absence of progress on the Karabakh conflict are slim. But there is also little sign of a breakthrough in the Karabakh conflict-resolution process. Given these impasses, this article proposes an alternative way forward: an unconditional opening of Turkish-Armenian diplomatic relations followed by a retooling of the Basic Principles. This retooling would accept a linkage between the border opening and the withdrawal of Armenian forces from territory outside Nagorno-Karabakh. It would also reduce ambiguities in the Basic Principles that have stalled the peace process to date. [R, abr.]
64.1257 WESTENDORF, Jasmine-Kim —
With the changing nature of warfare and the increasing awareness of the specific gender dimensions of war and peace, the international legal framework has been expanded to address the particular challenges faced by women in conflict and post-conflict contexts. This process culminated in 2000 with the first UN document to explicitly address the role and needs of women in peace processes: UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on women, peace and security. Thirteen years on, this article assesses the extent to which Australia's stated commitment to women, peace and security principles at the level of the international norm has translated into meaningful action on the ground in the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI). The RAMSI case highlights the difficulty in getting new security issues afforded adequate attention in the traditional security sphere. [R, abr.]
64.1258 WIGEN, Einar —
Turkey is said to have a constitutive role in European identity-formation, and to be an important point of reference for the emergence of “Europe” as a political concept. As time has passed “Europe” has become increasingly important as a political concept. Yet few studies have tries to turn this relationship on its head and see how “Europe” looks from the outside. This article explores the relationship from the Turkish perspective, asking what role Europe has had in Turkish identify-formation. It argues that while Turkey has investigated a great deal in such transformative projects as “modernization”, “secularization”, and “Westernization”, all of these underscore Turkey's position as something less than a full member of the European community. [R, abr.]
64.1259 WILLIAMS, Paul R.; POPKEN, Colleen (Betsy) —
A review of the Arab Spring's first year yields short-term lessons about the US's willingness to loosen its attachment to the status quo, the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Arab League as players in the region, and the BRIC countries’ apparent disinterest in supporting the region's democratic transition. During the first year, pro-democracy movements learned the importance of planning for the “day after” and marketing themselves, their ideas, and their needs to the international community and their constituencies. Pro-democracy movements called nearly universally for accountability for their dictators, though the administration of accountability varied widely. The Arab Spring's first year also saw an evolution of the Responsibility to Protect from a policy vision to a norm adopted, though not consistently applied, by the UN Security Council. [A, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1199]
64.1260 WIVEL, Anders —
Global environmental and climate concerns have been central to Danish foreign policy activism since the end of the Cold War. This article chronicles the development of Danish international climate activism and explores how and why it became central to Danish foreign policy. The article discusses the role of globalization, institutionalization and Europeanization, and how these developments interact with Danish state identity thereby constructing an action space for political decision-makers in climate policy. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1080]
64.1261 WU Fuzuo —
Although China has consistently rejected any binding emissions-cut commitments in international climate change negotiations, it has made some compromises so as to maintain unity with the Group of 77 and to extract concessions and benefits from developed countries in general, and the U.S. in particular. [R]
64.1262 WU Riqiang —
Limiting the effectiveness of BMD to levels needed to meet the North Korean threat, in exchange for Beijing not expanding its nuclear arsenal, could provide the basis for strategic stability. [R]
64.1263 XAVIER, Constantino —
Unlike with many other American theorists, the work of K. Waltz has always been popular in India. Even at the height of the Cold War, while Washington allied with Pakistan and practiced the theses of the “ayatollahs of non-proliferation”, Waltz was among the few opposing voices, defending India's nuclear program. For a relatively weak India used to see its strategic posture analyzed with condescendence and old-fashioned cultural and orientalist paradigms. Waltz's structural neorealism promises equality because it restricts its analysis to a universal criterion of pure power. This allows Indian realists to narrate their country's progressive normalization as a great power. [R] [See Abstr. 64.119]
64.1264 YALÇIN, Hasan B. —
This study examines the Turkish decision not to ally with the US on 1 March 2003. It argues that Turkey, motivated by the struggle for autonomy, developed a proactive strategy of avoidance against the US's demands mainly because of its concerns on the possible consequences of the instability that was expected as an outcome of a US war in Iraq. This was neither a balancing nor a band-wagoning behavior. Through the use of diplomatic channels on different levels, Turkey attempted to decrease the harmful effects of the approaching instability. Five diplomatic tracks show that the Turkish behavior was a proactive avoidance strategy. [R]
64.1265 YAVAS, Gokcen —
This paper examines how the Aegean dispute — one of the contentious issues between Turkey and Greece for more than three decades — has been Europeanized on the Turkish side. This Europeanization process started, in particular, with Turkey's candidacy to the EU granted at the Helsinki Summit of 1999. In this article, the extent of the Europeanization of the Aegean dispute is measured by making references to the security and foreign policy discourses in Turkey. The change in the Turkish elite's discourses, or more concretely, the shift from the confrontational to cooperative discourses, is identified in the speeches delivered by the political leaders from the Turkish side. [R]
64.1266 ZAHAROVA, Olesja V. —
This article considers the problem of lack of comprehension between the EU and Russia in questions of human rights. The problem is not just traced — it is familiarized by way of analyzing the discourse language being constructed by the two parties in the course of the debates. Comparative characterization of Europe's “legally oriented” discourse and Russia's “morally oriented” discourse brings the author to the conclusion that the use of different types of discourse determines different interpretation of the human rights concept, and that, in its turn, impedes finding mutual understanding in Russian-European relations. [R]
64.1267 ZHAO Suisheng —
This article [addresses] two related questions in the context of China's rise as a great power. Has the Chinese leadership abandoned Deng's low-profile diplomacy and reoriented Chinese foreign policy towards a more assertive or even aggressive direction, supported by its new quotient of wealth and power? Is China ready to take a global leadership role and assume international responsibility as a great power? Focusing on China's foreign policy after the beginning of the global downturn in 2008, this article finds that China has indeed become increasingly assertive in its defense of so-called “core” national interests, reacting stridently to all perceived slights against its national pride and sovereignty. While China has built its national strength to effectively defend its state sovereignty and wield significant global influence, it is still preoccupied by its immediate interests. [R, abr.]
64.1268 ZHU Liqun —
This rejoinder to D. Twining's article [“The future of US-China relations: from conflict to concert”, ibid. 48(2), June 2013: 12–16; Abstr. 63.5828] argues that both China and the US recognize how important their relationship is for the world and the Asia-Pacific in particular. But the risk of tension on the security front has increased recently due to the US policy toward maritime disputes that has actually involved meddling between the parties involved, and its “pivot” to Asia which targets China with more military engagement in the region. The China–US relationship has never been an easy one with the US certain of its primacy and China proud of its glorious past, which almost makes a conflictual power transition a self-fulfilling prophecy. Management of the relationship is the key for both countries to bring about more cooperation and to rein in competition. [R, abr.]
64.1269 ZOELLICK, Robert B. —
The “Thucydides trap”, in which an established power develops fears of a rising power, is on people's minds these days as an emergent China maneuvers itself to challenge America's traditional position in East Asia. The author, a veteran US diplomat and expert on international economics, offers thoughts on how China and the US can avoid this age-old trap. [R]
64.1270
A series of articles on the lessons of the “long war” in Afghanistan, by Elke HOFF; Markus KAIM; Ahmed RASHID; Christian WAGNER.
64.1271
Articles by Alexander WOLF; Thomas SILBERHORN; Carlo MASALA; TANG Shaocheng.