Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
64.7297 ACIKMESE, Sinem Akgul; DIZDAROGLU, Cihan —
This paper explains the flux in EU policies towards the Black Sea region, focusing on the impact of the EU's operations in the South Caucasus and the EU Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) in Moldova. It adopts the prospect and process of EU enlargement towards Central and Eastern Europe as a breakthrough in the EU's deeper rapprochement with the Black Sea region. By assuming that the EU has a variety of instruments at its disposal for crisis-management, it suggests that the EU is relatively more powerful with its framework initiatives in dealing with the problems of the region at the grass-roots level, more so than as a security actor assuming direct roles including the operative side of the CSDP in the resolution of the regional conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Transnistria. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7392]
64.7298 AHLQVIST, Toni —
European spatial governance is becoming an intriguing mix of ideas from the economic, political and cultural spheres. This article asserts that, in the EU's spatial planning, the cluster is increasingly part of a hybrid spatial politics — the “cluster gaze” — based on the interplay of innovation-oriented political rationality and spatial governance. The article provides an empirical investigation into selected EU documentation. The investigation is based on two perspectives: (1) the cluster is analyzed as a mediating instrument to stimulate and rescale transnational market developments in the EU; (2) the cluster is studied as an instrument of spatial management — one that builds on a business managerial ethos and endorses a specific hierarchical spatial imaginary and a cluster evidence base to assess the productivity and efficiency of European clusters. [R, abr.]
64.7299 AHMED, Mutahir —
This paper examines post-war Europe's experience of regional economic and political integration side by side with the retention of separate ethnic, cultural and national identities by the participating states. It also highlights the various challenges faced by the EU in keeping its unity intact while at the same time maintaining the separate national identities of member states. [R]
64.7300 ALOYO, Eamon —
Scholars have proposed a number of different ways to improve global accountability, but none has adequately addressed how individuals who commit widespread or systematic nonviolent wrongs can be held to account. I argue that for moral reasons individuals should be held accountable for nonviolent crimes against humanity and that an existing legal institution, the ICC, has the authority to prosecute such crimes. The ICC's prosecutor should start exercising this legal authority because widespread or systematic nonviolent harms can be just as morally wrong as violent ones. What matters on my account is the gravity of a wrong, not whether it was committed violently or nonviolently. I situate these arguments in contemporary discussions of accountability, and provide evidence that individuals can cause widespread or systematic nonviolent harms. [R, abr.]
64.7301 ALT, James; LASSEN, David Dreyer; WEHNER, Joachim —
This article analyzes the political origins of differences in adherence to the fiscal framework of the EU. It shows how incentives to use fiscal policy for electoral purposes and limited budget transparency at the national level, combined with the need to respond to fiscal rules at the supranational level, interact to systematically undermine the EMU through the employment of fiscal gimmicks or creative accounting. It also explains in detail how national accounts were manipulated to produce electoral cycles that were under the radar of the EU budget surveillance system, and concludes with new perspectives on the changes to (and challenges for) euro area fiscal rules. [R]
64.7302 ARREGUI, Javier; THOMSON, Robert —
Liberal IR theory posits that the behavior of states is affected both by domestic interests and other states with which they are linked in significant patterns of interdependence. This article examines the relevance of this proposition to states’ behavior in the most powerful institution in the furthest reaching example of regional integration in the world today: the Council of the EU. It is found that states’ disagreement with both discretionary and nondiscretionary decision outcomes affects the likelihood that they dissent at the voting stage. Moreover, in line with the theory posited here, the behavior of states’ significant trading partners has a particularly marked effect on the likelihood that they will dissent. [R, abr.]
64.7303 ARWINE, Alan; MAYER, Lawrence —
The basic research problem in this article is whether hostility toward out-groups is a product of events or whether the degree of hostility toward out-groups exists independently of such events in the form of a generalized bigotry. We examine two countries that experienced threatening violent events from an unassimilated minority in order to determine if their levels of intolerance increased in the period between two runs of the World Values Survey when these violent events occurred. This article also examines six additional EU countries that did not experience such violent events. [R, abr.]
64.7304 AYDIN-DÜZGIT, Senem —
This article discusses the potential of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) for the study of EU foreign policy and argues that CDA can provide a systematic way of studying discourses on EU foreign policy through the refined linguistic and argumentative tools that it offers. The article first outlines the main theoretical premises of CDA and its one particular variant, the discourse-historical approach, and then presents a discussion on its analytical and methodological toolkit. After discussing the various ways in which EU foreign policy texts can be subject to CDA, the article concludes with the theoretical challenges posed by CDA, particularly regarding its relationship with poststructuralist approaches to foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7321]
64.7305 BAERT, Francis; SHAW, Timothy M. —
A new round of Commonwealth reform proposals commenced at the Common- wealth Heads of Government Meeting of 2009, resulting in 2013 in the adoption of the Commonwealth Charter. This new Commonwealth reform process will not lead to satisfying changes and will not make it a more relevant actor in global governance. We argue that because the true nature of the Commonwealth is often misunderstood, a better understanding of the organization is essential before embarking on any successful change-management project. We identify four different kinds of Commonwealth: three of a “formal” nature (the official, bureaucratic and the people's Commonwealth) and a fourth “informal” one (Commonwealth Plus). By describing their potential, we can anticipate better the challenges with which the Commonwealth network is faced. [R, abr.]
64.7306 BAXEVANIS, Christos; PAPADAKI, Maria —
The Greek presidency, among others, focuses its efforts on a European holistic approach and management of the migration policy. EU asylum policy has been a controversial topic for more than a decade. Following a period of policy harmonization, the EU has reached a crucial stage in the development of a new common European asylum system. 2012–2013 was a defining period in the process of adopting the new “Asylum Package”, i.e. the revision of the legal instruments that comprise the EU asylum acquis. The radical reform of the asylum system will not only entail a fair treatment of refugees, but will bring important benefits to Greece. It will reinforce the country's influence and ability to negotiate at the EU level changes in European policies. [R, abr.]
64.7307 BEAUCILLON, Charlotte —
The Ukrainian crisis triggered various EU reactions, amongst which threats of restrictive measures. The first followed the destitution of former president Yanukovych and aimed at impeding the misappropriation of Ukrainian state funds. The second strand reacted to the violation of Ukraine's territorial sovereignty by Russia. Targeted measures of fund freezing and visa bans: these European reactions remain limited. Besides the political and economic stakes underpinning this prudence, the restrictive measures are constrained by substantial legal limitations, which are analyzed in terms of both EU and international law. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7416]
64.7308 BELLAMY, Richard —
This article examines the compatibility of democracy with free markets within the EU. Benjamin Constant argued that commerce had replaced the political liberty of the ancients with the civil liberties of the moderns. He believed representative democracy offered a form of political liberty that was compatible with modern liberty. However, for it to operate as Constant expected required certain social and cultural conditions that emerged in European nation-states but are not themselves the products of commerce and may even be undermined by it: a national identity, a social contract, and political parties. The EU involves a further deepening of modern commercial liberty beyond the nation-state. This article explores three main issues raised by this development. [R, abr.]
64.7309 BILBAO-UBILLOS, Javier —
The current euro crisis, considered by the IMF to be the new heart of the international economic crisis, has its historical roots in the process of construction of the EMU. The resulting architecture of economic governance in the EU has revealed itself to contain serious shortcomings in both ideological terms (design of a coherent exit strategy) and institutional terms (procedures, irreversibility and implementation times of the decisions made). As a result, the responses made by Europe have been late, hesitant, sometimes lacking in intensity and inconsistent in their attempts to manage the crisis. [R]
64.7310 BLANCO, Ramon —
The relevance of the UN for peacekeeping depends on its activities on “post-conflict” settings, as much as on its capacity of setting the paradigms of achieving international peace. The paper discusses the UN approaches towards international peace from the end of WW II until nowadays, while delineating the main configuration of such practices, evincing how they changed over time, and shedding light on the normative framework that underpins such processes. [R]
64.7311 BLOKKER, Paul —
The European crisis has provoked widespread critique of capitalist arrangements in most countries. A distinct type of critique of capitalism has, however, not been explicitly conceptualized. This “political critique”, denouncing the depoliticization and the erosion of autonomy resulting from capitalist arrangements, indicates the crucial role of the political in formulating common projects. The article first briefly discusses Boltanski and Chiapello's historical identification of forms of critique of capitalism as well as the contemporary relevance of these. [Then] it conceptualizes and recuperates a political critique of capitalism. It shows that the contours of a critique that explicitly refers to the political is available in the contemporary European context, not least in claims made by movements that pursue a “Europe of the Commons” and an “alternative Europe”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7336]
64.7312 BOIN, Arjen; RHINARD, Mark; EKENGREN, Magnus —
The EU has modest but promising capacities to assist member states overwhelmed by disaster through its Civil Protection Mechanism. The EU also routinely sends civil and military missions to hotspots outside EU territory. But these capacities do not suffice in the face of transboundary crises: threats that cross geographical and policy borders within the Union. Examples include epidemics, financial crises, floods, and cyber terrorism. Nation-states cannot cope with these threats without international collaboration. We explore the EU's efforts to develop transboundary crisis-management capacities. We describe these budding capacities, explain their policy origins, and explore their future potential. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Designing EU crisis management capacities”, edited by Fluvio ATTINÀ, Arjen BOIN and Magnus EKENGREN. See also Abstr. 64.7314, 7367, 7369, 7388]
64.7313 BONAFÉ, Beatrice I. —
International criminal law provides a particularly interesting case study for the proliferation of legal orders as it helps to understand the types of uncertainties their interaction may entail with respect to the position of the individual as well as the solutions that may be adopted in that respect. This article analyzes a selected number of substantive and procedural uncertainties that originate in the relationship between international criminal law and domestic legal orders. The discussion identifies the particular legal devices elaborated in order to ensure the coordination between these legal orders, and suggests areas in which a better coordination is still to be achieved. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6550]
64.7314 BROBERG, Morten —
This article analyzes the treaty provisions introduced by the Lisbon Treaty with regard to the EU's provision of humanitarian aid to third countries [with a particular focus on Article 214 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU)]. It first examines how the new treaty framework affects the competences and the procedures that have been laid down with regard to humanitarian aid. It then considers the general international legal principles that, according to Article 214 TFEU, apply to the Union's provision of humanitarian aid. The article clarifies what the obligations of “coordination” and “complementarity” entail. Finally, the article considers the requirement that a European Voluntary Humanitarian Aid Corps is set up. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7312]
64.7315 BROWN, Bernard E. —
The Ukrainian crisis has focused attention on the EU and NATO. Brussels and Moscow have become powerful symbols of two different ways of politics and life. But the European defense structures built so laboriously over the past two decades have proved irrelevant. Meeting the new threat from the East requires a joint effort by Europeans and Americans — in large measure through NATO. Yet, Ukraine is not a full member of the Alliance, hence is not covered by the Article 5 security assurance. President V. Putin is intent on increasing Russian power in the world — by creating a Eurasian economic association that will rival the EU, by forming with the EU a pan-European security system to replace NATO, and ultimately by challenging and transforming the US-centered international order. Europe, NATO, and geopolitics are back. [R]
64.7316 BROWN, Davis —
The new crime of aggression in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court poses a puzzle for constructivism. Although the norm against aggression has the support of a critical mass of states for it to cascade, the crime against aggression is predicted to have no significant effect. The reason is that the crime is overbroad; it makes no provision for humanitarian intervention and other quasi-legal but arguably legitimate operations. Despite the intent of the crime's drafters, the statutory safeguards that prevent prosecutions for such operations are actually illusory. The crime as codified chills such quasi-legal but necessary operations; therefore it will not garner the support of a critical mass of frequent users of force that would be necessary for this norm to cascade also. [R, abr.]
64.7317 BROWN, Garrett Wallace —
In response [to] difficult global challenges, many have argued for the increased constitutionalization of international law. When surveying the literature on constitutionalization, one is often struck by a general ambiguity about what the term means and with how constitutionalization is meant to operate between theory and institutional practice. In particular, there seems to be an overall ambiguity regarding what is being constituted by the processes of constitutionalization, about how these processes operate, and with whether this legal order is in fact creating the type of progressive cosmopolitanism that is often assumed. To address these ambiguities, this article [examines] what appeals to constitutionalization generally mean and to expose key conceptual problems. It highlights areas that need greater conceptual attention and recommends potential solutions. [R, abr.]
64.7318 BROWN, Garrett Wallace —
When surveying the literature on cosmopolitan thought, it is common to see cosmopolitans allude to theoretical, historical and practical links between Kant's idea for a cosmopolitan federation and the formulation of the EU. However, this relationship between Kant and “Kant's Europe” remains a rather underdeveloped assumption and there is compelling exegetical and practical evidence to suggest that this relationship is not as robust as is generally assumed. This article explores the link between Kant's vision for a cosmopolitan federation and its consanguinity with the formation and practice of the EU. It argues that a link between Kant and the EU can be reasonably claimed to exist only at the level of Kant's first two Definitive Articles and that the EU remains rather impoverished with regard to Kant's more radical concept of cosmopolitan right. [R]
64.7319 CARO DE SOUSA, Pedro —
The CJEU case law on the economic free movement of people has departed from the traditional requirement that a nexus must be established between individual free movement and cross-border economic activity, which has led to an extension of its scope. It is submitted that concerns with the protection of fundamental rights of European citizens are driving this process, and that the CJEU has sought to protect these rights through the market freedoms by arguing that market freedoms are fundamental right themselves, and/or that European Citizenship has changed their normative underpinnings and status. This article criticizes both lines of argument, and defends a third: that the protection of these fundamental rights must be achieved at European level, through a conception of European Citizenship able to stand on its own. [R]
64.7320 CARTA, Caterina —
This article looks at ways in which the EU's institutional representatives and individual civil servants of the Commission and the European External Action Service frame their discourse on the EU's international role and values. It first introduces the data and methodology employed in Discourse Historical Analysis. Second, it illustrates the metaphors adopted to organize collected material. It identifies three main patterns of discourse-making and associates them with metaphors coming from the Western European literature tradition: two figures coming from Voltaire's Candide — Candide and Pangloss — and a character from a Mozart opera, Don Giovanni. Finally, the article focuses on perceptions of the EU's international actions and its core underlying values. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7321]
64.7321 CARTA, Caterina; MORIN, Jean-Frédéric —
This article first arranges the four theoretical approaches and methods presented in the special issue — interpretative constructivism, poststructuralism, discursive institutionalism and critical discourse analysis — along two dimensions: (1) the role of discourse in the constitution of the world, depending on whether approaches perceive social structure as being constitutive of or constituted by discourse; and (2) interpretation of the weight of material and ideational elements in discourses. This model helps to make sense of the profound theoretical diversity that characterizes analytical approaches to international relations discourse. The second section tackles the question of “who does the speaking”. It identifies the different voices that converge in the EU's international choir and problematizes the discursive environment that forges international discourses through the theoretical lenses of selected approaches. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Struggling with meaning discourse analysis and EU foreign policy”. See also Abstr. 64.6560, 7304, 7320, 7331, 7376, 7486]
64.7322 CASTILLO ORTIZ, Pablo José —
During the process of ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, a number of constitutional jurisdictions were activated by political actors. In playing “the judicial card”, opponents of ratification decided to seek political goals through judicial means, and thus they were obliged to develop litigation strategies. This article explores such strategies and the responses that courts gave them. It shows that constitutional proceedings with regards to the Lisbon Treaty became a political battleground governed by legal logics, in which the interpretation of European clauses, the democratic deficit of the Union and the tensions underlying the European judicial dialogue were privileged objects of discussion between claimants and courts in which law and politics intertwined. [R]
64.7323 CHALMERS, Adam William —
European Commission expert groups provide powerful platforms from which interest organizations can steer the EU consultation process and weigh in on policy outcomes. Commission decision-makers and bureaucrats rely heavily on expert groups to provide expert policy advice on highly technical issues in the early stages of the policymaking process. Interest organizations provide this advice in order to have their voices heard at the EU level. But whose interests are being represented in these expert groups? Which types of interest organizations, in other words, get a seat at the table and why? This article, using data on over 800 expert groups and nearly 3,000 interest organizations, argues that expert group membership is largely a function of superior resources, EU-level interests and existing institutionalised ties to decision-makers. [R, abr.]
64.7324 CITI, Manuele; JUSTESEN, Mogens K. —
Over the last three decades, EU regulation of the internal market has become highly pervasive, affecting practically all domains of European citizens’ lives. Many studies have focused on understanding the process and causes of regulatory change, but with limited attempts to analyze the more general sources of regulatory reform. This article focuses on the determinants of stability and change in EU regulation. An original dataset of 169 pieces of legislation (regulations, directives and decisions) across eight different sectors is developed and the dynamics of regulatory reform in the EU are analyzed. Using time-series analysis of count data, evidence is found that the number of winning coalitions in the Council and the size of EU membership have a significant impact on regulatory reform in the EU. [R, abr.]
64.7325 CLARK, Nicholas —
We have yet to determine empirically the extent to which Europeans understand the EU or to identify the conditions that lead the public to become better informed about European politics. Given the higher salience of national issues and the greater media attention devoted to national politics, I theorize that most individuals indeed know more about their national government than the EU. Using data from Eurobarometer 61.0 and the 2009 European Election Study, I find individuals indeed perform worse on knowledge batteries at the European level. To better explain the public's understanding of EU affairs, I then model a number of micro- and macro-level predictors of knowledge and find that some of the usual suspects (such as education and the media) influence EU knowledge. [R, abr.]
64.7326 COLGAN, Jeff D. —
This study investigates OPEC, an organization that purports to have significant influence over the market for the world's most important commodity-petroleum. Using four empirical tests, I find that OPEC has little or no impact on its members’ production levels. These findings prompt the question of why so many people, including scholars, believe in OPEC's influence over the world's oil supply. The idea of OPEC as a cartel is a “rational myth” that supports the organization's true principal function, which is to generate political benefits for its members. One benefit it generates is international prestige. I test this idea using data on diplomatic representation and find that OPEC membership is associated with increased international recognition by other states. [R, abr.]
64.7327 COUTTO, Tatiana; DEVLEN, Balkan —
The EU's environmental concerns vis-à-vis the Black Sea stem from various factors such as: the quest of the EU to reaffirm itself as a global actor; the development of the legal-institutional framework that regulates the relations between the EU and its near abroad; and the enlargement process, which provided the EU with direct access to the Black Sea shores. Following an institutionalist approach, this paper analyzes how the EU's concerns, strategies and institutional/policy responses to tackle environmental problems in the region have evolved over time. Drawing on the concept of “actorness”, it discusses to what extent the adoption of an effective EU-led approach to environmental issues may strengthen the role of the EU in the region and elsewhere. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7392]
64.7328 DANIELSEN, Ole Andreas; YESILKAGIT, Kutsal —
This article discusses the effects of European regulatory networks on the bureaucratic autonomy of national regulators as regards regulatory ruleenforcement and rule-making. Drawing on institutional theory, the article elaborates scope conditions for networks to yield an effect along this property and assesses these arguments in a study of the formation and institutionalization of the European Competition Network and how it structures relationships between competition authorities and resort ministries in The Netherlands, Sweden and the non-EU member-state Norway. It is argued that by virtue of accumulating and embedding strong norms of independence, the network yields an “autonomizing” effect vis-à-vis participating organizations. [R]
64.7329 DELIMATSIS, Panagiotis —
In almost 20 years of existence, the WTO has managed to be at the forefront of public discussions on international organizations (IOs). Transparency in the WTO decision-making has been on the agenda of the multilateral trading system for several years. Pressures from developing countries, NGOs and the civil society in particular have led to significant improvements towards more openness and participation in the WTO decision-making. This article posits the WTO within the current debates about more institutional transparency in IOs. It discusses the current features of good governance in the WTO decision-making and the consensus rule in particular, in an attempt to identify the pros and cons of this voting tradition in a modern IO. [R, abr.]
64.7330 DEUTSCHMANN, Christoph —
This article assesses present-day European crisis-management, referring to W. Streeck's recent interpretation of the European “consolidation state” as an attempt to install a “Hayekian” regime of liberalized transnational markets. It arrives at a diagnosis different from Streeck's: if there has been a “Hayekian” regime, it had already developed after the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in 1973 and the subsequent dismantling of capital controls in the US and Europe. As it appeared in the financial crisis of 2007–2008, the ultimate practical test of the Hayekian vision was dramatically negative. European crisis-management, as it is still largely occupied with the imperative to maintain the solvency of troubled Euro states vis-à-vis the capital markets, is confronted with the challenge of removing the debris of the collapse of the former Hayekian regime. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7336]
64.7331 DIEZ, Thomas —
This article discusses the relevance of discourse in the analysis of EU foreign policy, emphasizing the discursive struggles in meaningproduction. It argues that the literature trying to make a contribution to the explanation of EU foreign policy has so far overemphasized the positive function of discourses in influencing policies in their substance. In contrast, it focuses on the delimiting function of discourses in providing the boundaries of the kinds of policies which can be legitimately pursued. From this point of view, important discursive struggles take place exactly about these limits, and it is only through the setting of these limits that identities and norms are provided with clearer meanings. The article illustrates this framework by focusing on the debate about normative power Europe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7321]
64.7332 DIONIGI, Filippo —
This paper shows how UN Security Council resolutions can facilitate the international socialization of an Islamist political actor. It undertakes a process-tracing analysis of the negotiations and attempts to implement UNSC Resolutions 1559 and 1701 and then assesses their impact on Hezbollah's agency and political identity. The author argues that UNSC resolutions can inform processes of social influence that directly affect the activity of non-state actors and then cause international socialization. According to the analysis, international socialization has produced three main effects on Hezbollah: increased accountability; a shift in its legitimacy paradigm; and a mutation of Hezbollah's relation with the Lebanese state. [R]
64.7333 DREVET, Jean-François —
In eastern Europe, 2014 has been characterized by a remarkable return on the part of Russia to the lands of the former republics of the Soviet Union. In much the same way as Moscow opposed Georgia in the 2008 South Ossetia crisis, this year it has supported Crimea against Ukraine, paving the way for that region to join the Russian federation. And it continues to stand out against the authorities in Kiev, particularly by supporting rebellion in Ukraine in the crisis that has beset that country since the turn of the year. In this context, the EU is in a decidedly uncomfortable position, torn as it is between its principles (respect for sovereignty and international borders) and its energy dependency (on Russian gas). [R, abr.]
64.7334 DÜR, Andreas; KONSTANTINIDIS, Nikitas —
What explains a party's dual decision about whether to endorse a referendum on an international treaty and whether to support that treaty in a referendum campaign? Relying on an original game of second-order electoral competition, this article argues that the relative likelihood of a party endorsing a referendum is highest at the beginning and end of the electoral cycle, and when the public supports the treaty. The study uses data on the position of 175 parties in 24 member states vis-à-vis the EU's Constitutional Treaty and its preferred mechanism of ratification to test these expectations against empirical evidence. Using a multinomial logistic regression model, it finds robust support for the argument. [R]
64.7335 DURAND, Cédric —
[Since] 2009, not a month has gone by without new twists in the melodramatic rifts and reconciliations between EU governments and institutions. As the region dips further into recession and social desperation, the showdown between supporters and opponents of austerity renders the macro-economic dispute the central issue, leaving the future of Europe and its people woefully unclear. “Europe” is both multifaceted and unstable. In a bid to break open the “black box”, this article sets aside the events to focus on the crisis behind the events. To engage in such a discussion, one must decipher the deceptively simple question of what Europe is. Which are the forces and the principles, from post-war to the Euro crisis, which animate this politico-institutional process? [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Crisis, state and peace: Europe at the Cyprus “border””, edited and introduced by Barbara KARATSIOLI, “Cyprus in Europe: (in)-dependence and in-debtedness”, pp. 15–32. See also Abstr. 64.7139, 7339, 7555, 7580]
64.7336 EDER, Klaus —
The article argues that the “crisis of Europe”, triggered by market and governance dysfunctionalities, represents a “critical moment” in the evolution of a European society. Existing European society is nothing but the sum of individuals living in “sub-European” (mainly national) groups. The evolution triggered by this critical situation [could] turn them into something more than a sum of peoples governed by supranational bureaucracies. To decipher such processes a model is presented using Hirschman's idea of exit, voice and loyalty as mechanisms to generate social ties. The systemic crises of the state and the market in Europe are speeding up an evolutionary process of people-making, the outcome of which could be the regression to a people without foundational identities — a post-national society, which would make an emerging European society the first really modern society. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Europe in crisis”, edited and introduced, “Perspectives on crisis and critique in Europe today”, pp. 207–218, by Gerard DELANTY. See also Abstr. 64.7311, 7330, 7351, 7368, 7370]
64.7337 FOLLESDAL, Andreas —
Some authors have appealed to a principle of subsidiarity in order to defend the legitimacy of several striking features of international law. The article presents such defenses of state-centric aspects of international law by appeals to subsidiarity, and finds them wanting. Different interpretations of subsidiarity have strikingly different institutional implications regarding the objectives of the polity, the domain and role of subunits, and the allocation of authority to apply the principle of subsidiarity itself. Five different interpretations are explored, drawn from Althusius, the US federalists, Pope Leo XIII, and others. One upshot is that the principle of subsidiarity cannot provide normative legitimacy to the state-centric aspects of current international law on its own. [R, abr.]
64.7338 GALLAGHER, Julia —
This article explores norms as idealizations, in an attempt to grasp their significance as projects for international organizations. We can think about norms as “standards of proper behavior”. In this sense they are somehow natural, things to be taken for granted, noticed really only when they are absent. We can also think about norms as “understandings about what is good and appropriate”. In this sense, norms embody a stronger sense of virtue and an ability to enable progress or improvement. Norms become ideal when they are able to conflate what is good with what is appropriate, standard, or proper. It is when the good becomes “natural” that a norm appears immanent and non-contestable, and so acquires an idealized form. I challenge some of the complacency surrounding the apparent naturalness and universality of norms employed in IR. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6489]
64.7339 GEORGIOU, Christakis —
There are two levels to the Eurozone crisis. At a more fundamental level, it is a crisis of capitalism spawned by a secular decline in profitability that has given rise to growing indebtedness in the advanced capitalist countries. But the shape that this crisis takes is determined by the EU's political configuration, more precisely by the institutional imbalance between a centralized monetary policy and decentralized fiscal policies. This article traces the cause of this imbalance, through a brief examination of the political history of Europe's monetary union, to the strategic ambivalence of France's European policy. It argues that the current crisis has created political conditions that should push French elites to reconsider their hostility to a more centralized fiscal policy framework for the Eurozone. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7335]
64.7340 GREER, Scott L. —
EU health policy has long had two faces. One face was its most visible: its support for data, networks, agencies and research that promoted shared practice and health objectives. Its impact was striking mostly because the budget was so small. A second was long its most important: its courts’ application of internal market law and regulation to health-care services in pursuit of an integrated European market. Its impact created EU health care politics, but ultimately had limited effects on health-care systems. Since 2010, though, the reaction to financial crisis has given EU health policy a third face: a newly rigorous and intimate fiscal governance model in which member-state policies and budgets will be under continuous review, and countries in extreme trouble will face elaborate loan conditions affecting health care in detail. [R, abr.]
64.7341 GREVE, Bent —
The free movement of workers has been a cornerstone of the EU since 1957. A gradual improvement of rights to groups other than workers has implied that rights related to free movement have already had an impact on universal welfare states’ social security arrangements, especially in the area of pensions. Given the enlargement of the past 10 years and a strong increase in inter-EU migration this impact might even increase. This article, using Denmark as a case study, looks at how, over time, free movement may lead towards convergence and thereby Europeanization of welfare states in Europe. It focuses especially on the pressures brought to bear on the universality of the Danish welfare state, thereby moving it away from one of the distinctive characteristics of the Nordic welfare state model: the universal access to benefits. [R, abr.]
64.7342 GRYGIEL, Jakub; MITCHELL, Wess —
NATO needs to rearm and defend itself to cope with a new military threat. For Europe to rely on the American security umbrella — in both its conventional and nuclear forms — is no longer tenable. [R]
64.7343 GÜLENER, Serdar —
This paper examines role of the European Court of Human Rights in dealing with human rights abuses following armed conflicts, as one of the most notable fields in international relations. In this framework, it reviews the concepts of armed conflicts and transitional justice. To make it more concrete, cases of armed conflict across Europe are analyzed through the lens of transitional justice. It is found that practices of ECtHR are not directly a means of transitional justice, but they have effects on national authorities in the process of restitution. [R]
64.7344 HEINL, Caitríona H. —
Although the importance of the ASEAN region for global cybersecurity is growing, few analyzes have examined the extent of regional-level efforts to counter cross-border cyber-related incidents or addressed whether more might be done to complement national measures and facilitate international cooperation. To date, national and regional efforts to adopt comprehensive cybersecurity strategies have been slow and fragmented, reducing the security of the ASEAN region and undermining the proper functioning of markets. This article envisages greater collaboration on cyber-related challenges among ASEAN members through the adoption of new structures and novel ways of thinking that complement national initiatives and international efforts, especially in light of the creation of the ASEAN community in 2015. [R]
64.7345 HELLEINER, Eric —
It is commonly argued that the norm of international development was pioneered by US President H. Truman in a famous 1949 speech as a means of serving US economic goals in the early Cold War. But this norm in fact emerged much earlier from Sun Yat-sen's thinking in China in 1918 and after that from Latin American preferences in the inter-American context of the 1930s. The latter were particularly influential in encouraging US officials to design, in the early 1940s, the first international institution with a strong development mandate: the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. During the negotiations leading up to the 1944 Bretton Woods agreements, Latin American policymakers supported and reinforced the US plans, as did representatives of China, India, and Eastern Europe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6497]
64.7346 HELMKE, Gretchen; McLEAN, Elena V. —
Legal reforms matter for economic growth and democratic consolidation. As part of the “second-generation reforms”, international financial institutions have sought to build the rule of law by funding a vast array of legal and judicial reform projects throughout the developing world. Yet aside from scattered anecdotal evidence, the general effects of international assistance on legal reform and the rule of law remain poorly understood. This article addresses this gap by developing a theoretical framework that explores the strategic interaction among international financial institutions, national governments and non-governmental actors. Using original data on World Bank legal and judicial reform projects, we show that World Bank assistance can in fact encourage some types of incumbent governments to promote reforms that increase judicial independence. [R]
64.7347 HERRANZ-SURRALLÉS, Anna —
The Treaty of Lisbon has been dubbed “the Treaty of Parliaments”, as it upgraded the position of both the EP and national parliaments within the institutional system of the EU. However, the implementation of the new Treaty also brought to the surface the uneasy relationship between the European and national parliamentary spheres in a number of domains. Drawing on the notion of “parliamentary field”, this article accounts for this growing divide by highlighting the competitive dynamics that may emerge from a mismatch between formal constitutional authority and the actual parliamentary capital that parliaments enjoy. It examines this proposition within the domain of foreign and security policy, where the process of establishing a new inter-parliamentary mechanism for scrutinizing policy has placed the EP and the national parliaments visibly at odds. [R]
64.7348 HERWIG, Alexia —
Is the WTO in a legitimacy crisis and might the protracted Doha negotiations be evidence of it? This article understands the notion of “legitimacy crisis” as a severe threat to an institution's viability due to fundamental shifts in the legitimizing ideas underlying the institution, an external threat to its values or its ability to fulfill its functions. It contends that the WTO is not yet definitely in a legitimacy crisis because the Doha negotiations still reveal the commitment of the WTO members to the values and legitimizing ideas of the WTO. Perception of a legitimacy crisis fuels the negotiation of free-trade agreements (FTAs) among key WTO members, which could be used to advance the Doha negotiations, force developing countries into agreement and shape the outcome of the negotiations in favor of developed countries. [R, abr.]
64.7349 HILSON, Chris —
This article examines the recent environmental jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights to explore some of the means of reaching an accommodation between national legal orders and the European Convention. Certain types of accommodation — such as the margin of appreciation given to states by the Court — are well known. In essence, such mechanisms of legal pluralism raise a presumptive barrier which generally works for the state and against the individual rightsbearer. However, the article focuses on a less well-known, recent set of pluralistic devices employed by the Court, which typically operate presumptively in the other direction, in favor of the individual. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6550]
64.7350 IGLESIAS SÁNCHEZ, Sara —
The reinforcement of the protection of fundamental rights at the European level and the emergence of the status of Union citizenship are two closely connected phenomena. European citizenship has been and continues to be one of the central arguments in favor of the extension of the scope of EU fundamental rights. This argument arises out of a sentiment that vindicates equality at the core of the citizenship of the Union as a fundamental status. Against this background, this paper examines the different possibilities of interconnection between the traditional doctrine of EU fundamental rights and the jurisprudential construction of the citizenship of the Union. [R, abr.]
64.7351 INNERARITY, Daniel —
We [cannot] correctly identify the true crisis in Europe: whether it is a question of a lack of a demos or cratos; whether it is the democracy, legitimacy, or justice that is inadequate; whether we are facing a problem of intelligibility or of too little politicization. The article begins with three hypotheses: (1) the discussion should focus on the way these types of deficiencies are expressed and the extent to which each one is involved. (2) Polarizing the legitimacy framework around input and output seems to be a simplification that does not do justice to the intricate way in which the results and the procedures, effectiveness and consent are related in a democracy. (3) The task of repairing EU legitimacy should be carried out through a sophisticated division of labor (between institutions, criteria, and values). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7336]
64.7352 ISERNIA, Pierangelo —
This special issue focuses on EuroPolis, a unique experiment in “deliberative democracy” at the European level convened in Brussels soon before the 2009 EP Elections. A European-wide random sample of the 27 member countries at the time was gathered to deliberate about two key issues: climate change and immigration as well as its voting intentions. The articles in the special issue focus on this Deliberative Poll, both quantitatively and qualitatively to assess what it tells us about ambitious versions of a “European wide public sphere”. Can the citizens of Europe deliberate together across all the barriers of language and nationality? Can there be a credible process of European wide “public will-formation” about substantive policy issues and about voting? [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Can European elections be deliberative? The 2009 EuroPolis deliberative poll”, edited by the author. See Abstr. 64.6512, 6642, 6686, 7048, 7109, 7569]
64.7353 JAMES, Scott; COPELAND, Paul —
This paper develops a model of executive empowerment to explain how and why the European Council has become increasingly involved in “policy-setting” and “policy-shaping” decisions in the EU. Rather than being driven by intergovernmental power politics, we draw upon rational choice approaches to attribute this to three characteristics of the EU's economic reform agenda: the domestic distributional consequences; the horizontal functional interdependencies; and divergent national policy preferences. The paper suggests that these contribute to two types of delegation failure at the EU level: agenda failure (in the Commission) and negotiation failure (in the Council of Ministers). Utilizing principal-agent analysis, we argue that EU-level agents have sought to overcome delegation failure by transferring functional tasks — policy initiation and decision-making — upwards to Member State principals in the European Council. [R, abr.]
64.7354 JILLIONS, Andrew —
I argue that international law has a greater capacity for constitutional enforcement than skeptical accounts have tended to acknowledge. This argument is anchored in the institutional account of the authority of law offered by Hart and developed by MacCormick. This focuses on the official or administrative perceptions as the determinant of constitutional legitimacy, which offers a way to offset the skepticisms caused by gaps in the constitutional order. This establishes constitutional enforcement as a practice centered on and legitimated by the attribution of role responsibilities, rather than on the direct application or policing of the rules. I illustrate these arguments using the Law of the Sea, a domain where the functional difficulties of enforcement have always presented a challenge to international law's claim to authority. [R, abr.]
64.7355 JOHNS, Leslie; PELC, Krzysztof J. —
Third parties complicate WTO dispute-settlement by adding voices and issues to a dispute. However, complainants can limit third parties by filing cases under Article XXIII of the GATT, rather than Article XXII. We argue that third parties create “insurance” by lowering the benefit of winning and the cost of losing a dispute. We construct a formal model in which third parties make settlement less likely. The weaker the complainant's case, the more likely the complainant is to promote third-party participation and to settle. Article XXII cases are therefore more likely to settle, and a complainant who files under Article XXIII is more likely to win a ruling and less likely to see that ruling appealed by the defendant. We provide empirical support using WTO disputes from 1995 to 2011. [R]
64.7356 KARAKIR, Iram Aşkar —
Although the EU has long presented itself as a moral power in its southern neighborhood, there has been an inconsistency between what is being presented by the EU and its actual policies. Thus, eruption of the Arab uprising has signified not only the failure of authoritarian ruling regimes, but also of the EU policies across the region. This article analyzes how the EU democracy-promotion policies have influenced political liberalization/deliberalization in Egypt and Morocco since the early 2000s and elaborates on how the Arab Spring unfolded in Egypt and Morocco and the EU's response to its political consequences in these two states. [R, abr.]
64.7357 KAYA, Taylan Özgur —
This article argues that the EU's intervener role as a third party in the Arab-Israeli conflict falls into the category of structural intervention which aims to change the incentive structure of conflicting parties in order to lead them to change their conflict behavior from less conflictory to more conciliatory. This article examines the EU's structural intervention activities. [R, abr.]
64.7358 KAYODE, Sijuade Sunday —
In April 2013, the UN Security Council established an “Intervention Brigade”, the first of its kind, for Congo within the MONUSCO system with a clear mandate to take certain “offensive operation” with the aim of “neutralizing and disarming the rebels” involved in the conflict with an aim to ending the half-a-century-long conflict. While appraising the recent initiatives at peace-maintenance, peace-building, peacekeeping, peaceenforcement regarding the crisis, and the prospects for peace in the future for Congo, the article analyzes whether the establishment of the “Intervention Brigade” will be a precedent or not. [R, abr.]
64.7359 KNOTTNERUS, Abel S. —
Article 16 is one of the most contested provisions of the Rome Statute of the ICC. It authorizes the Security Council to suspend the Court's investigations and prosecutions for a renewable period of twelve months, but does not define the circumstances [in] which the Council should issue a deferral. In 2013, Kenya and the African Union requested the Council to postpone the trials of President Kenyatta and Vice-President Ruto, but without success. [As] with previous deferral requests, such as for President Al-Bashir, the international community turned out to have very different ideas about when Article 16 should be invoked. In light of the unsuccessful deferral requests of African states as well as the ongoing debate about the Court's complicated relationship with the Council, this paper examines the legal and political threshold of Article 16. [R, abr.]
64.7360 KORKEA-AHO, Emilia —
With the establishment of an administrative network to manage implementation of the Water Framework Directive (WFD), a more consensual approach to judicial enforcement seemed like a natural next step. This anticipation was partially derived from the experimentalist nature of the WFD, requiring concerted action in the specification and application of its open-ended and broad provisions. This article assesses how important changes in WFD implementation practices shape the role played by the Court of Justice with respect to Article 258 Treaty on the Functioning of the EU. The examination of the WFD litigation reveals interesting tensions. Network-based implementation practices keep Member States accountable for the progress of implementation and make a subsequent legal action swifter. [R, abr.]
64.7361 LAHAV, Gallya; MESSINA, Anthony M.; VASQUEZ, Joseph Paul —
Many immigration scholars either implicitly or explicitly agree that the post-11 September 2001 period is witness to a “problematization” and “securitization” of immigration that is new in its scope and scale. In this view, 11 September is perceived as a critical juncture in and a major accelerant of the process of securitizing immigration in Europe and the United States. Against this backdrop and drawing upon data gathered from our original 1993 and 2004 surveys of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) we investigate if and to what extent the purported securitization of immigration in post-11 September Europe is reflected in the self-reported immigration-related attitudes of MEPs, parliamentarians who are now central actors in forging a common immigrant and immigration policy in Europe. [R, abr.]
64.7362 LAROCQUE, Florence; NOËL, Alain —
This article assesses the responses of EU-15 member states to the poverty reduction objectives of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) on social inclusion between 2001 and 2006. As a flexible mechanism of information-sharing between governments, the OMC could not produce strong convergence. A thorough analysis of the OMC documents indeed points to the enduring power of national institutions and partisan politics, for the three dimensions of social inclusion identified by the EU (rights, labor market policies, and participation). There was however some learning and adaptation around emerging policy ideas like activation and the participation of people experiencing poverty. [R]
64.7363 LAWRENCE, Jessica C. —
Drawing examples from the context of the EU's contemporary policy responses to the financial crisis, [this article] illustrates how experts produce knowledge about “crises”, and how the discourse of crisis is operationalized as a tool for giving effect to governmental ambitions. This reading of crisis as a technique of government questions the idea that crises are “special” events, and instead argues that the discourse of crisis is commonplace in the EU, and acts as a normative assertion about the status quo; questions the idea that crises are “special” events, and instead argues that the discourse of crisis is commonplace in the EU; [and] argues that crises’ political effects remain uncertain and tied up with the success of particular forms of knowledge. [R, abr.]
64.7364 LAWRENCE, Jessica C. —
This paper argues that “constitutionalism” should be approached not as something that can be measured or assessed empirically, but rather as a “discursive contest”: a debate in which participants intervene on behalf of particular understandings of how the system does or should operate. Approaching constitutionalism as a discursive contest adds to the literature by shifting the focus to an analysis of how “constitutional talk” produces knowledge about the WTO, and how this knowledge in turn structures perceptions about the way government works and the possibilities for action. Providing examples from scholarly debates and WTO practice, the article makes concrete the relationship between truth and government and the implications of discursive contests over constitutionalism in the field of WTO law. [R, abr.]
64.7365 MARTUCCI, Francesco —
The EU has been involved in the resolution of the Ukrainian crisis by maintaining a position of firmness and initiating several actions. It has acted with unprecedented unity, especially against Russia. The European institutions have firmly condemned the referendum in Crimea and the annexation of Crimea by Russia. However, in the field of its Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EU has adopted mainly restrictive measures. Its action has generally consisted of mobilizing several policies (common commercial policy, visas policy, energy policy, of visas, etc.) in order to favor a gradual rapprochement with Ukraine. The Union's strategy is clear: establishing an association with Ukraine which could lead, in a latter stage, to an enlargement. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7416]
64.7366 MATACHE, Margareta; BHABHA, Jacqueline; BRONSTHER, Carrie —
In the context of an ongoing Kosovo Government agenda promoting EU accession, this paper examines the impact of two transitions — the postconflict period and the current EU dialogue and negotiations — on the country's Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian communities. The paper discusses the social and political dynamics of these two transitions and how they affect the status of the minority communities. It examines the role of intergovernmental and non-profit organizations in advancing protection measures (e.g., by pressing for the elimination of school segregation) and accelerating implementation of important infrastructure projects (as a prelude to national scale-up). The paper compares the standards invoked by the Kosovar Government to those used by other European countries in the prelude to accession. [R, abr.]
64.7367 MORSUT, Claudia —
Since the 1980s, the EU has sought to develop civil protection tools to improve the cooperation among member states in response to natural and man-made disasters. The Community Mechanism for Civil Protection, established in 2001, has gradually become the most used instrument in this field and has undergone a series of changes and improvements. I analyze the Mechanism using principal-agent theory in order to understand the rationales behind delegation and the control mechanisms that characterize the interaction between the European Commission (the agent) and the European Council (the principal) in the development of this tool. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7312]
64.7368 O'MAHONY, Patrick
The article begins with a selective outline of social theories of crisis. It positions normative-critical theories and N. Luhmann's own version of system theory on opposite sides of the societal argument about the future of Europe and, generally, post-national society. If rival social theoretical traditions are to engage in meaningful normative argument with one another, they must develop a minimal, shared understanding of what should constitute the theory of society. The article advances a shared, minimal, theoretical framework that addresses both the full spectrum of the normative culture of modernity and its critique, no matter from which social standpoint or theoretical tradition the latter is advanced. In conclusion, I argue that both a European cultural model and a constitutional order based on cosmopolitan solidarity are needed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7336]
64.7369 ORBIE, Jan; VAN ELSUWEGE, Peter; BOSSUYT, Fabienne —
The article focuses on the EU's humanitarian aid policy. It addresses the challenge for the EU to deliver independent humanitarian aid while simultaneously seeking to establish more coherence between its external policies. The article examines how the EU tries to reconcile these potentially conflicting policy goals, both de jure and in practice. Empirically, it explores the interaction between EU humanitarian aid and development cooperation, the CFSP, and trade policy. While the independence of the humanitarian aid delivery is, for the most part, not being undermined, it remains difficult to establish positive synergies with other external policies because of institutional hurdles and legal constraints, as well as political obstacles and operational incompatibilities. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7312]
64.7370 OUTHWAITE, William —
Given that we have democracy of a kind in most of Europe, and that there seems a reasonable prospect of its survival in, and extension to the rest of, the sub-continent, this article asks whether and to what extent we also need European-level democratic politics and how we might hope to achieve this, against the background of the current crisis. This article examines the “democratic deficit” in the EU and the tensions between its formal decision-making structures and the growth of what has been called “executive federalism”, and also between collective planning and deregulation. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7336]
64.7371 PALOMO GARRIDO, Aleksandro —
Armed intervention under the auspices of the UN in dealing with international conflicts was a rarely used practice during the Cold War, as it undermined national sovereignty. Criticism that treated them as covert imperial interference enabling expansion of the great powers delegitimized them in the eyes of the international community. Meanwhile, the radicalization of the confrontation between the USSR and the US blocked any decision by the Security Council, as both held a veto. However, with the collapse of the USSR and the arrival of the age of globalization, recourse to the right of humanitarian intervention acquired new relevance. The article focuses on the Great Lakes conflict between 1994–2010. [R]
64.7372 PELC, Krzysztof J. —
The concept of precedent is fundamental to domestic courts, especially in Anglo-American common law systems, where judges are bound to the court's past decisions. By contrast, precedent has no formal authority in international law. Legal scholars point to Article 59 of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) Statute in this respect, according to which international legal rulings are binding only on the parties in the dispute at hand, and have no bearing on matters outside of the case. [R]
64.7373 PEREZ, Marybel —
This article depicts how the EU policy-making process affects the knowledge-broker role of EU think tanks. I examine the organizational and output strategies of 22 EU think tanks — those sharing a EUtransnational origin, an interest in EU subjects, and the intention to contribute to EU policy-making. I argue that certain aspects of EU policymaking — (1) the emphasis on participative processes that foster linkage and exchange activities, (2) concern with stakeholder representatives, (3) development frameworks for knowledge management for particular policy actors, and (4) lack of an overarching European public sphere — affect the knowledge-broker role of EU think tanks. As a result, EU think tanks concentrate on customized knowledge-management and platformdevelopment and dissemination among target publics in order to appeal to partners, members and sponsors and thereby secure funding and reputation. [R]
64.7374 PIJOVIC, Nikola —
The Commonwealth's importance for Australia's overall foreign policy is often seen as relatively negligible, but its importance historically for Australia's foreign policy engagement with African states should be seen as quite central. Since the 1960s, the Commonwealth forum has provided Australia with the most extensive multilateral (and to an extent bilateral) opportunity to engage with African states and issues, and as such should be recognized as Australia's traditional ‘window’ into African affairs. This article for the first time brings together a discussion of all of the major episodes of Australia's foreign policy engagement with African states taking place within the Commonwealth forum and argues that, at least until the late 2000s, the Commonwealth was indeed the main vehicle for Australia's most prominent foreign policy engagement with African issues. [R]
64.7375 RAIMUNDO, António —
This article explores Portugal's role in EU relations with Africa, focusing on the issue of political conditionality. The analysis considers how active Portugal has been at the EU level regarding that controversial issue and to what extent Lisbon has tried to mediate between its European partners and Africa. It uses primary sources and takes a long-term perspective. The findings show that Portugal's general stance was mainly reactive and cautious. However, Portuguese policy-makers ingeniously used intra-EU pressures towards conditionality to highlight Portugal's conciliatory position and buttress a bridging role between Europe and Africa. This study contributes to the literature on Portuguese foreign policy in the EU-Africa context and provides useful insights for other studies on smaller EU member states as well as Europe-Africa relations. [R, abr.]
64.7376 RAYROUX, Antoine —
Using discursive institutionalism as an analytical framework, this article addresses how national actors build, coordinate and communicate discourses on EU defense policy (CSDP) at home. The empirical analysis is based on a comparative study of substantive and interactive discourses in France and Ireland, two contrasted cases. It demonstrates that France and Ireland frame and interpret elements of CSDP that best fit their needs, use them to promote their defense agenda in a legitimate and “European” way and present CSDP as a natural continuation of their preferences. These defense agendas revolve around the preservation of France's exceptionalism and Ireland's neutrality. Discursive institutionalism, which methodologically sheds light on agents and institutional contexts, helps to understand the dynamics of constructive ambiguity, a discursive strategy often applied to CSDP and illustrated by these two cases. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7321]
64.7377 RODRÍGUEZ CHAVES, Alonso —
This paper focuses on the Central American Parliament, or Parlacen, as a central institution in the process of regional integration. The author presents the Constituent Treaty of the Parliament and the reasons for its creation. It is essential to determine the actual effects of the Parliament on the isthmus, particularly, its functionality and scope. [R]
64.7378 ROTMANN, Philipp; KURTZ, Gerrit; BROCKMEIER, Sarah —
The debate about a responsibility to protect (R2P) people from mass atrocities goes to the heart of current changes in the world. Coinciding with the shift of power and influence away from the West, its nascent and contested evolution as a norm has become a crucial arena in which fundamental conflicts about the future global order play out — far beyond simplistic dichotomies between “North” and “South” or “West” and “Rest”. This special issue analyzes how seven major powers engaged with these struggles over sovereignty and responsibility, universalism and exceptionalism, hypocrisy and selectivity. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See Abstr. 64.7421, 7472, 7475, 7485, 7490, 7520, 7530]
64.7379 SATTLER, Thomas; SPILKER, Gabriele; BERNAUER, Thomas —
Whereas some researchers emphasize how WTO dispute-settlement reduces complexity and clarifies legislation, others argue that dispute rulings promote co-operation by providing an enforcement mechanism. This article identifies empirical implications from these distinct arguments and tests them on WTO disputes from 1995 to 2006. The study's analytical approach combines a three-step coding of dispute escalation with a strategic bargaining model and statistical backwards induction to account for governments’ forward-looking behavior. It finds strong support for the argument that WTO dispute-settlement primarily serves as an enforcement device. It finds much less support for the argument that dispute settlement reduces complexity and clarifies trade law. [R, abr.]
64.7380 SCHOLTEN, Daniel; SCHOLTEN, Miroslava —
The financial and economic crises of the last few years in many Southern Eurozone countries are generally studied individually, without reference to other such crises in the region. We argue that they may also be approached as symptoms of an underlying structural challenge facing the EU economy. In many ways, the relationship between northern and southern Eurozone countries seems remarkably similar to typical economic center-periphery relations, yet without the harmonizing role that a national government could play. The occurrence and combination of crises seems to be indicative of what one would expect from the adverse effects of center-periphery relations among countries. Unfortunately, this would imply that the crises we are currently seeing are likely to continuously reoccur in the near future to the detriment of sustainable economic growth and political-economic stability in Europe. [R]
64.7381 SHAD, Muhammad Riaz —
Since 2009, the EU's engagement with Pakistan changed significantly. Presently, this engagement is characterized by an improving trade partnership, more development and humanitarian cooperation and also a comprehensive strategic dialogue. Several political and security factors have led the EU to place Pakistan high on its agenda. In spite of such changes, EU-Pakistan relations have not yet realized their full potential. However, various opportunities exist for further improving relations and finally realizing their full potential. [R]
64.7382 SIMÃO, Licínia —
Since the end of the Cold War, the Black Sea countries have undergone significant changes in their domestic, regional and global contexts. These shifts entailed important consequences for the political and economic restructuring of the region, with an increasingly important role played by the EU and NATO in anchoring these countries to Euro-Atlantic institutions. However, conflict-resolution has remained one area where EU countries have been reluctant to play a more visible role. Considering this mismatch, this paper addresses the EU's conflict-related policies in its Eastern neighborhood and argues that although the EU perceives itself as a force for regional peace, its neighborhood policy has also brought short-term dynamics of destabilization, by unsettling Russia's leading security role, and as a result of the EU's unclear political prospects towards the Black Sea. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7392]
64.7383 SOLONENKO, Iryna —
The paper looks at the EU democratization efforts in the Black Sea region. It shows that there is a clear correlation between the state of democracy of the countries of the region and the degree of their rapprochement with the EU. When it comes to the European Neighborhood Policy or, more precisely, the Eastern Partnership, the EU's impact has been rather low due to disabling factors inside the partner countries. The democracy-promotion agenda in the Black Sea region is rather driven and dominated by the EU, whereas multilateral cooperation in the region focuses on issues of a more functional nature. The countries of the region do not have a democratization agenda without the EU playing a proactive role. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7392]
64.7384 SOMEK, Alexander —
This review article examines critically the belief that national democracies are inherently deficient on democratic grounds since they affect people across their own borders without offering them a voice in the domestic political process. Supranational institutions are supposed to address this problem. The article explains, first, that this belief can be given two different readings: one is liberal, the other democratic. Second, it argues that making sense of this belief requires transforming it into a principle of cosmopolitan citizenship that draws on the idea of virtual representation. The current EU would look differently if it were to abide by this principle. [R]
64.7385 STEAD, Dominic —
The notion of territorial governance has relatively recently emerged onto the European policy agenda, and often used in relation to the concept of territorial cohesion. To date, the notion has been understood and conceptualized in various ways and has been defined rather loosely when invoked. This paper examines how the notion is used and understood in European policy debates. It questions whether the notion is different to general concepts of governance and multi-level governance. Three specific characteristics are suggested that might distinguish territorial governance from other types of governance: (1) managing territorial dynamics, (2) assessing territorial impacts and (3) delineating policy boundaries. [R]
64.7386 SZENT-IVÁNYI, Balázs —
The EU seems to place an increasing rhetorical emphasis on harnessing the transition experience of the new member states. This article examines whether the EU actually makes use of this experience in its promotion of democratic governance in the eastern neighborhood. It concludes that while reform priorities of the EU in the region are aligned with transition experience, the actual participation of actors from the new members in implementing EU-financed projects aimed at promoting democratic governance is limited. This contradiction should be resolved or it will further erode the credibility of the EU's external policies. [R]
64.7387 TANIL, Gamze —
This article explains the role of identity politics in defining national elites’ perceptions of the EU and their subsequent foreign-policy choices. It is argued that when analyzing the foreign-policy choices of national elites, not only interests and preferences, but also identity questions must be taken into account. In any national context, ideas, identities and perceptions of self and the EU are expected to impact on subsequent policy choices about Europe. This article explains this impact by applying a combination of the fusion and social constructivist approaches. [R]
64.7388 TERCOVICH, Giulia —
In recent years, the EU has become more prominent and effective as a crisis-manager. This paper argues that the idea of the “Comprehensive Approach” and the European External Action Service (EEAS) institutional project have been substantially shaped by High Representative Ashton. A focus on the newly created Crisis Response and Operational Coordination Department within the EEAS is employed for analyzing the recent post-Lisbon changes in the EU crisis-management architecture. Based on a series of in-depth interviews with EU and national officials, the paper contemplates the role for the EU in complex crises, in particular the potential contribution of the EU's Crisis Response System. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7312]
64.7389 THIES, Anne —
The EU is embedded in a pluralistic legal context because of the EU and its Member States’ treaty memberships and domestic laws. Where EU conduct has implications for both the EU's international trade relations and the legal position of individual traders, it possibly affects EU and its Member States’ obligations under the law of the WTO as well as the Union's own multi-layered constitutional legal order. The paper analyzes the way in which the ECJ accommodates WTO and EU law in the context of international trade disputes triggered by the EU. Given the ECJ's denial of direct effect of WTO law in principle, the paper focuses on the protection of rights and remedies conferred by EU law. It assesses the implications of the WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) for the protection of “retaliation victims”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6550]
64.7390 TIEMESSEN, Alana —
I assess the credibility of the ICC as an impartial and independent institution by demonstrating how state behavior towards the Court has politicized prosecutions. There are two mechanisms by which prosecutions have become politicized: the referrals of conflict situations to the ICC by political actors, i.e., States Parties to the Rome Statute and UN Security Council, and the prospect and degree of state cooperation with the Court. Consequently prosecutions have targeted only one side of the conflict and reflect the strategic political interests of the referring actors but promise a greater degree of state cooperation. The case studies selected present variation in the nature of referrals and degree of cooperation, making for an instructive comparison and revealing an identifiable pattern of politicization. [R]
64.7391 TOLKSDORF, Dominik —
Recent events have provided the opportunity for the rekindling of relations between Ukraine and the EU. The EU quickly recognized Kiev's interim government, providing support in various forms, including an €11 billion financial aid plan over the coming years. This financial aid will depend on the Ukrainian government's ability to bring about fundamental reforms which are much needed given the country's current situation. [R]
64.7392 TRIANTAPHYLLOU, Dimitrios —
[Despite] various policies to address its Eastern neighborhood — especially the Black Sea region — the EU still finds itself in search of the right mix of policy and strategy. With the post-Cold War goal-posts shifting to reflect the growing realist approach of its biggest neighbor, the Russian Federation, toward their shared neighborhood, the EU finds itself in a quandary regarding its ability to react and to postulate proactive policies that reflect its engagement. The tugs of war between Russia and the EU and to a lesser extent between the EU and Turkey are at the core of the challenge of transforming the Black Sea region from being a “grey zone of instability” to one of peace, freedom, security and prosperity. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The European Union and the Black Sea: the state of play”, edited and introduced, pp. 279–286, by Sinem Akgul ACIKMESE and Dimitrios TRIANTAPHYLLOU. See also Abstr. 64.7297, 7327, 7382, 7383, 7405, 7453, 7481]
64.7393 VAARA, Eero —
This article focuses on the discursive underpinnings of the legitimacy crisis that the Eurozone as a transnational institution is facing. By adopting a critical discourse-analysis (CDA) perspective, the empirical analysis focuses on the media discussion in Finland. The analysis shows how discourses of financial capitalism, humanism, nationalism and Europeanism played a central role in legitimization, delegitimization and relegitimization. Furthermore, it elaborates on the legitimization strategies often used in the media texts: position-based authorizations involving institutionalized authorities and “voices of the common man”, knowledge-based authorizations focusing on economic expertise, rationalizations concentrating on economic arguments, moral evaluations based on unfairness used especially for delegitimization, mythopoiesis involving alternative future scenarios and cosmology used to construct inevitability. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7052]
64.7394 WIESBROCK, Anja —
This paper analyzes the mutual influence and self-perpetuating cycle of legitimacy of EU legal scholars and the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in expanding and broadening the free movement rights of Union citizens. It is argued that legal scholars have played a dual role in promoting the constitutional paradigm of an ever-expanding scope of directly enforceable residence and movement rights in the EU. First, by presenting the expansion of free movement rights as an inevitable outcome of the EU constitutional order based on directly enforceable individual rights, scholars have played a significant role in legitimizing the Court's jurisprudence in the face of initial resistance from member states. Second, legal scholars have been an important source for the Court in developing its case law in this area. [R, abr.]
64.7395 WISSEL, Jens —
This article analyzes the geopolitical ambitions of the EU. Currently, the EU strives to become an independent global power. [It seeks] greater independence from the US and, to a certain degree, from its Member states. This is closely linked to (1) the emergence of the Euro as a currency competing with the US dollar for the status of the “global reserve currency” and (2) the construction of a common foreign and “security” policy. Taking the German literature on the political economy of the state and on European integration, insights from neo-Gramscian International Political Economy, and the “scale debate” in Anglophone geography as point of departure, I analyze the European ensemble of state apparatuses and demonstrate that these ambitions have failed, due to the status quo of a fragmented Europe. [R, abr.]
64.7396 WOLMAN, Andrew —
Subnational human rights institutions are often thought of as distinctly local bodies, addressing human rights concerns within their jurisdictions with little attention to the processes and mechanisms of the wider international human rights regime. This article shows that this description is no longer necessarily accurate. Rather, subnational human rights institutions can and do participate in the UN human rights regime in a number of important ways. Such participation is potentially beneficial to the UN human rights processes, and subnational human rights institutions have in fact been welcomed by institutional actors at the UN. Nevertheless, the UN, national human rights institutions, and subnational human rights institutions themselves can all do more to ensure that subnational human rights institutions are able to participate fully in the UN human rights system. [R]
64.7397 ZHELYAZKOVA, Asya —
Whereas differentiated integration is viewed as necessary for deeper cooperation, recent findings suggest that it increases the gulf between participants and non-participants, making it difficult for non-participating countries to join in later negotiations. However, there is a lack of theoretical and empirical work regarding the relationship between different levels of participation in the EU and national policy outcomes. This article compares the policy outcomes in fully participating, selectively participating (opting-in) and non-participating (opting-out) EU Member States relative to EU legislation. The findings show that selective participation (opting-in) increases state conformity with EU laws relative to no integration at all (opting-out), but it does not completely bridge the gap between fully integrated Member States and non-participants. [R, abr.]
64.7398
Articles by Peter J. VEROVŠEK, “Memory and the Euro-crisis of leadership: the effects of generational change in Germany and the EU”, pp. 239–248; Christian JOERGES, “Law and politics in Europe's crisis: on the history of the impact of an unfortunate configuration”, pp. 249–261; Spyros SAKELLAROPOULOS and Panagiotis SOTIRIS, “Postcards from the future: the Greek debt crisis, the struggle against the EU-IMF austerity package and the open questions for left strategy”, pp. 262–273.
64.7399
Articles by Jürgen HABERMAS, “Merkel's European failure: Germany dozes on a volcano”, pp. 199–201; Etienne BALIBAR, “The rise and fall of the European Union: temporalities and teleologies”, pp. 202–212; Wolfgang STREECK, “Small-state nostalgia's? The current Union, Germany, and Europe: a reply to Jürgen Habermas”, pp. 213–221; Maurizio FERRERA, “Solidarity in Europe after the crisis”, pp. 222–238.
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
64.7400 ACKERMAN, Galia —
When V. Yanukovych was elected president of Ukraine in 2010, the Kremlin rubbed its hands in glee. What the Kremlin did not take into account was [his] greediness, continually shifting between closer ties with the EU and a return to the orbit of mother ship Moscow, pushing the bidding ever higher — and taking a cut along the way. In November 2013, he ended up ceding to the siren call of the Kremlin. And then the Maidan revolution forced him to flee the country, triggering a violent conflict between Ukraine's new leaders and a Russia determined not to let its recalcitrant “brother nation” escape its grasp once more. Responsibility now falls to the EU and the US to take robust measures to force Moscow to loosen its grip. [R, abr.]
64.7401 AHMED, Shafiuddin —
Bangladesh and China are partners in the new Asian Age. Both countries enjoy time-tested, all-weather relations and friendship. Though this relationship is rooted in history, but like all relationships between states, it also has to be renewed and reinvigorated from time to time. Therefore, it has become imperative to analyze this relationship in order to find out ways to improve this excellent relationship even further. Considering political, economic, diplomatic and geo-strategic perspectives, mutual interests of both countries are overlapped leading them to strengthen their friendship regardless of any domestic or international circumstances. [R, abr.]
64.7402 ANCESCHI, Luca —
This article illustrates the evolution experienced by the identity-making strategies pursued through the propagandistic exploitation of Kazakhstani foreign policy. Periodical readjustments in the focus of foreign policy rhetoric led the Kazakhstani regime to reshape the identity of the population, in order to promote forms of self-perception almost exclusively associable with the leadership that ruled the country in the post-Soviet era. Identity-making, in this context, became a crucial link in (and a key driver for) the progressive subjugation of foreign policy rhetoric to the logic of regime-building, intended here as the ensemble of concerted efforts aimed to increase the population's compliance with the leaderships’ authoritarian outlooks. [R]
64.7403 ANIEVAS, Alexander —
The theoretical significance of the Peace Treaties of 1919 for IR can hardly be overstated. For much rests on the question of whether the post-war settlement was problematic due to its liberal nature or in spite of it. Yet, explanations as to why Versailles diplomacy was so problematic vary significantly. This article provides a critique of standard IR interpretations of Wilsonian diplomacy at Versailles, illustrating how realist and liberals’ uncritical acceptance of Wilson as the quintessential “idealistliberal” statesman glosses over a core contradiction at the heart of Wilsonian diplomacy: the wielding of power politics to transcend power politics. In doing so, it examines the effects of the Bolshevik revolution as a paradigm-rupturing event transforming the nature and dynamics of the First World War and the post-war settlement. [R, abr.]
64.7404 ARIELI, Shaul —
Many Israelis and Palestinians contest the “two-state solution”. Aside from opposition on an ideological level, certain parties believe that it is no longer possible because of the increasing overlap between Israeli and Palestinian territories. However, a close study of the distribution of populations and infrastructure in the West Bank demonstrates that it is still possible to draw a “clear” border between Israel and the future Palestinian state. [R]
64.7405 AYDIN, Mustafa —
The Black Sea has been on the global agenda since the end of the Cold War, and Turkey has appeared as a rising regional power in the region. Turkey's policies in the Black Sea have aimed at the creation of region-wide multilateral cooperation schemes. Starting with the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization, it initiated several institutions with varying degrees of success. In addition to creating a stable environment, conducive to increased cooperation and enhanced trade relationships, sustaining maritime security through an elaborate balance of power in the region has been important for Turkey. While it supported closer relations with and further integration into the EU, Turkey does not wish to see competitive projects aimed at the region evolving into a cause for instability. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7392]
64.7406 AYDIN, Umut —
This article analyzes how the Turkish public evaluates the integration of the Turkish economy into the global economy, in particular, increasing trade ties, globalization, greater availability of foreign products and travel opportunities, the impact of multinational companies and international financial institutions. The evidence from Pew Global Attitudes Surveys shows that the Turkish public is overwhelmingly positive about certain changes such as increasing trade and availability of foreign products, whereas they are overwhelmingly negative about others such as the impact of multinationals and of immigration. Regression analyses demonstrate that these attitudes are shaped by individuals’ perceptions of whether they have benefited from the liberalization of the economy. [R, abr.]
64.7407 BABAJEW, Aser; GRUSHA, Xenija; ROGOVA, Vera —
The concept of justice is difficult to exclude from conflicts and resolution strategies. Frequently, it plays a negative, hardening role. In the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia argues the right to self-determination of peoples, Azerbaijan the right of territorial integrity. Both sides link their approach to the pursuit of “historical justice” in order to lend more legitimacy to their demands. This charges the conflict emotionally and makes it difficult to find a balance between the conflicting principles of international law. If forward-looking principles of justice were considered instead of backward-looking ones, a resolution of the conflict could be found. It is the responsibility of external mediators to make sure that this happens. [R]
64.7408 BABAYEV, Azar —
This article focuses on recent tendencies in democracy-promotion by comparing US and German policies in the European post-Soviet space in order to investigate the expression of both approaches in a strategically important region. It thereby analyzes the pivotal case of Belarus, which presents a great challenge to democracy-promoters. The study coneludes that external democracy-promotion in that part of the world does not show a clear differentiation between the two approaches, and suggests a few potential explanations to be explored in future research. [R, abr.]
64.7409 BAHGAT, Gawdat; SHARP, Robert —
For decades, the US has forged close relations with a number of key allies in the Arab world, particularly Egypt and Saudi Arabia, based largely on perceived national interest, not mutual values. The fundamental changes in the Arab world since early 2011 (the “Arab Spring”) have drastically altered the regional strategic landscape. This essay examines the US response to the political upheaval in the Arab world. It argues that the US should distance itself from the changes in the Arab world and give the newly established regimes the space they need to sort out their futures. Meanwhile, Washington should further strengthen relations with the non-Arab Middle Eastern “peripheries”, specifically, Israel and Turkey. Also, the nuclear deal [with] Iran in November 2013 provides an opportunity to open a new chapter in relations between Tehran and Washington. [R, abr.]
64.7410 BALCI, Bayram —
After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, cultural and religious ties to Turkey encouraged Ankara to place newly independent Central Asian states at the center of its new ambitious foreign policy for rapprochement so as to increase its influence in the Turkish-speaking world. Paradoxically, while Turkey is often made a model of secular development for the Arab and Muslim world, religious cooperation was the most successful. Indeed, Turkey's ambitions met the support of official institutions but also of massive private investors and organizations, and together they were the most influential foreign inspiration in the Islamic revival across Central Asia. The new Islamic elites who received education in Turkey or in Central Asia thanks to Turkish cooperation programs are the most visible result of Turkey's religious influence on Central Asia. [R, abr.]
64.7411 BALCI, Bayram —
Just after the end of the Soviet Union and the emergence of three independent states in the South Caucasus, Turkey started to manifest a real interest for this region. The energy issue, the key issue in this Turkish policy since the beginning, is expected to remain the key priority for Turkey because of its growing economy. Ankara tries to have a balanced relations with the three South Caucasian countries — Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia — but for multiple reasons, Turkey's policy in the South Caucasus is still determined by its relations with Azerbaijan, who is the best ally and economic partner for Ankara. [R]
64.7412 BARRINHA, André —
According to the Copenhagen School's Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), Turkey is an insulator state, as it sits at the intersection of different security complexes without truly being part of any of them. This understanding of Turkey's position in the international security realm has offered a welcome contribution to the eternal debate about the country's security alignment between East and West. Turkey has, in recent years, become more active on the international stage, diversifying its relations and taking a more assertive stance regarding international security issues. This article elaborates on the tension between RSCT and Turkey's ambitions in an attempt to understand whether and how RSCT remains a useful theoretical framework for the understanding of Turkey's foreign and security relations. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Turkey in a new regional context”, introduced by Bill PARK, “Turkey's ‘new’ foreign policy: newly influential of just over-active?”, pp. 161–164. See also Abstr. 64.6961, 7459, 7469, 7498]
64.7413 BAUMANN, Marcel M.; ZDUNNEK, Gabriele; ZITELMANN, Thomas —
We [examine] trends and processes in civil conflict-transformation and crisis-prevention in the context of security-related German development cooperation. Since the end of the Cold War, the design of a new global security architecture has been debated. In the last decade, development cooperation of the countries of the global North was increasingly moved from an independent domain into a space of action, in which exterior, interior, defense, development, and environmental policies are united under the meta-topic of “security”. The present discourses on national and global security are characterized by tensions between a desired “civilizing” of conflict management and crisis prevention and an increasing discussion of opportunities, needs and practices of civil-military cooperation. [Examining] development cooperation with Afghanistan, the context and consequences of programmatic-institutional innovations of development policies in war zones are considered. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.7414 BEN-MEIR, Alon —
Many doubt that the current Israeli-Palestinian negotiations will lead to a solution, despite US Secretary of State J. Kerry's efforts and the presumed commitment to peace of Israeli Prime Minister B. Netanyahu and Palestinian President M. Abbas. What has characterized the intractability of the conflict in the past still remain in play. This essay proposes a number of mechanisms and corrective measures that could appreciably enhance the prospect of reaching a peace agreement. Undergirding these proposals is the need for the US to put its foot down and warn both the Israelis and Palestinians that, unless they negotiate in earnest based on Kerry's proposed framework, there will be serious consequences resulting from a reassessment of its bilateral relations with both parties. [R, abr.]
64.7415 BENTLEY, Michelle —
This article examines US President B. Obama's foreign policy rhetoric on Syria, specifically in relation to the threat of chemical weapons and the prohibitionary taboo surrounding their use. It contends that Obama's rhetorical construction of the taboo is not simply a commitment to the control of these horrific weapons, but that this also represents the strategic linguistic exploitation of these normative ideals in order to directly shape policy. By analyzing presidential speeches made during the conflict, it demonstrates that Obama has manipulated pre-existing conceptions of chemical weapons as taboo, and also as forms of weapons of mass destruction, to deliberately construct policy in line with his own political ambitions — most notably as a way of forcing a multilateral solution to the situation in Syria. [R, abr.]
64.7416 BISMUTH, Régis —
Until the collapse of former President Yanukovych's regime, the political upheaval in Ukraine was primarily a domestic crisis. It turned into an international one after the Russian military intervention in Crimea and Crimea's incorporation into the Russian Federation. The violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity has generated an obligation for other states not to recognize as lawful a situation created by a breach of an obligation arising under a peremptory norm of general international law. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The Ukrainian crisis and international law”. See also Abstr. 64.7307, 7365, 7432]
64.7417 BLANK, Stephen —
This article underscores some of the immediate conclusions arising out of Russia's invasion, occupation, and annexation of Crimea. It deals not only with the implications for Ukraine but for Europe and Eurasia as a whole, with special reference to the Caucasus — an area beset by unresolved conflicts. In those contexts, the article also contains both a critique of and recommendations for ways in which to address some of the shortcomings in US policy that allowed Russia to act with both surprise and impunity. These recommendations are directed with particular emphasis and pertinence to the cognitive or intellectual shortcomings of US policy that pervade the entire political and military spectrum and represent, therefore, a bipartisan failure. [R]
64.7418 BOHN, Scott —
Russia's policy toward Afghanistan is at a critical juncture. This article explains the evolution of Moscow's policy since 2001, and assesses its future options. The findings are twofold. Moscow attempted to balance two overarching objectives: stabilize Afghanistan and maintain Russia's hegemony in Central Asia. Russian fluctuations toward Afghanistan since 2001 stemmed from changes in its perceived interests and its prioritization of these two objectives. Furthermore, Moscow is becoming increasingly concerned about Afghanistan. However, it has relatively few realistic policy options to address challenges that may develop once international military forces cease major combat operations. [R]
64.7419 BORG, Stefan —
The EU is often conceptualized as an entity profoundly different from that of the modern state. Through a reading of the recent humanitarian crisis precipitated by large-scale migration into Greece, the paper challenges the understanding that the crafting of the EU (“Euro-crafting”) is qualitatively different from the crafting of the modern state. Conceptually, the paper proposes that Euro-crafting should be thought through in relation to practices of statecraft, instead of a priori postulated as qualitatively different from such practices. Putting such an understanding of Euro-crafting to work, the paper explores the recent humanitarian crisis precipitated by large-scale migration into Greece and demonstrates how practices of Euro-crafting mirror the major desire-driven practices of modern statecraft; practices of ordering, bordering, and identification. [R]
64.7420 BRAATEN, Daniel B. —
This study identifies and explains recent US human rights policy in the Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs). Foreign aid, whether distributed directly (bilateral aid) or indirectly through multilateral institutions such as the MDBs, is one of several tools through which the US furthers its human rights policy. Several studies show the conflicted human rights policies the US pursues with bilateral aid, but very few examine the role of human rights in US multilateral aid policy. It is this deficit that the study addresses by examining what factors determine how the US votes on proposals before the Executive Board in the various MDBs. [R, abr.]
64.7421 BROCKMEIER, Sarah; KURTZ, Gerrit; JUNK, Julian —
European governments, parliaments and civil societies belong to the most important supporters of a “responsibility to protect” (R2P). However, despite a shared positive attitude towards R2P and coordinated diplomatic efforts, major European governments and therefore the EU have never reached a consensual position on R2P. Based on 47 expert interviews and a review of official government documents, the article analyzes the positions of France, Germany, the UK and the common EU institutions across a series of critical junctures of the R2P debate between 2005 and 2013. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7378]
64.7422 BROWN, James D. J. —
Having been characterized during the preceding years by bilateral tensions and ill-tempered exchanges, beginning in 2011, Japanese-Russian relations suddenly became considerable more positive. Not only did the rhetoric become significantly warmer, but the sides also succeeded in delivering a series of concrete achievements. This diplomatic transformation is a major development, not just for the countries themselves but also for the broader region. This article systematically addresses the causes of this fresh start and, in so doing, assesses the prospects of it becoming a long-term trend. [R]
64.7423 BROWN, Jonathan N. —
This article suggests that third-party states often constitute the primary targets of official secrecy and that a state's international power position shapes its decision to conceal or acknowledge military cooperation by affecting the size and attentiveness of international audiences, the types of assets it brings to the relationship and the benefits it seeks from cooperation. I test five hypotheses about leaders’ use of secrecy and acknowledgment through a statistical analysis of an original dataset on US overseas military basing negotiations. This analysis produces strong support for my argument. [R, abr.]
64.7424 BRUNBECH, Peter Yding —
This article analyzes how Danish aid began as a small but multipurpose entity that was well integrated into overall Danish foreign policy. It shows how the years 1965–1967 became formative and injected it with a new dynamic: a volume fetishism where meeting overall spending targets became one of its most important goals. This spending-target-oriented approach was first and foremost a result of domestic demands and coincided with an international development, where relative aid spending began to decline, and where only a few rich countries outside Scandinavia placed any real importance on meeting international aid targets. [R, abr.]
64.7425 BUKH, Alexander —
I join the debate on Japan's soft power and cultural diplomacy. Most of the current scholarship focuses on Japan's agency and implies that through a skillfully crafted policy that utilizes its cultural resources, Japan can enhance its soft power. I question the utility of this agent-based approach. I suggest that cultural diplomacy is not simply a matter of diplomatic craftsmanship; it reflects discursively constructed national identities that, to a large degree, are shaped by international ideational structures. Applying this framework to modern Japan's cultural diplomacy, I argue that postwar Japan's incorporation into the Western camp, and the subsequent identity transformations, have precluded the emergence of a strategic definition of Japan's culture and hence constrained Japan's cultural diplomacy. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7462]
64.7426 BURKE-WHITE, William W. —
V. Putin's exploitation of the tension between the principles of non-intervention and self-determination is in the tradition of great-power interaction with international law. But Russia's interpretation sets dangerous precedents. [R]
64.7427 BURNAY, Matthieu; HIVONNET, Joëlle; RAUBE, Kolja —
This article first [examines] the link between “soft power”, “public diplomacy” and “soft diplomacy” tools in order to set out the criteria necessary to define what “soft diplomacy” is and assess whether the P2P is indeed a soft diplomacy tool in the EU-China relationship. Second, a close examination of the diplomatic toolboxes of both the EU and China will demonstrate the benefits of using soft diplomatic instruments to consolidate and further expand the EU-China Strategic Partnership. Third, as the P2P appears as a complementary new tool rather than as a substitute for “hard diplomacy”, it is evaluated as a precious tool used by the EU and China to try to shape cooperation through governmental as well as non-governmental relations. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7493]
64.7428 CHACKO, Priya —
In 2011, the concept of the Indo-Pacific began to appear in India's foreign policy discourse. This article argues that rather than signaling a dramatic shift in India's foreign policy, however, it suggests significant continuity as well, which is contrary to the goals of the concept's most fervent proponents in India. The article develops a framework for understanding ideational change and continuity in foreign policy by theorizing the interplay between ideas, political and economic flux, and social expectations related to effective and legitimate state-building. It is argued that the Indo-Pacific concept has instigated a new emphasis on regional architecture-building to manage the ongoing regionalization in the area between the Indian and Pacific Oceans as a result of heightened trade flows and production and investment linkages. [R, abr.]
64.7429 CHAN, Steve —
This paper discusses the rationalist approach to studying extended deterrence and applies some insights from this approach to US policies toward China and Taiwan. It infers relative resolve and commitment from past conduct pertaining to relations across the Taiwan Strait and statistical patterns derived from deterrence encounters in general. [R]
64.7430 CHAN, Steve —
I consider the general idea of power shifts, with specific reference to the discourse on “China's rise”. I raise theoretical and policy concerns about the nature, sources, and consequences of China's re-emergence as a regional power, and call attention to some analytic tendencies and implicit assumptions featured in this discourse. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7462]
64.7431 CHASE, Michael S. —
Many observers suggest the history of great power relations does not bode well for the US-China relationship. Both sides are pursuing strategies that combine engagement and balancing. The US is shifting its strategic focus toward Asia to maintain US influence and assure American allies. Many in China are concerned that Washington will attempt to delay or prevent China's emergence as a great power. Nonetheless, both sides have a strong interest in avoiding a relationship characterized primarily by strategic rivalry. Washington has underscored the importance it attaches to building a stable and constructive US-China relationship. Beijing has stated it seeks a “new type of major country relationship” with the US. What all of this will mean for Taiwan is a crucial question. [R, abr.]
64.7432 CHRISTAKIS, Théodore —
The secession and de facto annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014 and the ongoing conflict between pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine and the government raise major issues of international law. This article first shows that, contrary to Russian claims, the inhabitants of Crimea and eastern Ukraine cannot rely on a “right to external self-determination” because this right was only granted to colonized peoples. The article then examines whether the secession of Crimea should be considered illegal. Normally “secession is not a question of law, but a question of fact” and the decisive criterion becomes thus the principle of effectiveness and ultimate success. International Law is not “neutral” and does not put the state and the separatist movement on an equal footing. It allows Ukraine to use all lawful means at its disposal in order to fight against secession and it clearly prohibits external military intervention in favor of the separatists. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7416]
64.7433 CIMBALA, Stephen J. —
V. Putin used a composite of ancient and modern methods of military persuasion in first destabilizing, and then annexing, Crimea in February and March of 2014. Putin's use of military persuasion through Russian and proxy forces enabled him to annex Crimea and to set the stage for further imposition of Russia's will on Ukraine's eastern provinces. Russia's determination to resist excessive Westernization by Ukraine, especially the possibility of Ukrainian membership in NATO, exceeded the willingness of the US and its allies to reverse Putin's gains in Crimea. [R]
64.7434 CLEGG, Peter —
The article gives an overview of Guyana's pattern of economic development and the problems associated with key economic sectors. It then considers how its quest for development is being enhanced and sometimes hindered by its expanding set of foreign relations at the regional, hemispheric and global levels. It suggests that there is a real chance for Guyana to make a step-change in its level of development, but important internal reforms and a delicate foreign policy balancing act are required for these gains to be realized. [R]
64.7435 COPPOLANI, Antoine —
In 2013, B. Obama and J. Kerry managed, not without difficulty, to steer Israeli and Palestinian leaders back to peace negotiations. At the same time, Washington re-established dialogue with Tehran in talks aimed at finding a solution to the Iranian nuclear problem. With B. Netanyahu establishing a clear link between the Iranian issue and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Obama-Rohani rapprochement hindered the chances of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement. [R]
64.7436 CROOKES, Paul C. Irwin —
This article argues that the technical assistance programs of the EU have been among the most effective soft-power instruments in shaping the influence that Europe has had within key actor communities during China's re-emergence. The IPR2 project is one such example. The article locates this initiative within the context of joint interests as an intersection between the EU's motivations in embedding a more sophisticated approach across China towards the importance of intellectual property protection and China's needs to improve her own domestic level of innovation. This method of cooperation is an illustration of normative transference through diffusion and shows how engagement can move beyond a narrow notion of soft power to encompass more wide-ranging interpretations that highlight the importance of a nation's technological capability and the influence possessed by a country's scientific achievement. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7493]
64.7437 CUPAC, Jelena —
The article examines the impact of emerging international norms on the behavior of states, thus filling a gap within the constructivist IR scholarship which has mostly focused on the relationship between fully-fledged, inter-subjective and internalized norms and the behavior these norms encourage. It argues that emerging norms should be understood in terms of the (morally charged) legitimacy claims that sustain them and have the ability to prompt states to consider compliance due to a fear of international shaming, exclusion or some other losses. Empirically, it inquires into China's approach to the “responsibility to protect” (R2P) principle by examining its recent voting strategies in the UN Security Council: its abstention on the Resolution tackling Libyan crisis and three subsequent vetos in relation to Syrian uprising. [R, abr.]
64.7438 DANCHEV, Alex —
This review article considers the case of D. Rumsfeld and his disastrous tenure as US Secretary of Defense (2001–2006), as recounted by Rumsfeld himself in his memoirs and other writings, and in interviews with the celebrated documentary filmmaker E. Morris, for The unknown known (2014). In all of these works, he appears completely unreconstructed; indeed, remarkably self-satisfied. The article reflects on Rumsfeld as operator and courtier, and Morris's pursuit of a man without qualities, with reference to H. Arendt's notion of “the banality of evil”. [R]
64.7439 DAVIDSON, Janine —
Since President B. Obama announced the “rebalance” to the Asia-Pacific, there has been much confusion, and even skepticism, about the nature and intent of the strategy. The military's role in the rebalance is designed not to “contain” China, but to catalyze multilateral cooperation on shared security issues, such as piracy, humanitarian assistance, disaster response and freedom of navigation. By creating the institutional and in some cases physical infrastructure into which others can engage, America's military activities in Asia promote general professionalism and interoperability, which ultimately contributes to regional stability and security. Crises will flare up in the Middle East and elsewhere that will demand the attention of the US and raise questions about America's commitment to this new policy. But concerns over the strength of the US commitment are unfounded. [R, abr.]
64.7440 DÉRENS, Jean-Arnault —
Serbia, Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania are trapped in a paradox. [Although] political leaders of every stripe say they are determined to bring their countries into the EU, never have their electorates [been] less enthusiastic. The voters have at least two reasons to be wary. For one thing, even the most passionate Europhile's ardor would be cooled by the tribulations of several neighboring countries, whose entry into the EU did nothing to protect them from recession. For another, the powers in Brussels seem in no hurry to proceed with another round of enlargement. In such glum circumstances, there is a real risk that the pro-European consensus of the Balkan elites will crack under the pressure from below of various budding nationalisms. [R, abr.]
64.7441 DJUKIC, Srecko —
What really happened in Ukraine in Winter and Spring 2014? Kiev's painfully familiar policy of blackmail, the favorite instrument of all Ukrainian regimes (“pro-Russian” and pro-Western alike), triggered another political crisis. All Ukrainian presidents, one after another, seemed determined to sit between two stools. In the last twenty years, Ukrainian leaders made one step toward Russia and one step toward the EU, NATO and the US. The frantic efforts of half-baked Ukrainian politics conducted by half-baked Ukrainian politicians who tried to “milk” the West and Russia ended with a classical coup and a complete fiasco. [R]
64.7442 DO CÉU PINTO, Maria —
Since the end of the Cold War, Portugal has reviewed its peacekeeping policy and has made a strong commitment to UN operations. This article [examines] Portugal's motives for participating in Peacekeeping operations (PKO), a costly and hazardous venture, especially for a small country with limited resources. I argue that Portugal's involvement in peacekeeping stems from the belief of policy-makers that such activities promote the country's national interests by enhancing its influence in key international fora such as the UN. However, the article also argues that the concept of national interest is best understood through the lens of constructivism, because constructivist scholarship has largely been interested in how international norms, rules and principles shape and constitute state understandings of practices and order. [R, abr.]
64.7443 DOBELL, Graeme —
Afghanistan was Australia's longest war, yet the consensus between Australia's major political parties on the commitment never wavered. The bipartisan unity held even as the nature of the war changed and evolved, Australian casualties rose and popular support fell away. The enduring centrality of the US alliance explains much about the unbroken consensus of the Australian polity. Afghanistan was an example of the Australian alliance addiction, similar to Vietnam. As with Vietnam, the Australian military left Afghanistan believing it won its bit of the war, even if the Afghanistan war is judged a disaster. As Australia heads home it finds the US pivoting in its direction; with all the similarities that can be drawn between Vietnam and Afghanistan, this post-war alliance effect is a huge difference between the two conflicts. [R, abr.]
64.7444 EATON, Jonathan —
The crisis of 2008/2009 brutally ruptured a fault line that had separated northern European countries and countries to the east, south and west. The trade deficits of the not-north of Europe rapidly reversed. This reversal came hand in hand with drastic increases in unemployment. The north's pre-crisis trade surpluses continued into the post-crisis era with Europe as a whole replacing China as the largest surplus bloc in the world. Unemployment in the north has also largely returned to pre-crisis levels. This fissure between the two parts of the continent exposed serious contradictions in the financial architecture of Europe. Some are design flaws fixable within the existing institutional framework and are being addressed. But these fixes cannot overcome the harm imposed by stretching a currency union over what remains a very diverse and disconnected continent. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7589]
64.7445 EKICI, Behsat; COBAN, Adem —
The devastating impacts of the Afghan heroin trade have spilled over into Southwest Asia, Central Asia, Russia, China, the Balkans, and Europe. Because Turkey stands on the shortest transit pathway between Southwest Asia and Europe, it is intensively exposed to illicit flows of Afghan heroin along the Balkan Route. Transnational crime syndicates have been exploiting Turkish territories for decades for the purpose of trafficking heroin to European markets. This paper discusses Afghan heroin as an international security conundrum. It explores the dimensions of the threat in Turkey, new patterns in heroin-trafficking, and profiles and operation modes of transnational syndicates. [R, abr.]
64.7446 EKMAN, Alice —
China is increasingly active in the Asia-Pacific region, an area that makes up the main focus of its foreign policy. To date, China's behavior has not followed a clearly defined and integrated strategy, but has sought to defend its interests, particularly economic, against those of the US and its allies. With this aim in mind, China has moved slowly, progressively deploying its commercial power, but also through more strong-handed maneuvers, which have alarmed its neighbors. [R] [First of a series of articles on “China: a new diplomacy?”. See also Abstr. 64.7496, 7501, 7517, 7519]
64.7447 ELIGÜR, Banu —
This article argues that the “Arab Spring” has ended the long-standing US-Israeli common strategy of supporting pro-Western and semi-secular autocracies in the Arab world. During these tumultuous events Washington chose to support the rebellions to varying degrees, thus exacerbating Israel's concerns regarding the adverse regional implications attending this shift (notably the ascendance of Islamist regimes and the diversion of world attention from Iran's nuclear quest). By way of ameliorating such threats, the US needs to pursue a policy of supporting pro-democracy groups in the region while formulating a clear policy to deal with the threats from Iran and radical Islamist groups. All in all, the “Arab Spring” has created a highly volatile strategic environment thus making Israel an even more valuable strategic ally for the US. [R]
64.7448 ERSOY, Aksel —
How has regional planning been transformed in increasingly changing socio-economic and political contexts in transition economies? Why do regional planning policies and practices change? This paper explains how the policy ideas of regional development have been formulated and incorporated into the Turkish context since the establishment of modernday Turkey in 1923. The transformation process shows how, in one way or another, policy ideas have been brought into or appeared in Turkey to shape regional policy. It emphasizes that this sort of acquisition of thinking has been translated into policy frameworks. In other words, Turkey has been taking on policies that have been devised using ideas from outside Turkey, which are being dominated by growth-oriented strategies that represent a neoliberal political agenda. [R]
64.7449 ETZIONI, Amitai —
In May 2013, the Pentagon released an unclassified summary of the topsecret Air-Sea Battle (ASB) Concept. ASB serves to focus the Pentagon's efforts to organize, train and equip the armed forces against advanced weapons systems that threaten the US military's unfettered freedom of access and action in the global commons. While officials claim ASB merely improves service interoperability and could be applied in any number of conflict situations, this article argues that in fact the doctrine represents the Pentagon's plan for confronting China's increasingly capable and confident military. This raises two urgent questions: how does ASB fit into an overall US foreign policy toward China — and, if a military confrontation cannot be avoided, are there less risky alternatives, such a maritime blockade, that can achieve the same ends as ASB? [R]
64.7450 FALLON, Theresa —
What are the implications of China's greater involvement with Europe? What will be the impact of China's investments in Central Eastern Europe and the Chinese-led institutionalization of the “16 + 1”? Will Beijing continue to play EU member states off one another as they compete for Chinese FDI? How will China's growing presence in the Arctic affect EU and US interests? Will Europe continue to be a source of high-tech, dualuse technology that China cannot obtain from the US? How does China perceive the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) now under negotiation between the EU and the US? This article examines EU-China areas of cooperation and collision of interests as China's economic and political influence continues to grow in Europe. [R, abr.]
64.7451 FINDSEN, Lars —
Danish defense forces contributed to Denmark's active defense and security policy by partaking in existing operations in, e.g., Afghanistan, Kosovo and off the coast of Somalia. In addition, new operations were launched and new partnerships emerged, as underscored by the Danish lead in the maritime transport operation to remove chemical agents from Syria and participation in the efforts to restore order in Mali. Danish defense forces also contributed to NATO's air-policing mission over the Baltic States, to NATO's augmentation of Turkish air defense, and to capacity-building in East Africa. These operations are testimony to the high international demand for Danish military contributions: allies and partners know that Denmark has both the ability and willingness to deploy to far corners of the globe to solve challenging tasks in a professional manner. [R, abr.]
64.7452 FOOT, Rosemary —
A more powerful China under the seemingly confident leadership of President Xi Jinping has committed to a more activist global policy. In particular, this commitment has influenced Beijing's policy towards UN peacekeeping operations, with a long-awaited decision to add combat forces to the engineering troops and police and medical units that have been features of its past contribution. In addition, Beijing has doubled the size of its contribution to the UN peace operations budget. This article explains why the UN is a key venue for China to demonstrate its “responsible Great Power” status and expressed willingness to provide global public goods. The main explanatory factors relate to the UN's institutional design, which accords special status to China even as it represents a global order that promotes the sovereign equality of states. [R, abr.]
64.7453 FREIRE, Maria Raquel —
This paper looks at how Russian policies towards the Black Sea countries have affected its relations with the EU, departing from Russian foreign policy and how its goals are projected in this area. It argues that Russia has promoted a policy towards the Black Sea in line with its main foreign policy goals, and that regarding the EU, it has been following and (re)acting to EU policies and actions in diverse ways, though the Russian rhetoric towards the EU has been harsher than its political moves, due to an understanding of the EU as being a limited player in the area. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7392]
64.7454 GAFFNEY, John —
This article draws upon developments in UK research on political rhetoric and political performance in order to examine the incident in 2013 when French President F. Hollande committed French forces to a US-led punitive strike against Syria, after the use of chemical weapons in a Damascus suburb on 21 August. The US-led retaliation did not take place. This article analyzes Hollande's declaration on 27 July and his TV appearance on 15 September. His rhetoric and style are best understood as generic to the nature of the presidential office of the Fifth Republic. The article appraises how analysis of the French case contributes to the developing literature on rhetoric, celebrity and performance. [R]
64.7455 GOLDSMITH, Benjamin E. —
While East Asia is often cited as a region at high risk of interstate military conflict, it has remained free of major hostilities since the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese war. I propose a second-order diffusion dynamic to help explain this East Asian peace, based on the stimulus event of China's shift in political-economic models that began in 1978. While the “flying geese” diffusion of open trading and developmental state policies in East Asia began earlier, China's shift contributed to dramatic region-wide change in a key variable: the volume of trade flows. Intraregional trade interdependence did not increase greatly because strong economic growth accompanied increased intraregional trade flows. Rather than interdependence, my argument focuses on the utility of high volumes of trade for interstate crisis signaling to avoid escalation to war. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6503]
64.7456 GORDON, Todd; WEBBER, Jeffery R. —
In June 2009, Honduran president, M. Zelaya, was overthrown in a military coup d'état, followed by the systematic repression of anti-coup activists and the eventual election of current president, P. Lobo, amid that repression and in the absence of constitutional democracy. Canada actively intervened politically. Canada's intervention has been marked by the bold promotion of the interests of Canadian capital operating in Honduras, as part of a wider geopolitical concern of the Canadian state to reproduce a political environment in Latin America amenable to the interests of Canadian investors. Using interviews with Honduran activists organizing against the coup and Canadian capital, as well as Canadian government documents obtained through Access to Information, this article explores the political-economic strategies of Canada's post-coup intervention in Honduras. [R, abr.]
64.7457 GÖTZ, Roland —
After the shooting down of a passenger aircraft from Malaysian Airlines over Eastern Ukraine in mid-July 2014, the EU imposed an embargo on arms and oil technology against Russia. This is supposed to force Moscow to abandon its support for separatists in Eastern Ukraine. Even if the embargo affects Russia more than the previously decided freezing of accounts and travel restrictions for government officials, it constrains the Russian political leadership's room for manoeuver only a little. Russia is not very vulnerable, economically and especially politically. Nonetheless, the sanctions have a significant demonstration effect. [R]
64.7458 GRAVELLE, Timothy B. —
It is interesting to observe that there is a substantial body of research on Canadian public opinion toward the US but relatively little on American public opinion toward Canada. Further, most literature neglects the effect of spatial proximity to the other country on perceptions. This article addresses both shortcomings in the literature. It investigates the mutual perceptions of the Canadian and American publics drawing on public opinion data from both Canada and the US. The explanation of attitudes toward the other country has three main foci: the roles of political party identification and political ideology; the role of spatial proximity to the Canada-US border; and the interactive relationship between political attitudes and border proximity. [R, abr.]
64.7459 GÜNAY, Defne —
Turkey's growing regional presence in the Middle East has been at the center of several debates recently. This article approaches the debate on Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East from a Europeanization perspective. It assesses the Europeanization of state capacity in relation to Turkey's foreign policy towards the Arab Middle East from 1999 to 2010. It is argued that Turkey's EU accession process has transformed the state, business and increased state capacity to implement Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East. This transformation enabled the Turkish government and business actors to improve Turkey's political and economic relations with the Arab Middle East. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7412]
64.7460 GUSTAFSSON, Karl —
The idea that China's rise, and more specifically its increased material capabilities, are about to produce a power shift in East Asia raises the question whether the Chinese government's ability to produce effects through discursive power has also increased. The government's use of discourses about China's war against Japan is a conspicuous example of attempts to exercise discursive power. Has China's ability to use the past for political purposes increased as its material capabilities have grown? To answer this question, I theorize on the use of discourses about the past on three levels — domestic, bilateral, and international. My analysis demonstrates that notwithstanding its increased material capabilities, the Chinese government's discursive power has actually decreased. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7462]
64.7461 HABIYAREMYE, Alexis; OĜUZLU, Tarik —
Africa's booming growth dynamics have drawn a renewed interest of its traditional western trade partners, who felt their preferential relations threatened by the growing Chinese competition for access to the abundant strategic resources. With the objectives of the geostrategic game shifting from territorial domination to political hegemony, oil and profits, the payoffs to different protagonists have become more complementary than mutually exclusive. As a result, new foreign actors seeking to use their own specific approaches to take advantage of the growing African trade and investment opportunities have emerged. We analyze the main patterns of global actors’ engagement with Africa, as well as shed some light on the way how Turkey has gotten involved in the continent. [R, abr.]
64.7462 HAGSTRÖM, Linus; JERDEN, Björn —
The widespread debate on an East Asian power shift is generally based on the crude notion that power and capability are interchangeable. We critique this view and offer the alternative that power is the capacity of actors and discourses to produce effects — what we call relational and productive power, respectively. We also engage in a reflexive exercise by addressing the productive power of the power-shift debate itself, and emphasize the danger that this debate might enable the kind of realpolitik that it forebodes. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The East Asia power shift: a critical appraisal”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.7425, 7430, 7460, 7497, 7502]
64.7463 HAINES, Daniel —
The construction of territorial sovereignty is key to conceptions of modern states. Yet after the Partition of India and Pakistan in 1947, when both became independent from Britain, the precise nature of India's relationship to Pakistan was open to some question. Was Pakistan a foreign country? Was India's relationship to it international? This article uses the example of a dispute over water resources in the Indus Basin to highlight the process through which Indian officials in New Delhi's External Affairs and Law ministries came to define Pakistan as constitutionally, as well as geographically, “outside” India between 1948 and 1951. Yet while Indian policy-makers maneuvered into an aggressive stance against Pakistan, both countries’ membership of the British Commonwealth implied an international relationship blurring the formal distinction between “domestic” and “foreign”. [R, abr.]
64.7464 HAKIM, Peter —
US-Brazilian relations sunk to one of their lowest points ever following last year's exposure of the US government's massive surveillance, including the correspondence of President Rousseff and the business operations of Brazil's national oil company, Petrobras. Brazilian authorities responded angrily. US-Brazil ties have not been constructive for more than a generation. Washington views Brazil primarily as a regional actor, and wants its cooperation mainly on inter-American issues. For Brazil, regional collaboration means working with other Latin American nations — not the US. Brazil usually wants the US to keep a distance from the region. The US is no more enthusiastic about Brazil assuming a global role. Relations will probably improve, but they could get worse. The two governments need to take steps to rebuild trust. [R, abr.]
64.7465 HENDRICKSON, David C. —
From a self-consciously conservative power in the early years of the Cold war, the US has now fully emerged as revolutionary actor in the 21st c. [R]
64.7466 HENRIKSEN, Anders —
In recent years, the US has conducted hundreds of targeted operations against alleged terrorists in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and Libya, and the article analyzes if the operations comply with jus ad bellum. It first summarizes the status of the relevant legal principles and concludes that the right to self-defense has undergone substantial changes since the attacks on 9/11. The second part analyzes if the American operations comply with this legal framework and concludes that the majority of the operations appear to be based on local consent and therefore comply with jus ad bellum. The operations may also be lawful if they comply with a right to self-defense, but I submit that the attacks on 11 September 2001 can no longer serve as a basis for an American right to self-defense. [R, abr.]
64.7467 HONG, Natalie Yan —
This article focuses on the educational aspect of the soft diplomacy between the EU and China, with emphasis on the case study of the Erasmus Mundus Scholarship Program that funds hundreds of Chinese students and scholars every year to study in Europe and its equivalent in China — the Chinese Government Scholarship (EU Window). After an overview of the EU-China educational exchange and cooperation, the second section examines how the EU and China develop education diplomacy in a cooperating manner. The third section [examines] the two [programs]. It presents and analyzes the results of two surveys specially designed to evaluate the impacts of both programs on their Chinese and European beneficiaries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7493]
64.7468 HOODBHOY, Pervez; MIAN Zia —
Since Pakistan launched its nuclear weapons program, and especially since the nuclear tests of 1998, a way of thinking and a related set of feelings about the bomb have taken hold among policy-makers and the public in Pakistan. These include the ideas that the bomb can ensure Pakistan's security; resolve the long-standing dispute with India over Kashmir in Pakistan's favor; help create a new national spirit; establish Pakistan as a leader among Islamic countries; and usher in a new stage in Pakistan's economic development. None of these hopes has come to pass, and in many ways Pakistan is much worse off than before it went nuclear. Yet the feelings about the bomb will have to be set aside if Pakistan is to move towards nuclear restraint and nuclear disarmament. [R, abr.]
64.7469 ILGIT, Asli; OZKECECI-TANER, Binnur —
An important component of Turkey's “pivotal regional power” status was its non-permanent seat at the UN Security Council in 2009–2011. By focusing on two cases — the 2010 flotilla incident and the Iranian nuclearization — this study examines (1) Turkey's regional and global leadership role at the UN Security Council and (2) how the “rhythmic diplomacy” principle of Turkey's foreign policy is exercised internationally. This paper also demonstrates that Turkey's policy of cooperation with other pivotal states signals possible future alliances among rising middle powers that might challenge western preferences on important issues. This study is timely as Turkey is seeking, again, non-permanent membership in the Security Council for the 2015–2016 term. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7412]
64.7470 INTAN, Rocky —
The ascendance of China has threatened the current hegemonic position of the US. The US has responded by engaging deeper with countries in the region of Asia-Pacific, strategically and economically. The Trans-Pacific Partnership is a part of the US economic engagement in the region. Based on the realist theory of state action by M. Mastanduno et al. [“Towards a realist theory of state action”, International Studies Quarterly 33(4), Dec. 1989: 457–474; Abstr. 40.1344], this paper argues that the Trans-Pacific Partnership is a natural strategy of the US due to its international and domestic power position. TPP will benefit the US as a future trading template in Asia-Pacific. [R]
64.7471 JACKSON, Van —
This article argues that hedging — not balancing or bandwagoning — is the central tendency in Asian international relations, offering three different lenses for making sense of this phenomenon, focusing in particular on the third: power-transition theory, mistrust under multipolarity, and complex networks. Each perspective highlights different factors that explain the incentives for Asian states to hedge, what hedging looks like, and how long hedging is likely to endure. Power transition theory tells us that hedging is the result of uncertainty about a possible power transition between the US and China. Multipolarity points us to uncertainty about the intentions of a growing number of states. [R, abr.]
64.7472 JAGANATHAN, Madhan Mohan; KURTZ, Gerrit —
With an ostensible commitment to sovereignty and non-intervention and a long standing involvement in UN peacekeeping operations, India's position on R2P seems puzzling. Still, despite the rhetoric about India being an “emerging power”, it often abstains from diplomatic engagement beyond its region, including in R2P situations. What explains its skeptical interpretation, cautious attitude and limited practice? The paper shows that India's position has evolved in three phases since 2005, from skepticism via calibrated engagement to renewed suspicions after the fallout of the Libya intervention. The paper argues that mainly domestic factors can account for these changes in India's R2P policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7378]
64.7473 JANES, Jackson —
While A. Merkel enjoys popularity at home, seen as pragmatic and reliable, she faces numerous outward expectations and pressures that challenge Germany's foreign policy of restraint. Some argue that Germany does not pull its weight in foreign policy, particularly militarily, or at least is reluctant to do so. This view is shared by Germany's leaders: both Foreign Minister F.-W. Steinmeier and President J. Gauck, among others, have expressed their desire for an increased German role in the world. Many politicians, however, do not see an advantage to focusing on foreign issues in their export-heavy economy. Other challenges, including disillusionment among Germans regarding their relationships with Russia and the US, will force Merkel to set an agenda that balances domestic concerns with her allies’ expectations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7290]
64.7474 JONES, Catherine —
The growing number of books and articles on China's rise, whether it is sustainable, whether it is a model for other developing states, and most importantly, whether it is likely to change the current international order, highlights the level of interest in this phenomenon. This article suggests that focusing on China alone is not enough; instead it is essential to view the rise of China exemplifying the relationship between international order, great powers’ status, and the shaping of the roles and responsibilities of great powers. When seen as a part of the construction of international order, great powers are also constructs within international order; as a result, China as a “great power” does not exist apart from the international order it is rising into. [R, abr.]
64.7475 JUNK, Julian —
This article investigates the US foreign and security policy with regard to the responsibility to protect (R2P). Based on the analysis of expert interviews and official documents, it traces the US position on R2P across critical junctures between the principle's 2005 adoption at the UN World Summit and its latest invocations in the Syrian crises of 2013. It discusses the recent atrocity prevention agenda of the US Government as ambitious and as a still evolving operationalization of R2P. The article reveals several patterns in US attitude and practices towards R2P across recent administrations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7378]
64.7476 KENEALY, Daniel; MacLENNAN, Stuart —
The position of an independent Scotland within the EU has recently been a subject of considerable debate. The European Commission has argued that any newly independent state formed from the territory of an existing Member State would require an Accession Treaty. This article critiques that official position and distinguishes between a set of claims that could be made on behalf of an independent Scottish state, and a set of claims that could be made on behalf of the citizens of an independent Scottish state vis-à-vis the EU. It argues that the general principles of the EU Treaties ought to govern how Scotland is treated, and that a new Accession Treaty is not necessary. [R, abr.]
64.7477 KIBRIA, Ruksana —
The goal of Tehran's nuclear brinksmanship is essentially ensuring its regional primacy, which accords with US interests, too. While the recent interim Iran deal apparently concerns the nuclear issue, it has far-reaching implications for the global energy market, which the relaxation of economic sanctions and the integration of Iran as a legitimate member of the international community is certain to affect. US-Iran normalization of relations is quietly enhancing China's role, both economic and military, in the Gulf region, whose energy resources for the foreseeable future would continue to remain crucial for Beijing. More than a reconciliation between Washington and Tehran, the essence of a real paradigm shift would involve a Saudi-Iranian accommodation, and de facto Saudi acceptance of Iran's regional pre-eminence. [R, abr.]
64.7478 KIM Insoo —
This study examines why the South Korean government's engagement policy toward North Korea did not create a functionalist spillover effect. In pursuit of this goal, we address two questions: (1) what factors make North Korea especially supportive of inter-Korean dialogue on low-level politics; and (2) have these factors created a favorable condition for inter-Korean dialogue on high-level politics? Analysis of 455 inter-Korean dialogues indicates that North Korea made use of inter-Korean dialogue as a means of enhancing its chance for regime survival. [R, abr.]
64.7479 KNUDSEN, Tonny Brems —
Is Danish foreign policy activism in one form or another sustainable in a multipolar world order and, if so, how? The answer is sought in the interplay between the evolving patterns of great power management and regional ownership on the one hand and Danish activism on the other. It is argued that current great power relations are characterized by soft and hard balancing as well as concerted action, the shifts between them being dependent on calculations of interests, status, and regional ownership. [In] these circumstances, Danish foreign policy activism remains possible, but only by means of careful navigation between Western great powers, rising powers, and regional organizations. [R, abr.]
64.7480 KNUDSEN, Ulrik Vestergaard —
Danish foreign policy and the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2013 were marked by the continuing economic and political diffusion of power on the global stage — a development that generates dynamism and new opportunities in the globalized world, but also challenges the position of Europe. The Permanent Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs describes the political and economic developments in the world — which have led to a far-reaching reorganization of Danish diplomatic representations abroad — and analyzes the most important Danish foreign policy priorities of 2013. The article emphasizes trends in the EU, in international security, and regarding the Arctic and the transatlantic dimensions, as well as developments in the Middle East, Asia and Africa, and finally global development trends. [R]
64.7481 KONOPLYOV, Sergei; DELANOË, Igor —
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US has become one of the main actors on the Black Sea stage. Whereas energy has been the key driver of Washington's involvement in the region since the end of the 1990s, the US agenda has broadened to include security issues and democratization after the 9/11 [2001] attacks. Today, in the context of the withdrawal from Afghanistan and the “pivot to Asia”, the US influence in the Black Sea is retrenching. However, despite a seeming waning interest, Washington's involvement in the region is likely to remain driven by energy security considerations as well as by the deployment of NATO's Ballistic Missile Defense. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7392]
64.7482 KÖSE, Talha —
This study examines the debates on Turkey's power in international arena with a theoretical perspective. Various theoretical schools in Political Science and IR analyze forms of non-coercive power in different ways. Soft power, economic interdependence, cultural power and conflict resolution are predominant practical non-coercive foreign policy instruments. Turkish foreign policy has made remarkable progress in these fields in the last decade. The study argues that non-coercive power will become more central in world politics in the coming years. Non-coercive forms of power will especially be more important for the Middle east and North Africa, where the authoritarian regimes are dissolving under the influence of the “Arab Spring”. [R]
64.7483 KRANZ, Jerzy —
The principle of self-determination of peoples must be viewed as an instrument of justice and stability. There is no right to secession or prohibition of secession in international law. The secession of Kosovo cannot be a precedent for Crimea. Russia's interpretation of the ICJ advisory opinion of 2010 is clearly inconsistent. Consideration of the Crimean case in the context of self-determination is a guise of Russian aggression leading to the annexation of Crimea. Russian military action evidently satisfies the criteria enumerated by the definition of aggression contained in the UN GA Resolution 3314 and also Art. 8bis of the ICC statute. The reliance on self-defense in the context of protecting Russian citizens in Ukraine is in any case unjustified. The recently-developed doctrine of responsibility to protect cannot be applied either. [R, abr.]
64.7484 KUCHINSKY, George —
Russia's current system of government is weakening. V. Putin's annexation of Crimea only masks this underlying trend. The system remains centered around him, [and] he has effectively eliminated individual and institutional political rivals. But public criticism has become more diffuse and hard to neutralize. The impact of public opinion on driving the political process is growing and the opposition is expanding and coalescing. This is manifested through multifaceted forms of dissent and the growing influence of opposition leader A. Navalniy. The dissent, initially fueled by prominent opinion-makers, evolved into sporadic protests in key urban centers and political campaigns. Why did people who used to support Putin or were apathetic become critical, speaking out and even engaging in opposition activity? The most likely catalyst was the 2008–2009 financial crisis. [R, abr.]
64.7485 KUROWSKA, Xymena —
In Western analysis, Russia's insistence on the supremacy of international law serves as little more than a strategy to sustain parity with the West. The Kremlin's justification of its use of responsibility to protect is seen as an abuse of humanitarian language and a smokescreen in the pursuit of geopolitical interests. Formulated from within the liberal paradigm, such interpretations underestimate the normative saturation of strategic action. This article examines Russia's discourse of multipolarity not as being purely strategic — as is widely held — but rather as a form of resistance to the perceived liberal hegemony of the West. The effects of such resistance resemble the outcomes of strategic maneuvering but they should not be reduced to such. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7378]
64.7486 LARSEN, Henrik —
The political system of the EU and its member states is frequently seen as post-Westphalian within constructivist-inspired research, based on the view that political authority and legitimacy are to be found both at the EU level and the national level with no clear borders between them. [I consider] how the member states conceive of themselves as foreign policy actors in this situation where they are both politically embedded in EU foreign policy structures and, in most cases, formally able to act outside the EU structures in the field of foreign policy. The paper first presents theoretical considerations relating to discursive articulations of state identity in an EU context. The relevance of these discursive articulations is then illustrated through the empirical example of Danish articulations of actorness prior to and post Lisbon. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7321]
64.7487 LEE, Lavina —
This article assesses whether a prospective government led [by] the National League for Democracy (NLD) will have the capacity to eradicate Indian insurgent groups (IIGs) operating in Myanmar's territory, be responsive to initiatives to expand trade between the two countries — particularly with India's northeastern states — and be more open to Indian investment. While the NLD is committed to greater economic liberalization and a closer economic relationship with India, Myanmar will not be an attractive market for Indian firms for some time until liberal institutions and open competitive practices are more firmly established. This article also argues that the NLD lacks a credible plan to bring an end to the country's long running ethnic insurgencies, and will not have the capacity to comprehensively crack down on IIGs. [R, abr.]
64.7488 LEE Wei-chin —
This study examines the 2012 Diaoyu(tai)/Senkaku islands dispute to explain why Japan's domestic act of nationalization of the islands escalated into sequential reactions from China, Taiwan, and the US. It analyzes issues and policies of all concerned parties in the Islands dispute with intent to highlight features of each player's calculations, perceptions, and risks at the national, dyadic, and regional levels. [R]
64.7489 LI, Albert C.T.; CHANG Ching Chun —
EU and China regarded S&T cooperation as a means of market and technology access, and an illustration of their strategic partnership against the backdrop of international geopolitical and economic mutual interests. However, with China's political and economic power rising, the Galileo case reveals the limitations of their partnership, and the hidden difference of their perception of S&T governance and cooperation. National security interests often prevail over other foreign policy objectives. If their S&T cooperation remains in linear innovation approach with the focus on R&D, their collaboration will be marginal, as relative gains would end their partnership once their complementarity faded away. We suggest that the employment of EU's non-linear innovation approach in EU-China S&T cooperation offers the two sides an opportunity to deepen their partnership in S&T. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7493]
64.7490 LIU Tiewa; ZHANG Haibin —
Over the past several decades, international debates over intervention have usually focused on the primacy of state sovereignty or the protection of human rights. The emergence of the responsibility to protect (R2P) stimulates more profound debates by providing different perspectives and terminologies. In this vein, an important voice of dissent, or at least skepticism, comes from China. This article pays special attention to the domestic debates concerning the R2P concept in China. Based on a review of most of the academic studies on R2P in China, together with in-depth interviews with senior diplomats and practitioners, this article illustrates the different views of Chinese officials and scholars on the concept of R2P. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7378]
64.7491a MANICOM, James —
As the B. Obama administration's rebalance enters its fourth year, Washington's search for like-minded partners in the Asia-Pacific region continues. This article assesses Canada's potential role in this economic, diplomatic, and military effort to link US prosperity with that of the Asia-Pacific and outlines the scope of potential cooperation between the two countries. Canada is the US's longest-standing and closest ally and trading partner. Furthermore, the US rebalance comes at a time when the government of S. Harper is preparing to re-engage the Asia-Pacific region. Nonetheless, US policy-makers should be circumspect in their expectations for Canadian contributions to regional security, despite the commonality of regional interests. Specifically, US policy-makers should be aware that Canada's re-engagement with the Asia-Pacific is driven by a desire to reduce its trade reliance on the US. [R]
64.7491b McCORMICK, John —
As Britain prepares for a possible referendum on continued membership of the EU, it is essential that more careful thought is paid to the dynamics of referendums. Polling data reveal a substantial knowledge-deficit in the UK and other parts of the EU: large numbers of voters simply do not understand the EU. There is also reason to question the conventional view that voters can correct for such a deficit by using cues from opinion leaders and the media. The experience of recent referendums in other EU member states suggests that many voters will take part in the proposed British referendum without independent and informed knowledge of the issues at stake, that many will have been swayed by partisan elite opinion, and that many will decide on the basis of their views about domestic politics rather than their views about Europe. [R, abr.]
64.7492 MEDCALF, Rory —
The 2013 Australian Defense White Paper categorically termed Australia's zone of strategic interest the Indo-Pacific, the first time any government has defined its region this way. This raises questions about what the Indo-Pacific means, whether it is a coherent strategic system, the provenance of the concept and its implications for Asian security as well as Australian policy. Indo-Pacific Asia can best be understood as an expansive definition of a maritime super-region centered on South-East Asia, arising principally from the emergence of China and India as outward-looking trading states and strategic actors. It is a strategic system insofar as it involves the intersecting interests of key powers such as China, India and the US. [R, abr.]
64.7493 MEN Jing —
Since 2003, both the EU and China have addressed each other as “strategic partner”; however, observers have noticed many problems in bilateral relations. As a matter of fact, after a short so-called honeymoon period in 2003 and 2004, the two experienced a long period of reflection and adjustment. Why are there many problems between the two? What is the nature of the EU-China partnership? What have the EU and China been doing to further develop cooperation? How will bilateral relationship evolve in the future? This article examines the convergence and divergence between the two sides and to study the prospects for EU-China relations in the 21st c. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “EU-China relations and diplomacy”, edited and introduced by the author. See also Abstr. 64.7000, 7427, 7436, 7467, 7489, 7512, 7524, 7547]
64.7494 MORRIS, John C., et al. —
While much has been written about collaborative federalism, the focus of this research has been on collaboration between [US] governmental agencies at the national, state, and local levels. However, a growing body of evidence suggests there is a greater role available for nongovernmental actors in collaborative federalism. This article presents a case in which a local grassroots environmental nonprofit organization plays a critical role in the implementation of Total Maximum Daily Load (TMDL) requirements in the Chesapeake Bay watershed. We conclude that such collaboration provides local governments with a “force-multiplier” that can enhance both collaborative federalism and policy outcomes. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6911]
64.7495 MORRISON, Scott —
As the third largest economy in the world, Japan cannot be overlooked in any analysis of Asia's importance in international geopolitics and the global political economy. The ties between Japan and Turkey — diplomatic, political, economic or societal — span the breadth of Asia. Those ties have become more numerous and consequential in monetary terms over the last half-decade. Although the relationship has not been a top priority for either country, awareness of the potential for mutual gain as a result of more trade and investment has a [long] history. This article surveys the current economic and trade relationship between Turkey and Japan, paying particular attention to recent notable Japanese investments in Turkey and the preliminary positioning of trade representatives in advance of a proposed Free Trade/Economic Partnership Agreement. [R]
64.7496 NICOLAS, Françoise —
China, now the world's second largest economy, is going to play an increasingly substantial role in multilateral economic organizations and mechanisms. After a period of pause and observation, its strategy is evolving towards more active participation in the institutions of which it is a member, in particular the WTO and the Bretton Woods institutions more generally. This is all part of its pragmatic approach which is fundamentally based on defending its national interests. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7446]
64.7497 O'SHEA, Paul —
In 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan promised a foreign policy shift, aiming for a more equal relationship with the US and improved relations with Japan's Asian neighbors. The policy shift was explicitly designed as a response to a perceived regional and global power shift from the US to China. However, within nine months the new prime minister, Hatoyama Yukio, resigned, and his successors jettisoned the foreign policy shift. Conventional explanations cite the weak leadership of Hatoyama, the inexperience of his party, and the lack of realism behind the proposed policy shift itself as key factors in the shift's failure. Drawing on the concept of discursive power, I demonstrate how Washington turned the Futenma base relocation and other issues into a major crisis in Japan-US relations in order to discredit Hatoyama and the policy shift. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7462]
64.7498 ONIŞ, Ziya —
The recent Turkish involvement in the Middle East constitutes an important test case for establishing the boundaries of regional power influence in a changing global context. The AKP government in Turkey has become a major supporter of political change and democratization in the era of the Arab revolutions. Accumulating empirical evidence suggests, however, that the highly assertive and pro-active foreign policy of the AKP government has not been effective in terms of facilitating reform or regime-change in Syria or helping to influence the direction of political change in Egypt towards a durable pluralistic order. Indeed, the policy might have been counter-productive in terms of undermining Turkey's image of a benign regional power, by drawing it to sectarian conflicts and over-engagement in the domestic politics of key Arab states. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7412]
64.7499 OZKAN, Behlül —
Turkey's foreign minister was the first intellectual to devise a rationalistic and pragmatic Islamist foreign policy. Five years in office have exposed a huge gap between his ambitions and the country's ability to achieve them. [R]
64.7500 ÖZPEK, Burak Bilgehan; DEMIRAĜ, Yelda —
This article explores Turkey's changing foreign policy approach towards the Middle East after the spread of the Arab upheavals to Syria. Instead of preserving the status quo, Ankara has turned to a revisionist state that has begun to threaten Middle Eastern governments. While Turkey was reluctant to join the foreign military interventions against Middle Eastern regimes, (e.g., Libya), it has been instrumental in immersing NATO in the Syrian civil war. Such transformation ultimately undermines analyses that define Turkey as the kingmaker of the Middle East. [R]
64.7501 PAJON, Céline —
The strategic position and economic value of hundreds of small islands in the South China Sea have provoked claims of sovereignty from most of the neighboring states. China in particular has denied all other countries’ claims and adopted a position which pays little heed to international legal arrangements. In addition, China is opposing multilateral procedures which could help resolve the conflict with Japan or Vietnam, and potentially with Washington too. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7446]
64.7502 PAN Chengxin —
A growing body of literature has focused on an alleged “power shift” from the US to China (and from the West to the East more generally). For all its complexities and nuances, much of this power-shift literature continues to unreflectively hold onto a conventional way of conceptualizing power as a type of quantitatively measurable and zero-sum property possessed by the state. Without critically engaging with the conceptual question of what power means, however, the power-shift debate is both inadequate and misleading. Drawing on some alternative ways of conceptualizing power, I illustrate the contingent and socially constructed nature of “Chinese” economic power and, in doing so, problematize the widely held view of a US-China power shift. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7462]
64.7503 PAN Chengxin —
The Indo-Pacific seems to have come of age. In a growing body of literature on this subject, the rise of India and China, as well as the ensuing great-power competition and deepening economic links across the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean regions, are often seen as mere geopolitical realities, which the term “Indo-Pacific” can best capture. This article, however, questions the “naturalness” of the “Indo-Pacific” and illustrates how it is largely a product of geopolitical imaginations about the perceived “rise of China” — imaginations shared among some influential observers and practitioners, particularly in the US, Australia, Japan and India. Fuelled by their collective anxieties about China's growing influence in Asia, the “Indo-Pacific” is a manufactured super-region designed to hedge against a perceived Sino-centric regional order. [R, abr.]
64.7504 PANDEY, Punam —
The Ganges River Treaty, one of the world's successful examples of a peaceful resolution to a long-drawn river water dispute, has completed half of its tenure. This provides an opportunity to evaluate the variables of its success and further understand how both India and Bangladesh are going to deal with emerging challenges. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6805]
64.7505 PARAMESWARA, Prashanth —
This article explores the emergence of strategic partnerships as a new form of alignment in US strategy in the Asia Pacific under the B. Obama administration. Drawing on the existing literature on alignment, government documents, as well as conversations with policy-makers from the US and Southeast Asia, it argues that Washington is pursuing strategic partnerships as part of a deliberate effort to both enlist target countries to share the burden in addressing challenges and to institutionalize its relationships in the Asia Pacific. It constructs an original three-part analytical framework to understand how US policy-makers conceive, craft and evaluate strategic partnerships in the Asia Pacific and applies it to analyze the similarities and differences in US partnerships with Indonesia and Vietnam. [R, abr.]
64.7506 PILECKI, Andrew, et al. —
We analyzed speeches made by G.W. Bush and B. Obama to reveal how each president justified post-9/11 [2001] US counterterrorism policy. Both Bush and Obama delegitimized terrorists by distinguishing them from other legitimate political categories, by emphasizing the morally condemnable and apolitically motivated form of violence they inflict. This vilification facilitated the portrayal of terrorism as a problem transcending national interest. US counterterrorism strategies were thus justified as a necessary and rational solution to the scope and severity of the terrorist threat. This study illustrates how the “complex discursive accomplishment” of moral exclusion emerges within presidential rhetoric to frame the relations among groups and legitimizing particular actions, namely, harsh anti-terror measures. [R, abr.]
64.7507 PRESS-BARNATHAN, Galia —
This paper examines American policy regarding regional security arrangements (RSAs) in Asia. It argues that it is American perceptions of regional interest in such RSAs and of the compatibility of the goals of regional partners with those of the US, which eventually shape American policy. After discussing the potential value and cost of RSAs, it suggests that actual policy choices are shaped largely as a reaction to regional states’ motivations and policies. Since in Asia, there was limited functional pooling effect to be gained from RSAs, changes in American policies reflected much more a reaction to changes in regional interest in such arrangements. This interaction is demonstrated through a review of post-Cold War developments regarding US RSA policy. [R, abr.]
64.7508 QUILICONI, Cintia —
Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have rapidly proliferated in Latin America since the 2000s; this paper examines the factors which have facilitated or hampered their diffusion. It argues that the diffusion of PTAs, and resistance against them, has resulted in two alternative tradeintegration models. On one hand, there is diffusion of US-led neoliberal North-South PTAs in Central American and Latin American countries (LACs) on the Pacific Basin. On the other hand, the reinforcement of post-liberal regionalism led by Brazil and MERCOSUR countries has acted as a firewall of resistance to the diffusion of US-led PTAs and their neoliberal policies. [After] discussing how the competitive diffusion of US-led PTAs started in Latin America, the paper analyzes two intertwined dynamics (international-regional and institutional-domestic) that explain why US-led PTAs have proliferated in the region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6503]
64.7509 RADELJIĆ, Branislav —
This article examines approaches and official discrepancies characterizing Western European rhetoric with regard to the Kosovo status question. Since the early 1980s, Kosovo has been increasingly present in European debates, culminating with the 1999 international intervention in the region and subsequent talks about its final status. Although the Kosovo Albanians proclaimed independence in February 2008 and the majority of the EU member-states decided to recognize Kosovo as an independent state, Western European rhetoric has been rather divided. In addition to the five EU members who decided not to recognize Kosovo from the beginning, some of the recognizers have also struggled to develop full support for the province — a discrepancy that surely questions the overall Western support for Kosovo's independence. [R, abr.]
64.7510 RAHMAN, Muhibbur —
The maturing of Indo-US defense ties and the US approval of Indian stronger presence in Afghanistan provide India with enlarged incentives and enthusiasm to dominate the regional security matters. On the other hand, Pakistan's critical stake in Afghan security and its likely antagonistic reaction to Indian pre-eminent position in the region might lead to prolonged instability in South Asia. Besides, China's growing presence in Afghanistan and Central Asia will also complicate India's regional leadership potential. The paper assesses the competing claims on the regional ramifications of India's Afghan policy in South Asia with a view to unraveling emerging security atmosphere in the region in the wake of US withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan in 2014. [R]
64.7511 RAMÍREZ BONILLA, Juan José —
The paper analyzes the repercussions of a foreign policy defined by the strategic alliance with the US government on the domestic policies of the Shinzo Abe government. The Japanese electorate voted the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) into power with a majority in the House of Representatives, enabling them to form a government. Subsequently, the combination of foreign policy issues connected with the US redeployment in the Far East and the crisis of the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, the electorate returned the Liberal Democrat Party (LDP) to power. The government of Shinzo Abe had repercussions on foreign policy issues that weakened the DPJ; these issues could turn against the LDP; they may put an end to the privileges of sectors the party has traditionally patronized. [R]
64.7512 REITERER, Michael —
Modern diplomacy is no longer exclusively based on politics and economics but adds the people-to-people and cultural pillar which is transnational in nature. In implementing this approach, the EU appears at first hindered by the Member States’ reluctance to concede competences in culture and education to the European level while leveraging European strength based on diversity and tolerance is a particularly important tool when dealing with a large partner like China, which does not share core values with the EU while presenting an Asian model of success at least in terms of economic development. Choosing China as test case for starting a European cultural diplomacy with the potential of world-wide enlargement is a bold project which allows studying the various facets of culture and cultural diplomacy as well as the relevant discourses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7493]
64.7513 RIGGER, Shelley —
IR scholars are struggling to keep abreast of the rapid changes in Northeast Asian international relations. Different theoretical schools of thought produce competing conclusions about the drivers and implications of China's rising economic and political influence. Policy makers, meanwhile, are similarly divided in their interpretations. The result is that both scholarly analysis and policy prescriptions end up hedging realistinspired solutions and liberal-inflected aspirations. [R]
64.7514 RONEN, Yehudit —
This article explores the identity, characteristics and activities of the jihadist community in the Sinai Peninsula, as well as the ideological affinity, flow of weapons and military cooperation between it and like-minded organizations in the Gaza Strip and beyond. It also analyzes the ramifications of these organizations’ increased military power and political and ideological stature in Israel's geostrategic environment. [R]
64.7515 ROY, Meena Singh; WAGNER, Christian —
As Afghanistan moves into a new era of political transition, the regional countries need to adopt a mechanism incorporating commitments to noninterference, a greater focus on regional economic developmental projects and the strengthening of political institutions within Afghanistan. Only such an approach will help to transform Afghanistan into a region of cooperation rather than confrontation. [R]
64.7516 RYWKIN, Michael —
The analysis of V. Putin's post-Crimean speech shows his underlying stance: Russia has been humiliated, lied to by the US, and rejected by Europe. These have caused Russia to seek redress. Ideological differences between the American and the Russian way of seeing the world and their own country's position remain the basis for Putin's defiance of the post-Soviet world order. He brings back the principal myths behind Moscow's ideological posture, including the idea of “Moscow as Third Rome” and of “Russia as elder brother” (whose mission is to gather smaller nations around the Russian core). Opposite paths taken by the US and by Russia — national uniqueness and social conservatism in Russia, multiculturalism and political correctness in the US — have only deepened the geopolitical conflict between the two. [R]
64.7517 SEAMAN, John —
China's economic development has brought it to the center of the natural resource markets. With Beijing rewriting the rules to its own advantage, there were fears that the country's magnitude would destabilize the markets. However, in reality, Chinese companies adapted themselves to the markets without changing the latter's fundamental mechanics. The relationships between China and large enterprises remain complex, but such enterprises function, by and large, according to their own processes and rationale. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7446]
64.7518 SEYMOUR, Lee J. M. —
This article examines how the exceptional mobilization around Darfur affected US policy and diplomatic outcomes, using the case to explore larger theoretical questions around deception and truthfulness in IR. There was a curious disconnect between the exceptionally strong language US leaders used during the crisis, and the failure of these public claims, promises and threats to achieve the desired diplomatic outcomes. Such strong language should have bolstered US arguments to persuade allies to support measures against Sudan, given the US bargaining leverage with Sudan, and opened opportunities for activists to rhetorically entrap US officials into defending the norms they publicly invoked. Instead, I argue that US leaders bullshitted their way through the crisis in response to advocacy and the demands it generated. [R, abr.]
64.7519 STOREY, Ian —
The strategic position and economic value of hundreds of small islands in the South China Sea have provoked claims of sovereignty from most of the neighboring states. China in particular has denied all other countries’ claims and adopted a position which pays little heed to international legal arrangements. In addition, China is opposing multilateral procedures which could help resolve the conflict with Japan or Vietnam, and potentially with Washington too. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7446]
64.7520 STUENKEL, Oliver; TOURINHO, Marcos —
In the last decade, Brazil has engaged with the idea of an international responsibility to protect (R2P) in a notable fashion. As a frequent member of the Security Council in the post-Cold War era, the country resisted suggestions of a responsibility to intervene in humanitarian crises, fearing it would serve to justify military action outside of the scope of the UN Charter and international law. Following the adoption of R2P in the 2005 World Summit, Brazil engaged with the concept more closely. This culminated in the “responsibility while protecting”, a proposed addendum that would ensure clearer criteria and greater accountability of UNauthorized military interventions. This paper describes Brazilian foreign policy perspectives through this period and analyzes their contribution to the political and normative development of R2P. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7378]
64.7521 SZOSTEK, Joanna —
The mass media are closely associated with the concept of “soft power”. In Russia, as in the West, politicians believe that favorable foreign media coverage can facilitate their foreign policy success. This article considers news coverage of Russia in Ukraine, a geopolitically important state where Russian “news exporters” have been a prominent feature of the media landscape in recent years. Using content-analysis and original interviews with editorial staff, the article reveals factors that shaped reporting about Russia in Ukraine in 2010–2011. It demonstrates that news-providers in Ukraine that had a Russian shareholder or partner tended to be more restrained in their criticism of Russia than comparable news-providers without such Moscow connections. [R, abr.]
64.7522 TEJA, Jaskaran —
Tracing the sea-change in US-India relations in the past 15 years, this article reviews bilateral relations from defense and security to international terrorism. It also looks at the civil nuclear energy deal, trade, and investments. The new leadership in India is unlikely to materially alter the general direction of India-US relations. This augurs well for Asian stability. The strategic relationship needs to be upgraded and made proactive through new ideas, including an initiative for top-level interaction and a new major US-India technology project to rival the landmark civil nuclear energy deal. [R]
64.7523 THAKUR, Ramesh —
India's nuclear breakout in 1998, foreshadowed as early as 1974, may have been understandable for reasons of global nuclear politics, a triangular regional equation between China, India and Pakistan, and domestic politics. Yet the utility of India's nuclear weapons remains questionable on many grounds. Nuclear deterrence is dubious in general and especially dubious in the subcontinent. Nuclear weapons are not usable as weapons of compellence or defense. They failed to stop the Pakistani incursion in Kargil in 1999 or the terrorist attack on Mumbai in 2008. They will not help India to shape the military calculations of likely enemies. Because the consequences of a limited regional war involving India could be catastrophic for the world, others have both the right and a responsibility to engage with the issue. [R, abr.]
64.7524 TORNEY, Diarmuid —
This article focuses on the ability of the EU to use diplomatic capacity to understand the preferences and domestic politics of third countries. This aspect of EU external relations has been somewhat neglected in both academic and policy debates thus far, and the article uses the case of EU engagement with China on climate to illustrate its importance. EU-China engagement on climate change has resulted in a range of bilateral cooperation activities, but has delivered less for the EU in terms of developing a better European understanding of the preferences and domestic politics of climate change in China. The article further discusses how particular institutional challenges have constrained the EU's climate diplomacy, including vertical and horizontal fragmentation and a lack of institutional capacity on the part of the EU. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7493]
64.7525 TROUDI, Mohamed —
Coming back on the fight for independence in Tunisia and Algeria, this feature follows the evolution of the relationship until today. It shows convergences between the two countries, whose common destiny is however overlooked by the rise of Islamism on one hand and the management of the “Arab spring” on the other. [R]
64.7526 TSENG, Hui-Yi Katherine —
One most worrisome flashpoint in contemporary regional order in East Asia is undoubtedly the sovereignty dispute over the Diaoyu/Diaoyutai/Senkaku (D/S) islands. This article re-assesses the Taiwan issue from the perspective of international law, international relations and geopolitics. [Addressing] the entanglement between the Taiwan issue and the D/S dispute, this article finds that besides the initial issue-linkage, the entanglement is deepened. With democratization and a growing Taiwan identity, China now needs to undertake a more burdensome mission to keep the Taiwan issue under control, to compete with Japan, and to make sure that Taiwan would not cooperate with the Japan or a stakeholder third party. [R, abr.]
64.7527 UDDIN, M. Jashim —
This paper identifies several potential areas of mutual cooperation to explore, and argues that for attaining a new height in Bangladesh-Myanmar relations, failure in resolving any hard issue such as the refugee issue should not be allowed to leave any negative impact on other prospective areas. Exploring the potential areas and trying to resolve the key disputes through various channels can be done simultaneously. For greater friendship, removing suspicions and opening up minds are imperative for these neighbors. [R, abr.]
64.7528 USUL, Ali Resul —
Though the accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU continue officially, in reality, the relations are in a deadlock. [Some] argue that Turkey-EU relations have entered a new era since January 2013, and new optimistic comments have emerged. This paper argues that there exists a pull-push balance in the accession process for the EU that normally attracts candidates and makes them more vulnerable to the EU conditions. The success of the political transformation of eastern European states relied to a large extent on the balanced pull-push accession processes. I argue that this balance for Turkey has been deteriorated and this fact has made the EU ineffective in transforming Turkish politics and polity. Therefore, this paper argues for the re-establishment of the balance to improve and normalize Turkey-EU relations. [R, abr.]
64.7529 VAROL SEVIM, Tuĝçe —
Russia is a major player of the world energy market due to its vast resources and places of energy resources in its economy. Russian foreign energy policy needs new markets in order to sustain its growth and soft hegemony once more in central Asia. In East Asia, China remains a great consumer and a competitor for Russia's turning back to the region. However China has improved its economic and energy relations with particular three Central Asian states, and constituted a balance in the region in terms of Russian energy monopoly perspective. In return, Russia turned its face to Japan in order to trigger a competition between Beijing and Tokyo and/or Seoul for Russian energy resources despite the ongoing new foreign energy policy towards Asia regarding three global actors. [R]
64.7530 VERHOEVEN, Harry; MURTHY, C. S. R.; SOARES DE OLIVEIRA, Ricardo —
Heavyweights of South Africa's ruling African National Congress claim that the responsibility to protect citizens in the case of an unwilling or unable government is an African concept, owned by the continent: rooted in the security-development crisis of the past few decades, Pretoria stresses that there is an intellectual and political history of intervention, separate from Western conceptions of R2P. While the conception of an African responsibility to protect has come to constitute a major pillar of South African foreign policy, this is not without its critics — domestic or abroad — and, as the Libya case exemplifies, often presents decision-makers in Pretoria with tough real world dilemmas. South Africa shares the intense skepticism of China and Russia about Western claims of value-based foreign policies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7378]
64.7531 VYAS, Ravi Prakash; SANGROULA, Yugichha —
This paper proposes that Nepal's unalterable geographic position does not necessarily have to be disadvantageous for Nepal, and the state needs to get over the syndromes of land-lockedness and smallness. Sorting out its domestic matters is historically sound diplomacy. The foreign policy of Nepal as regards India and China needs to focus not only on a small state's survival strategies, but also in order to thrive Nepal needs to upgrade its diplomatic faculties and make use of regional forums such as SAARC for reinforcing its neighborhood comity and economic diplomacy. Small states like Nepal can influence the foreign policies of superpowers like India and China. The paper charts out the constraints and prospects of the relations of Nepal with its immediate neighbors that has been grounded in the conventional notion of equidistance. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7619]
64.7532 WALDMAN, Thomas —
This article examines the evolution of western policy towards the idea of pursuing negotiations with the Taliban, or “reconciliation”, in Afghanistan and the role that research and expert opinion played in that process. The official western position has evolved iteratively from initial rejection to near complete embrace of exploring the potential for talks. It is widely assumed that the deteriorating security situation was the sole determinant of this major policy reversal, persuading decision-makers to rethink what had once been deemed unthinkable. Moreover, given the politicized and sensitive nature of the subject, we might expect the potential for outside opinion to influence decision-makers to be low. Nevertheless, this article demonstrates that it would be a mistake to underestimate the role that research and expert knowledge played — the story is more nuanced and complex. [R, abr.]
64.7533 WARD, Hugh; JOHN, Peter —
Organizations that learn from others’ successful policies not only become more competitive because their policies improve but also avoid the costs of policy innovation. The policy-diffusion literature in political science has failed to emphasize the connection between learning and competition. This article distinguishes competitive learning from learning that is not driven by competitive pressure. It models policy diffusion as a game played on social networks that govern competitive pressure and the possibilities of information transfer. It develops an empirical test for competitive learning using spatial lags, which are applied to data on the performance of larger English local authorities from 2002 to 2006. Evidence is found for both competitive learning and pure learning. [R, abr.]
64.7534 WARNER, Geoffrey —
The final volume of the Foreign Relations series of documents on Indochina during the Nixon and Ford presidencies is not as detailed as those which preceded it. However, the documents do not support the view that, once the January 1973 Agreement between the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam and the US had been concluded, the US was prepared to accept DRV's hegemony over the rest of Indochina, provided only that there was a “decent interval” before it occurred. In fact, both the Nixon and Ford administrations did seek to prevent this from happening, but found their hands tied by congressional opposition. In the case of Cambodia, the US also found itself the victim of its own illusions about the willingness of China to support an alternative government led by the former ruler, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. [R, abr.] 7535]
64.7535 WARNER, Geoffrey —
Although anticipated, the North Vietnamese ‘Easter offensive’ against South Vietnam in 1972 created problems for the United States. Having reached a rapprochement with Communist China, President Nixon and his foreign policy adviser, Henry Kissinger, believed that the attack could have serious repercussions for their attempt to balance it with détente with the Soviet Union, not to mention the US's credibility as a Great Power. They also feared it would damage Nixon's prospects for reelection in November 1972. Despite opposition from his Defense Secretary, Nixon renewed the bombing of North Vietnam which had been stopped by President Johnson in 1968. This helped to bring the North Vietnamese back to the conference table and after complex negotiations, a draft peace agreement was ready for initialling in October 1972. However, President Thieu of South Vietnam saw significant drawbacks in the agreement and refused to go along with it. The North Vietnamese chose to have one more attempt to win on the battlefield and President Nixon, who had scaled down the bombing when peace seemed closer and won a landslide victory in the presidential election, launched another eleven days of concentrated bombing raids on North Vietnam at the turn of the year. This led to the final agreement initialled on 23 January 1973, which President Thieu reluctantly acceded to. Thieu's reservations were justified, but Nixon realized that, despite his electoral victory, he could not count on the continued support of Congress and the American people for the war. Far from bringing “peace with honor in Vietnam and Southeast Asia” the January agreement was a fig leaf to cover American withdrawal. [R]
64.7536 WEINBERG, Leonard; MARTIN, Susanne —
Observers on both sides of the Atlantic believe that the US and the major countries of Western Europe are growing apart in important ways. The view adopted here is quite the opposite. Instead, the assertion here is that the New World is coming to resemble the Old World, both in regard to the behavior of their fragmented political elites and the resentmentladen attitudes of their mass publics. What was once labeled “American exceptionalism” by prominent analysts was largely a product of the peculiar conditions of the postwar era (1945–1965), conditions that no longer depict current realities. [R]
64.7537 WIVEL, Anders —
The Danish 1864 defeat is typically regarded as the starting point for a reactive and pragmatic foreign policy, which was replaced by foreign policy activism only at the end of the Cold War. This article argues, by contrast, that pragmatism and activism may both be viewed as integral aspects of Danish foreign policy since the early 20th c. The article defines foreign policy doctrine and how doctrines relate to grand strategy and foreign policy practice and it sets up a simple framework for identifying doctrines and their role in Danish foreign policy. It identifies two Danish foreign policy doctrines — the Munch doctrine and the Hækkerup doctrine — and discusses how they have served as central principles for Denmark's role in Europe and the world. [R, abr.]
64.7538 WU, Friedrich; WEI Koh De —
Over the past few decades, China has accumulated over US$3.4 trillion of official foreign exchange reserves as it rises to become a global power. Do China's financial assets increase its ability to pursue its national interests internationally? With the globalization and rising influence of Chinese state-owned enterprises, state-owned banks and sovereign wealth fund, as well as China's growing clout in several regional groupings, it is clear that China does possess the necessary mechanisms to assert its financial power. This article examines the efficacy and limitations of these mechanisms in Africa and Latin America, in the economic and political domains. [R, abr.]
64.7539 XU Yi-Chong —
The role of Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in Africa is puzzling: they pioneered China's inroads into Africa and shouldered the responsibilities of building and expanding cooperation with African countries, while these very activities and engagement, according to many scholars, often contradict or even undermine the political and diplomatic objectives adopted by the central government. To understand this puzzle, this article unpacks China's engagement in Africa, by examining large central SOEs in the resources and infrastructure sectors. It concludes that the commitment of large SOEs in Africa relies on small public and private contractors. The paradox therefore is, that while the central government encourages and supports the large SOEs to “go global”, it has limited capacity to control and regulate the small contractors. [R]
64.7540 YEŞILOT, Okan —
Over the past months, the crisis in Crimea presented the world with a case study on how rapidly national borders may shift in the 21st c. The turmoil in Ukraine began in November 2013, as widespread protests erupted following a last-minute decision by President V. Yanukovych to suspend talks on a trade pact with the EU under pressure from the Russian government. The pro-Russian leadership in Crimea organized an impromptu referendum where the vast majority of participants voted in favor of uniting with the Russian Federation. This article analyzes recent developments in Crimea in the context of Russian policy in the region. [R]
64.7541 YETIM, Mustafa; HAMADE, Bilal —
As the Arab Spring unfolds, a new power configuration is emerging in the Middle East. Turkey is at the center of the new setting, with a fully engaged leadership role that was adopted by the ruling Justice and Development party (AKP). In the Levant area, Ankara's influence is even greater due to Turkey's full support of the Syrian opposition against the Syrian Baath regime. In this context, it becomes clear that the increasingly involved Turkish role in the region has direct and indirect effects on the stability of countries in the Levant, one of which is Lebanon. [R]
64.7542 YILMAZ, Gözde —
Despite the weakened push by the EU conditionality across time, Turkey's Europeanization process continues in a number of areas selectively. Focusing on such a puzzling trend, this article critically examines the role of EU conditionality on Turkey's Europeanization and unpacks domestic drivers of change. It explores the impact of grassroots actors — Turkish civil society organizations, business interest groups, media and political parties — on domestic change in the last decade and argues that continuing reforms in many areas in an era of limited EU-push are influenced by domestic actors. [R]
64.7543 YILMAZ, Özcan —
Turkish leaders would like to turn their country into the leader of the Middle East. However, they are in competition with another of the region's key players: Iran. Rivalries between Ankara and Tehran came to a head over the Syrian conflict. Turkey supported opposition to B. al-Assad, believing a Sunnite regime would quickly come to power. However, Turkey underestimated the capacity of the Iranian-supported Syrian army and now has to rethink its strategy. [R]
64.7544 YUE, Ricky Wai-Kay —
This review essay expands the concept of Pauk-Phaw beyond the conventional Western IR discourse of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Pauk-Phaw is a Burmese term meaning kinsfolk, assigned specifically to describe the asymmetrical relationship between China and Myanmar. This paper argues that for China, whose traditional world-view was based on a Sino-centric tributary system, the strategic culture of the country is still relevant in exploring the foreign policy options available to the state that do not necessarily fit into existing Western IR literatures. Pauk-Phaw, as a dialectic tool to examine state-to-state relations embedded in Confucian culture, may represent an epistemological break from conventional Western traditions, and therefore may hold promise to enhance the understanding of how China and its former tributary states conduct their relationships. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7619]
64.7545 ZAMAN, Rashed Uz; BISWAS, Niloy Ranjan —
This article argues that the participation of the Bangladeshi armed forces in UN peacekeeping has produced positive benefits for civil-military relations in the country and that this process is best explained by reference to concordance theory, as propagated by R. Schiff. Unlike traditional theories of civil-military relations, concordance theory highlights dialogue, accommodation and shared values or objectives held by the military, the political elites and society. We argue that peacekeeping has gradually emerged in Bangladesh as an issue where all three partners are converging and prone to hold similar views. This may have a profound impact upon Bangladeshi politics whereby the chances of military intervention in domestic politics will lessen. This paper helps in understanding the implications of Bangladesh's involvement in UN peace missions. [R, abr.]
64.7546 ZHANG Qingmin —
This article finds that theories of personality offer a new perspective on the study of Chinese foreign policy and help to better explain the differences in China's foreign policy under Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, including their international orientation, the main themes of China's foreign policy during their respective times in office, their policies towards the major powers, as well as those towards small countries. Theoretically, such integration contributes to the development of a more general theory of foreign-policy analysis that would travel better beyond the borders of the American case. Empirically, it highlights the necessity and benefit of an integrated approach bringing leadership personality back into the center of the analysis while taking into account other levels of analysis in the study of Chinese foreign policy. [R]
64.7547 ZHANG Xiaotong —
This article [examines] the motivation, strategy and effects of the economic diplomacy exercised by the EU and China in their forty year-old relationship. It examines the EU-China economic history, which can be divided into four periods: the starting-up period (1975–1988), the “Low Tide” Period (1989–1992), the “Honeymoon” period (1993–2005), and the “Turbulent” period (2006 till now). The cases of economic diplomacy chosen here are those of strategic importance, i.e., which had a direct bearing on the overall development of EU-China relations, instead of the specific nitty-gritty negotiations of technical nature. The last part summarizes the characteristics of the EU's economic diplomacy in its long-time relationship with China. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7493]
64.7548
A roundtable, introduced by Michael WILLS. Articles by Lawson BRIGHAM, “The changing Arctic: new realities and players at the top of the world”, pp. 5–13; James KRASKA, “Asian states in US Arctic policy: perceptions and prospects”, pp. 14–21; P. Whitney LACKENBAUER, “Canada and the Asian observers to the Arctic Council: anxiety and opportunity”, pp. 22–29; Katarzyna ZYSK, “Asian interests in the Arctic: risks and gains for Russia”, pp. 30–38; Leiv LUNDE, “The Nordic embrace: why the Nordic countries welcome Asia to the Arctic table”, pp. 39–45; SUN Kai, “beyond the dragon and the panda: understanding China's engagement in the Arctic”, pp. 46–51; Aki TONAMI, “Future-proofing Japan's interests in the Artic: scientific collaboration and a search for balance”, pp. 52–58; PARK Young Kil, “South Korea's interests in the Arctic”, pp. 59–65; Ian STOREY, “The Arctic novice: Singapore and the High North”, pp. 66–72; Danjay CHATURVEDI, “India's Arctic engagement: challenges and opportunities”, pp. 73–80.