Abstract
International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
67.7161 ALLAN, Jen Iris; HADDEN, Jennifer —
The Paris Agreement contains a separate article for loss and damage — an outcome that aligns with a central demand of many NGOs at COP21. By shifting to a justice framing of loss and damage, NGOs were able to expand their mobilization and, in turn, enhance their influence. While it is not claimed that NGO advocacy was sufficient to produce the outcome, pathways by which issue framing can support increased NGO influence via persuasion and coercion are illustrated. First, the justice frame garnered additional media attention and raised the stakes should states fail to include the issue in the Paris Agreement. Second, the climate justice frame helped forge alliances with vulnerable countries and within civil society that enhanced bargaining. The findings contribute to theory building in NGO politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7221]
67.7162 ANGELIS, Gabriele de —
The euro and sovereign-debt crisis is both a conflict of political and economic interests and a conflict of interpretations. Two narratives struggle for hegemony in the European ideological imaginary. Each calls for a different mode of crisis-management, and each represents a different vision of the single currency, European economic and monetary policy, and European integration as a whole. Each presents different theses on the origins and causes of the crisis, as well as its solution. As important as it is to know which narrative provides a correct interpretation of the crisis in macroeconomic and monetary terms, both remain insufficient when it comes to solving the political and ethical conundrum facing Eurozone governance and the management of the sovereign debt crisis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7163]
67.7163 ANGELIS, Gabriele de —
The EU is facing multiple crises: the euro and sovereign-debt crisis questions its economic and social cohesion as well as the rules of coexistence within the EMU; the refugee crisis [highlights] a high degree of disagreement among member states as to the duties of mutual solidarity and assistance; Brexit highlighted the need to continuously justify EU membership, and to address the social and economic roots of dissatisfaction with the EU; the security crisis put into question the Schengen agreement and the mutual trust between member states in security issues. The political conundrum currently challenging the EU calls for reflection on what went wrong with the process of European integration in the first place. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Europe in times of crisis. Political legitimacy and crisis management in the European Union”. See also Abstr. 67.7162, 7197, 7200, 7247, 7251]
67.7164 ARES, Macarena; CEKA, Besir; KRIESI, Hanspeter —
This article investigates the link between attitude formation at the national and the supranational level of the EU. While the existing studies have provided strong evidence that attitudes towards national institutions fundamentally condition attitudes towards the EU, the mechanisms through which these spillovers occur are not clearly spelled out. Our main contribution is to theorize the complex ways in which the national politicization of the European integration process affects support for the EU by focusing on critical moments in the EU integration process and the electoral fortunes of the political parties doing the cuing. To test our theoretical claims, we employ multilevel models using six rounds of the European Social Survey combined with party-level data from Chapel Hill Expert Survey, and various country-level data. [R, abr.]
67.7165 ARREDONDO, Ricardo —
The article first studies the terminology and forms of asylum, then examines the legality of diplomatic asylum under international law and state practice of providing diplomatic asylum and analyzes the case of Julian Assange, including the request of an advisory opinion made by Ecuador to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Finally, some conclusions are drawn on the future of the practice of diplomatic asylum. [R]
67.7166 BÄCKSTRAND, Karin; KUYPER, Jonathan W. —
Is orchestration democratically legitimate? On one hand, debates concerning the legitimacy and democratic deficits of international politics continue unabated. On the other, the Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has progressively engaged in processes of orchestration culminating in the 2015 Paris Agreement. Scholarship on orchestration has almost exclusively focused on how to ensure effectiveness while excluding normative questions. This lacuna is addressed by arguing that orchestration should be assessed according to its democratic credentials. The promises and pitfalls of orchestration can be usefully analyzed by applying a set of democratic values: participation, deliberation, accountability, and transparency. Two major orchestration efforts by the UNFCCC both pre- and post-Paris are shown to have substantive democratic shortfalls, not least with regard to participation and accountability. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7221]
67.7167 BAHR, Johanna von —
This article examines and explains child rights mainstreaming in EU external affairs. It provides a within-case comparison of how children's rights have been mainstreamed in development aid, common foreign and security policy (CFSP) and external trade policy. While most mainstreaming research have studied mainstreaming as a process of norm socialization, this article draws on hypotheses concerning bureaucratic self-interest that have thus far not been tested in the EU mainstreaming literature. The article finds support for rational functionalist assumptions that actor preferences, externalpolicy competences and resource exchanges between EU institutions and child rights organizations together help explain variations in child rights mainstreaming across sectors and over time. Rationalist functionalism is found useful in explaining under which conditions at sector level mainstreaming is likely to succeed or fail. [R]
67.7168 BAUMANN, Max-Otto —
In New York, UN member states are currently engaged in a multi-year process of reforming the UN development system. An international advisory group co-chaired by Klaus Töpfer has presented far-reaching proposals to reposition the UN development system for the implementation of the new 2030 Agenda. For that purpose, the UN needs to go beyond project-work. It needs to embrace new functions and become more integrated in order to effectively support member states and other actors in the global transformation towards sustainability. However, vested interests, diverging visions, and power motives of member states along the North-South divide make for a tortuous reform process that has yet to yield substantial reform decisions. [R]
67.7169 BEATTIE, Amanda Russell —
This article attends to the lived experience of binational families subject to the 2012 family immigration rules (FIR). It seeks to enrich the pre-existing discussions of family migration within the EU and the UK, focusing on the ‘micro-political’ experiences of those whose lives have been adversely affected by their introduction. It draws on the life writings of binational families, suggesting that a micro-political focus reveals an ongoing neuropolitical experience that traditional accounts of moral agency are ill-equipped to negotiate. The article suggests an unorthodox interpretation of agency premised on storytelling, while probing the tensions that emerge when this lived experience is framed in such a manner. It suggests a need to further engage with traumatic interpretations of harm at the intersection of citizenship rights and mobility rights. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6552]
67.7170 BEHR, Hartmut —
UN counter-terrorism policy is politically embedded in, and framed by, the UN Charter, the UN human rights and refugee conventions, and by the individual resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council that reiterate the fundamental principles of these frameworks beyond their individual purposes and targets. Strategically, we have observed multiple efforts over the past decade to strengthen global, regional, and local institutions and their cooperation in countering terrorism and violent extremism as well as the interweaving between, and collaboration of, different policy areas. This strategic emphasis is due to the increasingly obvious network character of terrorist groups and their activities. [R]
67.7171 BERHE, Mulugeta Gebrehiwot —
The African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is a set of norms and structures developed and designed to enable Africa with its peace and security affairs. It is an important instrument that enabled Africa gain significant success in its efforts to promote stability in Africa. The APSA was designed in the early 2000s and Africa needs to fully implement its norms and fully utilize its instruments. There is also a need to address gaps and redundancies so that it fits to the current context of new internal and global challenges. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7184]
67.7172 BERNARDS, Nick —
This article develops a Gramscian approach to the governance of “informal” economies through a historical study of International Labor Organization (ILO) programs in East Africa. Drawing on Gramsci's conception of the “subaltern”, the article highlights the ways in which the articulation of “informality” in policy documents is colored by broader struggles over the political organization of labor. The article develops this argument through two case studies. The first examines the World Employment Program mission to Kenya in the 1970s that popularized the concept of “informal” labor. The second is a contemporary program on apprenticeships in the informal economy that originated in Tanzania. [R]
67.7173 BES, Bart Joachim —
The politicization of the EU has elicited a variety of views on the European polity. Public skepticism is often directed at the EC which is accused of being an unresponsive and illegitimate bureaucracy. How does politicization affect the institutional role conceptions of Commission officials? By building on the literature of politicization and norm-guided open system approaches, I develop theoretical propositions on how politicization may affect the institutional role conceptions of Commission officials. Grounded on the proposition that Commission officials are most likely to respond to politicization in their home country, an exploratory case study of Dutch officials was performed to flesh out the mechanisms at play. The findings tentatively reveal that, in varying degrees, most officials respond to politicization by adapting their institutional role conception into a more pragmatic direction. [R, abr.]
67.7174 BEVIR, Mark; PHILLIPS, Ryan —
This article provides a genealogy of the broad patterns of belief that contributed to the democratic reforms contained in the Treaty of Lisbon. The article draws three primary conclusions. First, EU democracy is a composite of concepts. Second, our understanding of which changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty were intended to be democracy-enhancing should be significantly broadened. Third, two factors explain continuing limitations on the democratic character of the Union: conflicts over what democracy should mean in the context of the EU and the purpose or motivation behind the Lisbon Treaty reforms, what is labeled here a “system maintenance” view of democracy. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Genealogies of European governance”, edited and introduced by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.6413, 6510, 6519, 6565]
67.7175 BOLTZ, Moritz; CONZE, Peter —
In recent international military and humanitarian interventions, Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) have played a vital role. Contracted by the UN, other international organizations, as well as nongovernmental organizations and states, they provide for logistic support and maintenance and for the protection of their facilities and employees in regions of armed conflict. Despite the increasing role of these companies, PMSCs continue to be insufficiently regulated. This article elaborates on why there is no common effort for implementing a better regulatory framework. While inter-governmental initiatives on a UN level fail, the states themselves do not often see the need to take action and change their national legislation. [R]
67.7176 BOROŃSKA-HRYNIEWIECKA, Karolina —
This article analyses the effects of the Lisbon Treaty provisions for regional parliaments in EU decentralised systems by looking at the early warning system (EWS) for subsidiarity control. It argues that the implications of this mechanism for parliamentary empowerment at the regional level should be assessed carefully and their links with political mobilisation, institutional restructuring and policy involvement in a particular context should be analysed as precisely as possible. For this reason, this article proposes a conceptual and analytical framework that allows the detection of several kinds of regional empowerment under the EWS and explains their transformative effects in different national contexts. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7179]
67.7177 BUBECK, Johannes; MARINOV, Nikolay —
Why do outside powers intervene in other countries’ elections? We distinguish between two types of electoral interventions: interventions in favor of the democratic process and interventions in favor of particular candidates and parties. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, outside powers often simultaneously pursue interventions of both types. Using a formal model of elections with bias, we argue that outside powers will always invest some resources in particular candidates, if they care about the differences in their proposed policies. Spending on the electoral process is driven by liberalism concerns and geopolitical interests. In some cases, liberal powers might decrease their amount of support for the electoral process if this engagement works against their favored candidate. We also consider the case of “election wars.” These occur when two outside powers simultaneously intervene on different sides of an election. [R, abr.]
67.7178 BÜRGIN, Alexander; ASIKOGLU, Derya —
The EU's influence on Turkey's domestic politics has been characterized as weak due to the lack of credible accession perspective. However, Turkey's adoption of an asylum law in 2013, which meets almost all demands of the EU, points to the EU's continuing influence in this policy area. The majority of the academic experts in our online survey considered the EU accession process as crucial factor for the adoption of the law. Our interviews with officials from the Turkish government and the European Commission reveal how the EU impacted on the drafting process. EU-financed twinning projects in this policy area contributed to the creation of new institutions and to the socialization of actors, both leading to a more conducive environment for reform. [R]
67.7179 BURSENS, Peter; HÖGENAUER, Anna-Lena —
European integration has created a multilevel political system that is dominated by executive actors. Despite the increasing competences of the EP, a growing EU-awareness of national assemblies and an emerging attention of regional parliaments for EU affairs, the EU polity still lacks a sound parliamentary representation. As the EU presents itself as a representative democracy, the current set-up raises questions from the perspective of democratic legitimacy. The establishment of multilevel parliamentarianism may be part of the remedy. This introduction focuses on the position that regional parliaments take in such a European multilevel parliamentary system. The authors address three relevant questions: what roles do regional parliaments take up in terms of legislation, scrutiny and networking? To what extent are they empowered by the Lisbon Treaty? And what explains the variation in their activities? [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Regional parliaments: effective actors in EU policy-making?”, edited by Gabriele ABELS and Anna-Lena HÖGENAUER. See also Abstr. 67.6745, 6750, 6786, 7176, 7195, 7206, 7207]
67.7180 CARNEGIE, Allison; MARINOV, Nikolay —
Does foreign aid improve human rights and democracy? We leverage a novel source of exogeneity: the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union. We find that when a country's former colonizer holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union during the budget-making process, the country is allocated considerably more foreign aid than are countries whose former colonizer does not hold the presidency. Using instrumental variables estimation, we demonstrate that this aid has positive effects on human rights and democracy. We adduce the timing of events, qualitative evidence, and theoretical insights to argue that the conditionality associated with an increased aid commitment is responsible for the positive effects in the domains of human rights and democracy. [R]
67.7181 CARROLL, Brendan J.; RASMUSSEN, Anne —
Drawing on a new dataset the article investigates a case study of the population of interest representatives lobbying the EP. It examines the role of economic and cultural resources to account for the representation of organized interests from different EU member states. It adds to the existing literature on the density of organized interests by showing that in addition to economic resources, cultural capital plays a significant role in stimulating the activity of organized interests. Whether countries have a high number of organized interests in the parliament's interest group community depends on both whether they are economically prosperous and how large a share of their citizens participate in associational life. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7194]
67.7182 CEKIK, Aneta —
While the Europeanisation of national interest groups is an important research agenda in the EU, very little research examines their Europeanisation outside the EU, and during the EU accession process. The article fills this gap by focusing on Europeanisation of interest groups in Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. Using new survey data, the article looks at interest groups’ involvement in the national pre-accession process, and their activity at the EU level. The main argument of the paper stresses the absence of significant differences between the levels of Europeanisation of business and other types of interest groups (especially NGOs) in the current phase of EU accession. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7194]
67.7183 COFELICE, Andrea —
This article assesses Italy's behaviour in the framework of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the UN Human Rights Council, both as a recommending state and as a state under review. Drawing on role theory, liberal and constructivist institutionalism, and the two-level game approach, the analysis reveals that Italian decision-makers played parallel games at the domestic and international tables of the UPR, and managed to adapt country's human rights foreign policy goals according to the different social contexts where they operated. Indeed, while in the review phase in Geneva, Italy sought legitimacy for both its policies and its status as an international “human rights friendly” actor, at domestic level, a policy of inactivity was chosen, in order to minimize the impact of the most costly UPR recommendations, and protect the dynamics of domestic politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7332]
67.7184 CONLEY, Bridget —
Does the African Union (AU) have an anti-atrocities strategy, and if so, how would one recognize it and assess its impact? This paper proposes two manners of responding to these questions. In this first instance, we analyze whether the AU has implemented an anti-atrocities agenda that resembles efforts elsewhere, notably at the UN. Another approach would be to examine what distinct strategies, strengths, and capacities that the AU brings to the work of reducing threats of mass violence against civilians. This second approach reveals how the AU has innovated a politics of protection. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “African peace efforts: norms and structures”. See also Abstr. 67.7171, 7188, 7303]
67.7185 CRESPY, Amandine; PARKS, Louisa —
With no formal division between majority and opposition in the parliamentary arena, the EU calls for an approach to political opposition which considers the role of civil society. This article explores the case of opposition to the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) within and without the EP through a political opportunity approach, using the case to reflect on conditions for effective opposition in the EU. The ACTA campaign saw opposed actors within the EP and digital rights groups work together to build coalitions against the agreement. Protests then opened the way for these groups to broker a change of position among other actors, allowing a majority rejection. The ACTA case suggests the need for advocacy by organized groups both within and without the Parliament to construct majorities. [R, abr.]
67.7186 CUNNINGHAM, Kathleen Gallagher; DAHL, Marianne; FRUGÉ, Anne —
Why do organizations choose to use nonviolence? Why do they choose specific nonviolent tactics? Existing quantitative work centers on mass nonviolent campaign, but much of the nonviolence employed in contentious politics is smaller-scale nonviolent direct action. We explore the determinants of nonviolence with new data at the organization level in self-determination disputes from 1960 to 2005. We present a novel argument about the interdependence of tactical choices among nonviolent options in self-determination movements. Given limitations on their capabilities, competition among organizations in a shared movement, and different resource requirements for nonviolent strategies, we show that organizations have incentives to diversify tactics rather than just copy other organizations. The empirical analysis reveals a rich picture of varied organizational resistance choices, and a complex web of interdependence among tactics. [R]
67.7187 DELLMUTH, Lisa Maria; TALLBERG, Jonas —
As political authority shifts to the global level, NGOs increasingly attempt to influence policy-making within international organisations (IOs). This article examines the nature and sources of NGOs’ advocacy strategies in global governance. We advance a twofold theoretical argument. First, NGO advocacy can be described in terms of inside and outside strategies, similar to interest group lobbying in American and European politics. Second, NGOs’ chosen combination of inside and outside strategies can be explained by their organisational goals and membership base. Empirically, this argument is corroborated through a large-n analysis of original data from structured interviews with 303 NGO representatives active in relation to the UN, complemented by 19 semi-structured interviews with UN and state officials. The article's findings have implications for the theory and practice of NGO involvement in global governance. [R, abr.]
67.7188 DERSSO, Solomon Ayele —
The African Union (AU) norm relating to unconstitutional changes of government (UCG) distinguishes the African peace and security order from other regional and global peace and security orders. This norm assigns the regional organization an intrusive role unparalleled by other international organizations as far as the constitutional and democratic order of member states is concerned. The norm bans UCG and also provides for enforcement measures that received regional constitutional status in the founding treaty establishing the AU. Despite its emergence accompanying the democratization process that countries on the continent ventured into in the 1990s, seen in the light of Africa's unhappy experience with illegal change or seizure of government, this norm cannot be dissociated from the continent's concern about peace and security. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7184]
67.7189 DIMITROVA, Antoaneta L.; STEUNENBERG, Bernard —
We focus on compliance with EU directives in the context of multilevel governance. Policies specified by EU directives move through different decision-making stages before they are implemented. We integrate these decision-making stages and actors in a game-theoretical model aiming to explain implementation in the EU setting. Practice and organizational literature findings already indicate that in this setting formal and informal policies can differ considerably. Our model shows that such a divergence is the result of the interactions of three sets of actors at different levels. We illustrate the main findings of our model with cases of transposition and implementation of the EU rules regarding cultural heritage in the EU. [R, abr.]
67.7190 DOWNIE, Christian —
There is a growing consensus that the international system needs to be reformed to reflect the changing distribution of power with the rise of the BRICs. The G20 has been at the centre of these discussions. Within the G20, emphasis has been on great powers or rising powers and their capacity to drive reform. Less attention has been given to the preferences and strategies of middle powers in the G20 and their capacity to shape global governance reform. Drawing on interviews with G20 officials, this paper considers the role of Australia as president of the G20 in 2014. Australia's presidency presents a unique opportunity to examine the behavior of a middle power as it balances the competing global governance claims of the USA and the BRICs. [R]
67.7191 DOWNIE, Christian; CRUMP, Larry —
Informal international organisations are increasingly important in international affairs as world leaders turn to smaller and more flexible forums to address global challenges. This article considers the role of Australia as chair in one of the most important yet most understudied informal international organisations: the Group of Twenty (G20). Drawing on primary interview data and the participant observations of the first author, who was a member of the G20 chair in 2013–2014 during Australia's presidency, the authors examine two theoretical puzzles: (1) why states delegate control of the negotiation process to a chair and (2) how the chair can, and does, influence the negotiation process. It is argued that member states delegate control to the chair to overcome specific institutional failures and [thus] provide the chair with the power to influence the negotiation process. [R, abr.]
67.7192 EISELE, Olga —
The paper explores newspapers’ portrayals of the EP and national parliaments (NPs) in EU affairs. To understand underlying perceptions of journalists, it takes public parliamentary activities and looks at their influence on parliaments’ news visibility in Finland, Germany and the UK in routine periods in 2011 and 2012. This is done against the background that parliaments, regarded as ultimate legitimizers of state power, depend on the mass media to reach their citizenry. However, journalists follow their own agenda in publishing parliamentary news. In this regard, they may highlight the complementarity, competition or cooperation of parliaments in the EU's unique multi-tier environment. Overall, our results suggest that NPs correspond stronger with newsmakers’ anticipation of readership interest. [R, abr.]
67.7193 EISENTRAUT, Sophie —
Attempts to reform the UN Security Council reveal two different trends: while the enlargement of the Council's membership has stalled since 1965, the Council's working methods have been gradually improved. Recently, reformers have made progress on two different issues: one concerns the exclusive influence of the Security Council on the process of selecting Secretaries-General; the other regards a code of conduct for the use of the veto. However, on both issues plenty of work remains to be done. [R]
67.7194 EISING, Rainer; RASCH, Daniel; ROZBICKA, Patrycja —
Comparative and EU interest group studies are marked by a progression towards theory-driven, large-N empirical studies in the past 20 years. With the study of national interest organizations in EU policy-making, this special issue puts centre stage a theoretically and empirically neglected topic in this research field. The individual contributions include interest group characteristics, institutional contexts as well as issue contexts as explanatory factors in their empirical analyses of multilevel interest representation. They present novel developments in the study of political alignments among interest groups and political institutions, the Europeanisation of domestic interest organizations, and the question of bias in interest group populations. Thereby, they not only contribute to the comparative study of interest groups, but also to the analysis of policy-making, multilevel governance, and political representation in the EU. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Multilevel interest representation in the European Union: the role of national interest organizations”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.6827, 6891, 6892, 6979, 7016, 7149, 7181, 7182, 7245]
67.7195 EPPLER, Annegret; MAURER, Andreas —
The paper analyses the scrutiny activities of three different types of institutionalised form of interparliamentary cooperation with participation of subnational parliaments: the Conference of European Legislative Assemblies; the Baltic Sea Parliamentary Conference; and the Interregional Parliamentary Council of the Grande Région. For the purpose of analysis, the analytical parameters of parliamentary functions are modified and applied to the forms of institutionalised interparliamentary cooperation. It is shown that the exertion of scrutiny activities increases in relation to the age and institutionalisation of an interparliamentary cooperation. Ex ante control, which may consist of as little as demands, develops more easily than ex post control. Interparliamentary cooperation of subnational parliaments struggles to scrutinise an organisation in which national executives play a major role. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7179]
67.7196 ESCUDÉ, Camille —
The Arctic Council was created in 1996. It provides a forum for the eight countries with territory north of the Arctic Circle to dialogue and develop cooperation projects. Conceived as a flexible structure oriented toward scientific collaboration, it has progressively evolved toward greater institutionalization and even helps defuse certain tensions. The Council now addresses more political issues, and has also adopted legally binding rules. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7383]
67.7197 FABBRINI, Sergio —
The Euro-crisis has put to test the intergovernmental decision-making regime institutionalized by the 2009 Lisbon Treaty for dealing with the economic policy side of the Economic and Monetary Union. Under the pressure of the euro collapse, the heads of state and government have introduced new legal measures and intergovernmental treaties that have radically transformed the European economic governance. How to interpret this transformation? The article discusses two of the main paradigms (liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-functionalism) used by scholars for interpreting the EU, showing their weakness in explaining that transformation. Looking at the euro crisis institutional implications through the two paradigms is a necessary exercise for elaborating a more comprehensive approach to the changes in the European economic governance. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7163]
67.7198 FASONE, Cristina; PICCIRILLI, Giovanni —
The Venice Commission, set up in 1990 within the Council of Europe, sees the monitoring of elections and referendums in the member states as one of its main tasks. The Venice Commission has established a Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters and delivers opinions on electoral legislation on a regular basis. The Code enjoys great political authority and can exert significant pressure on the national legal systems, should a deviation from the Code be detected. Moreover, starting from 2007 the European Court of Human Rights has recognized the principles enshrined in the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters as standards for its judgments. The article analyzes whether this development is actually leading towards a convergence of the standards observed for electoral legislation in Europe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6656]
67.7199 GLÖCKLER, Gabriel; LINDNER, Johannes; SALINES, Marion —
While banking supervision in the EU had been subject to slow incremental changes in the 2000s, the establishment of the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) in 2012/2013 amounted to a comparably swift and significant transfer of sovereignty. This article explores the institutional dynamics behind this sudden shift from incremental to punctuated change. We show that powerful ‘reproduction mechanisms’ of institutional stability were decisively weakened by the euro area crisis and the existential need to break the feedback loop between banks and sovereigns. The institutional breakthrough came about as a package deal, linking banking supervision to a short-term crisis-management measure for direct bank recapitalization. [R, abr.]
67.7200 GOMES ANDRE, José —
This paper aims to reaffirm the viability of the federalist option for a united Europe, comparing nowadays Europe with the building of the US. It shows how the scenario that the American people experienced when their federation was framed is similar to present-day Europe: social and cultural differences between the states, dissent among the political elite, an ineffective constitutional framework and doubts about the federal model. Those differences were settled by means of institutional mechanisms that established a project of reasonable consensus. Contrary to the ventilated fear of a European super-state, federalism does not imply that members of the federation merge into a homogenizing political structure. Instead, it allows different political entities to be bound into a common whole. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7163]
67.7201 GÜVEN, Ali Burak —
The discrepancy between the increasingly multipolar world economy of the recent decades and the stubbornly limited representativeness of the organizations mandated with its governance causes much strain in global politics. Some scholars suggest that this chronic mismatch will undermine existing multilateral bodies, while others expect the present architecture to persist. This article contends that the outcomes of this challenge are institution-specific. In settings where significant operational realignments are possible within existing mandates and governance structures, the multipolarity — multilateralism conundrum could be partly mitigated. The argument is based on a thematic analysis of all IBRD-IDA loan commitments between 2002 and 2015 in the World Bank's seven all-time top borrowers: Argentina, Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Mexico and Turkey (collectively, the Big Seven). [R, abr.]
67.7202 HAACK, Kirsten —
Women who successfully break the glass ceiling have historically done so in the context of crises. Crises offer unique windows of opportunity for women because they either legitimize women as suitable candidates or create “glass cliffs” that make positions unattractive to men. This article examines four elections in the World Health Organization (WHO), IMF, and UNESCO, applying findings from the national to the international. First access to executive office international organizations — the breaking of the glass ceiling — is facilitated by organizational crisis; however, once broken, the importance of crises diminishes. Organizations become regendered or women become seen as acceptable candidates. [R]
67.7203 HEIMS, Eva M. —
The article examines what drives national regulators’ attitudes towards and engagement with EU regulatory co-ordination as facilitated by EU agencies and offices. It suggests that a bureaucratic politics perspective can counteract shortcomings of explanations conventionally advanced in the EU governance literature by showing that national regulators’ attitudes towards co-ordination are driven by the aim to protect their turf. This is empirically demonstrated by a comparison of attitudes to coordination across maritime safety and food control authorities in the UK and Germany that draws on original document analysis and semi-structured interviews with British, German and EU officials. [R, abr.]
67.7204 HEINDLMAIER, Anita; BLAUBERGER, Michael —
The citizenship jurisprudence of the ECJ has raised hopes for a more social Europe and triggered fierce debates about “social tourism”. The article analyses how this case law is applied by EU member-state administrations and argues that they are actively containing the Court's influence. As a result, rather than reconciling the logics of “opening” and “closure”, they are heading towards an uneasy coexistence between free movement and exclusive welfare states. The argument here is illustrated with empirical evidence from Austria and Germany. Although both countries have taken different approaches to EU migrants’ residency and social rights, they produce similar effects in practice: increasingly, EU migrants are being tolerated as residents with precarious status without access to minimum subsistence benefits. [R, abr.]
67.7205 HICKMANN, Thomas —
In December 2015, more than 190 nation-states adopted the Paris Agreement at the 21st Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). This widely celebrated event has spurred great enthusiasm among experts concerned with the global response to climate change. Since then, considerable progress has been achieved on the international level, especially at the most recent international climate change conference held in Marrakesh, Morocco, in November 2016. However, recent developments also indicate how difficult the implementation process of the Paris Agreement will be. In reality, the involvement of all governmental and societal levels is of utmost importance to effectively address the climate change problem. [R]
67.7206 HÖGENAUER, Anna-Lena —
Since the Treaty of Lisbon, the desire of parliaments to adapt to their new powers has led to a new wave of Europeanisation. However, the early warning system (EWS) and the political dialogue with the Commission constitute only a small part of parliamentary scrutiny for regional parliaments, which still largely rely on traditional tools such as mandates, debates and questions. Therefore, this paper studies a traditional mechanism of scrutiny, parliamentary questions, in order to understand how they can be used in an EU context. The study shows that Europeanisation is progressing slowly. Interestingly, the vast majority of MPs who ask EU-related questions are not members of the European Affairs Committee. In addition, the content of parliamentary questions shows that regional parliaments have a distinctive territorial approach to EU affairs. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7179]
67.7207 HÖGENAUER, Anna-Lena; ABELS, Gabriele —
Regional parliaments can shape EU policy-making via a range of domestic and European channels. In the context of a renewed interest in the subnational level, this article addresses three core questions: have regional parliaments really been empowered by the early warning system provisions? Which factors explain differences in strength and mobilisation? Finally, what kind of a role do regional parliaments play in EU policy-making today, now that they have had several years to react to the trend towards multilevel parliamentarism? The authors argue that regional parliaments do indeed have the potential to contribute a distinct perspective to EU policy-making, even if their current level of activity is still low. Their distinctive territorial focus sets them apart from national parliaments. Their level of activity still varies greatly between parliaments depending on a number of factors. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7179]
67.7208 JOERGES, Christian; KREUDER-SONNEN, Christian —
European studies used to be dominated by legal and political science approaches, which hailed the progress of European integration and its reliance on law. The recent set of crises that struck the EU has highlighted fundamental problems in the ways and means by which European integration unfolds. The quasi-authoritarian emergency politics deployed in the euro crisis is a radical expression of the fading prevalence of democratic processes to accommodate economic and social diversity in the Union. As we argue, however, the mainstreams in both disciplines retain a largely affirmative and apologetic stance on the EU's post-democratic and extra-constitutional development. [R]
67.7209 JOHANSSON, Karl Magnus —
This article examines the role of Europarties in the EU institutional and constitutional or treaty reform, in decisions and negotiations leading to the adoption of treaties in the 1980s and 1990s. The existing literature on such reform in the EU largely overlooks the role of Europarties in the making of new treaties. Research on EU treaty reform usually operates within a state-centric ontology and framework for analysis. Challenging previous analyses and moving beyond state-centrism and intergovernmentalism, strictly inter-state bargaining, this article offers a complementary transnationalist account of what is happening in the drama of grand bargains or history-making treaty negotiations in the EU. There is a transnational dimension to such treaty reform; there is Europarty mobilization and influence. [R, abr.]
67.7210 KALAITZAKE, Manolis —
Through empirical investigation of the Eurozone and Greek debt crisis 2010–12, this article demonstrates how a peak organization of financial firms — the Institute of International Finance (IIF) — was able to mobilize its members transnationally to secure several key political and economic objectives. At the height of the crisis, large European banking firms were threatened by the prospect of a disorderly Greek default, coercive intervention by governments, and, potentially, a regional banking collapse. In this context, representatives from the IIF entered the policymaking process to facilitate concerted private sector action, assisting EU officials with the negotiation of a substantial and orderly creditor write-down, and cooperating with legal action by the Greek government to sideline a minority of financial firms hostile to the deal. [R, abr.]
67.7211 KARLAS, Jan —
Why do some states and state coalitions, acting within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), support harder legalization of the global climate regime? The effects of four causal factors are considered: climate vulnerability, the emission intensity of the national economy, a state's power position, and socialization into climate norms. To identify the legalization positions of UNFCCC actors, an original content-analysis is conducted of all the submission and meeting statements made at the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform during the years 2012–2015. Subsequently, a qualitative comparative analysis is carried out to find out which combinations of the causal factors offer a sufficient explanation for the analyzed outcome, leading to the identification of two causal pathways that lead states to endorse harder legalization of the climate regime. [R]
67.7212 KARLSRUD, John —
Based on the case of the UN Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), the article argues that UN peacekeeping neither is, nor will be ready operationally, doctrinally or politically to take on counter-terrorism tasks. Such a development will jeopardize the legal protection of UN staff, the ability of the UN to be an impartial arbiter of conflict, and for other parts of the UN family to carry out humanitarian world. The article thus argues that MINUSMA is an example for future operations. [R]
67.7213 KATHER, Orsina; BECKER, Manuel —
While “Europe of knowledge” has been widely recognized as an integral part of the European integration process, it has drawn less attention from the public eye in recent years as a result of the overshadowing presence of economic crises. However, especially education and higher education policies hold the potential to serve as a dynamic integration stimulus reaching even beyond European borders. In light of these assumptions the EU candidate countries Serbia and Turkey will be analyzed in regard to their higher education policies. In order to prepare the case studies, the role higher education policies have played in the European integration process is analyzed briefly. [R]
67.7214 KOROSTELEVA, Elena —
This article rethinks the Eastern Partnership agenda using J. Edkins’ framework of “the political” [Poststructuralism and International Relations, London, 1999]. Part of the problem, it argues, is the EU's failure to imagine a new social order, which would give a relational value to the Other, and not by way of disciplining it to the EU standards, but rather, by way of aligning differences to a shared “normal”. The article problematizes power relations as a process of “othering” in order to re-conceptualize them via key notions of differentiation, and normalisation. It argues for bringing “the political” back in, for debating and legitimizing contesting social orders. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The politics and ‘the political’ of the Eastern Partnership Initiative: re-shaping the agenda”, edited by the author and Igor MERHEIM-EYRE and Eske VAN GILS. See also Abstr. 67.6537, 7215, 7226, 7241, 7412]
67.7215 KOSTANYAN, Hrant —
Following the enactment of the Lisbon Treaty, the European External Action Service (EEAS) became a key player in the EU's foreign policy. This article assesses and explains variations in the EEAS’ approach to the Eastern Partnership (EaP) region. It contends that EU Member States (MS) limit the discretion of the EEAS more in a bilateral than in a multilateral framework, thus accounting for varying degrees of political sensitivity. By restricting EEAS discretion to the level of bureaucratized politics especially in sensitive policy areas, MS miss the opportunity to bring “the political” back in and to make EEAS policy leadership more tangible. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7214]
67.7216 KRECH, Hans —
For decades, the US has decisively influenced the political developments in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Between 1979 and 1989, Pakistan was the strategic partner of the US in the covert war against the Soviet occupation forces in Afghanistan. Between 1992 and 1996 and during the rise of the Taliban, the US lost contact with the majority of its former Afghans allies. Its relationship with Pakistan had also cooled off. This changed with the attacks of 9/11 [2001], which made Pakistan a strategic ally of the US again. The US troops have been caught in a “trap” prepared by al-Qaeda in Afghanistan since 1998: the network's plan was to engage the US in a long war of attrition in Afghanistan so that it would suffer the same fate as the Soviet Union before. [R, abr.]
67.7217 KREUDER-SONNEN, Christian —
In the wake of 9/11 [2001], the UN Security Council adopted emergency measures, the “terror lists”, which violated basic due process rights of the targeted persons. It took almost a decade before the regime of individual sanctions was gradually subjected to principles of due process. Since the most powerful members of the Council profited from the regime's executive discretion, they eagerly defended it against external attempts at its containment. Only when the critics enlisted other international organizations, in particular the European Court of Justice, were they able to turn the tides. Yet, the resulting institutional checks on the Council are both incomplete and risking negative side effects. [R]
67.7218 KURTZ, Gerrit —
UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ conflict-prevention agenda builds upon the achievements of the “Human Right up Front” initiative launched by his predecessor. The initiative has created a more integrated early-warning system, strengthened the preventive work of UN Country teams, and initiated a cultural change within the UN System. However, creating confidence between the different pillars of the UN system remains a challenge. Step by step, the new early-warning mechanisms at headquarter and country level will continue to a more holistic understanding of the risks of grave human rights abuses, allowing a more coherent UN response. [R]
67.7219 LANGLOIS, Anthony J., et al.—
ASEAN escalated its community-building project significantly over the last decade, culminating in the launch of a reformed and substantially integrated ASEAN Community at the end of 2015. This article considers what might follow from this newly reformed and rhetorically people-focused version of ASEAN for matters of sexual orientation and gender identity and expression (SOGIE). In claiming to be people-oriented and people-centered, and by developing a regional rights regime, ASEAN opens itself to standards by which it can be measured and held to account. We critically review ASEAN 2025: Forging Ahead Together, and consider civil society's response, focusing on the critique offered by the ASEAN SOGIE Caucus, the peak civil society organization for ASEAN SOGIE matters. We focus on three themes: identity, visibility politics, and rights. [R, abr.]
67.7220 LIND, Jacob —
Drawing on in-depth ethnographic observations among irregularised migrant families in Birmingham, UK, this article discusses how children's political agency manifests in everyday life. It shows how children who become aware of their legal status as “deportable” reject this subject position and offer their own definitions of who they are and where they belong. Simultaneously, it is argued that children with varying degrees of knowledge about their legal status also express political agency through their struggle to sustain the inclusion they experience. Such expressions highlight the duality of children's political agency in irregular situations. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6552]
67.7221 LÖVBRAND, Eva; HJERPE, Mattias; LINNÉR, Björn-Ola —
This article examines the role the UNFCCC plays in a polycentric climate regime complex. Through an extended questionnaire survey at the UN Climate Conferences in Warsaw (2013), Lima (2014) and Paris (2015), we study what government delegates and non-state observers see as the main purpose of UN climate summitry and their roles therein. Only a minority of these actors attend UN Climate Conferences to actively influence the outcome of the intergovernmental negotiation process. Instead, most come to these meetings to network, build interpersonal relationships, learn from each other and foster a sense of community across scales of difference. The ability of the UNFCCC to bring together different actors across time and space, to perform multiple policy tasks, has become one of its notable strengths. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Non-state actors in the new landscape of international climate cooperation”, edited and introduced by Karin BÄCKSTRAND, et al., “Non-state actors in global climate governance: from Copenhagen to Paris and beyond”, pp. 651–579. See also Abstr. 67.7161, 7166, 7253]
67.7222 LUXON, Emily Matthews; WONG, Wendy H. —
While international nongovernmental organisations (INGOs) have been heavily studied for their role in transnational advocacy, most research has ignored their internal organisation and the relationships between international and grassroots offices. Intuition suggests that INGOs should face structural imperatives to balance maintaining global brands while simultaneously mobilising disparate publics in local contexts. However, this intuition has not yet been systematically studied. We address this with a paired comparison of Amnesty International and Greenpeace. Using case studies and an original dataset of website attributes, we show that campaigns promoted by international offices and their national counterparts reflect a balance between local diversity and global unity, revealing organisational structures that combine centralised agenda-setting with decentralised agenda implementation. [R, abr.]
67.7223 MAJONE, Giandomenico —
The choice facing the leaders of the EU, after Brexit, is between a static adaptation, leaving the current approach to integration essentially unchanged, and a dynamic adaptation, which recognizes the need for radical changes. Dynamic adaptation requires institutional leadership. The clearest indication of a deficit of leadership is the failure to define the real purpose of the collective activity. This failure is at the root of Brexit, as may be seen from the explicit rejection of the indefinite goal of “ever closer union” by the British prime minister in November 2015. An alternative approach to European integration finds a good theoretical foundation in Buchanan's theory of clubs. The essential principle of a functional organization at supranational level is that activities would be selected specifically and organized separately. [R, abr.]
67.7224 MARTíNEZ ALARCóN, María Luz; LAGOS RODRíGUEZ, María Gabriela —
This article analyzes the consequences of the new economic governance of the EU on the European integration process, from an interdisciplinary point of view. From the legal point of view, new developments in European economic governance have strengthened the intergovernmental approach typified by the Stability and Growth Pact at the expense of transparency and accountability, so much so that it becomes difficult to refer to a legitimate and limited European power. From the economic point of view, the current concrete implementation of the updated Fiscal Stability Treaty during a period of economic crisis has provoked a loss of convergence among Member State economies, impacting negatively on territorial cohesion. [R]
67.7225 MEDINA, Gabriel; POTTER, Clive —
The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) has undergone different reforms often presented as a historical evolutionary process in which old policy instruments are replaced by new measures. We explore the current nature and developments of the CAP by interviewing experts closely involved in the reforms either as commentators or lobbyists. The results show a policy historically built by an additive process of layering specific instruments on top of the others. This multilayered nature implies structural challenges. Interviews reveal a strong dispute between powerful lobby groups and their paradigms for more space within the CAP. Current developments include the effort for incorporating environmental issues within the CAP promoted by environmentalists and the proposal for sustainable intensification promoted by farmers. [R]
67.7226 MERHEIM-EYRE, Igor —
This article examines the case of cross-border mobility between the EU and the states of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The issue of managing mobility exposes a wider series of continuities and disconnects in the EU's attempts at extending its rationalities of governing into the neighborhood. Using the case studies of Visa Liberalization Actions Plans and the Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM), this article argues that while the EU's rationalities of governing remain largely disciplinary, the study of practices reveals emergent rationalities of “governing at a distance”, which increasingly draw on the interplay of both the EU interests and partners’ needs. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7214]
67.7227 MILLER, Bowman H. —
Europe is beset with multiple, intersecting challenges and crises, among them unwelcome inward migration, suffocating indebtedness in the southern tier, rising populist nationalism evident from Britain and France to Hungary and Poland, and residue from the 2008 economic/Euro-crisis, to name the more prominent ones. Less noticed or commented is the EU's need to readdress its foundational rationale and to adapt it to contemporary reality. Its original stated aim to share sovereignty and pursue supra-national integration in an effort to prevent renewed intra-European warfare is no longer relevant, and today's electorates demand both more say and new justification behind elites’ calls for continuing integration to shore up the EU's edifice and ensure its institutional future. [R]
67.7228 MONTENEGRO, Renan Holanda; MESQUITA, Rafael —
Emerging powers, including the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), typically present themselves as natural leaders of their regions. Although physical size confers them the status of regional powers, their role as leaders depends on the consensual acceptance of their would-be followers. [Do] the countries under the influence of the BRICS show convergent positions? Can the five BRICS be considered de facto leaders of their regions? This article answers these questions by analyzing the behavior of the BRICS and their regional partners in the UN General Assembly (UNGA). The research design replicates the data from Voeten (2013) in order to compare the average affinity between each of the BRICS countries and their regions in the votes of the UNGA from 1992 to 2014. [R, abr.]
67.7229 MORENO, Luis —
The EU has transcended many of the old prerogatives of national independence bringing about the very function of interdependence among Member States. Within the latter there are sub-state communities claiming simultaneously both self-government and “more Europe”. The future intent of this political process in the Old Continent is to make territorial subsidiarity consistent with home rule within European framework legislation and continental institutions. The first part of this article focuses on the idea of a closer EU based upon the implementation of territorial subsidiarity, as well as on the challenges posed by democratic accountability, multi-level governance and the preservation of the European Social Model (ESM). The second section illustrates how the meaning of independence has developed in a ‘stateless nation’ such as Catalonia. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7116]
67.7230 MORGAN, Jamie —
Corporate tax-avoidance by multinationals is one cause of a crisis of legitimacy. Although states tend to be increasingly formally committed to tackling avoidance, they do so in a system that promotes contradictory sets of behavior. This tends to undermine attempts to solve the problem of avoidance unless a more transformative collective approach is taken. Ironically, despite its own democratic deficit, the European Commission has taken a leading role in promoting such a solution: the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB). I set out the case for “unitary taxation” based on the CCCTB and state some of its current problems. The problem of corporation tax raises a basic issue in terms of who is sovereignty for, and solving the problem provides an important contribution to legitimacy of both the state and the EU. [R]
67.7231 NEUNECK, Götz —
After its founding in 1957, it was decided that the task of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) would be to promote the peaceful use of nuclear energy and to prevent the use of nuclear energy for military purposes. The IAEA's mandate was thus contradictory from the outset. Within the framework of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear weapons (NPT) from 1970, the IAEA played an increasingly important role in monitoring compliance with the peaceful use of nuclear power. On the basis of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, which was agreed on in 2015, it is possible to further refine the IAEA's monitoring and verification system. Prospectively, the IAEA is faced with a variety of challenges for nuclear safety, security and nuclear arms control of fissile materials and technologies. [R]
67.7232 NICOLI, Francesco —
While several countries still struggle to return to sustainable growth and Euroskepticism has shown growing strength ever since the 2014 European Elections, Europe is slowly advancing on the path of fiscal integration. This paper reassesses how legitimacy is provided and why the advancing economic and fiscal integration constitutes a ‘genetic change’ of the Union. The second section discusses the functional deadlock emerging from the interaction between demos democracy and redistribution, which invites the EMU to make a fundamental choice between “convergence of the identities” and “convergence of the economies”. [R]
67.7233 NYGÅRD, Håvard Mokleiv —
The level of violence seen during transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule varies substantially. Recently, Tunisia experienced an almost bloodless transition, while in Libya the attempt to oust the Gadhafi regime ended in a civil war. This paper looks at the dynamics of democratic transitions, and attempts to explain why some become extremely violent while others progress peacefully. Specifically, the paper looks at the potential role of international governmental organizations (IGOs) for constraining or altering the behavior of non-democratic regimes, thereby influencing regime transitions. It argues that, by alleviating commitment problems between the outgoing regime and the new elites, and by imposing sanctions that reduce an incumbent regime's ability to reap the benefits of office, IGOs increase the likelihood of seeing a peaceful transition to democracy. [R, abr.]
67.7234 PEREZ, Lauren K.; SCHERPEREEL, John A. —
How do high levels of ministerial turnover affect the strength of ministers and bureaucrats in the Council of the EU? We test two rival hypotheses — one suggesting that high turnover rates will empower bureaucrats, the other suggesting that they will increase uncertainty and increase ministerial involvement. We empirically document high turnover among ministers in the Council. Next, we develop a conceptual framework that identifies four ways that turnover might affect institutional balances. Then we outline rival hypotheses about turnover's vertical intra-institutional effects and present statistical models that gauge turnover's effects on the power of ministers and bureaucrats. [R, abr.]
67.7235 POTTER, William C. —
A little-noticed phrase agreed by the 2010 Non-Proliferation Treaty review conference laid the foundation for a surprisingly successful effort to achieve a legal prohibition on nuclear weapons. [R]
67.7236 REINHARDT, Dieter —
The majority of UN member states and NGOs are stating that the global financing system of humanitarian assistance, based on the principle of voluntariness, has severe dysfunctions. Broadly speaking, there are three different concepts to reform this system: the first one proposes primarily the expansion of humanitarian civil society organizations; the second one favors the improvement of existing and the introduction of new moderate finance instruments, whereas the third model is more radical and proposes the establishment of a new UN budget for financing humanitarian UN organizations based on assessed contributions of all UN member states in a similar way that UN peacekeeping missions are financed. [R]
67.7237 RINGSMOSE, Jens; RYNNING, Sten —
The Alliance's success in adapting its deterrence posture has brought into focus a range of more complex challenges. [R]
67.7238 RUIZ DíAZ, Lucas J. —
During the last decade, the EU has paid special attention to measures to prevent terrorism and, in particular, terrorism radicalization. It has developed a specific strategy and supporting instruments that complement Member States’ efforts in this particular field of security. However, due to the complexity of the phenomenon and the distribution of the competences between the EU and its Member States, the multidimensional response envisaged by the EU manifests shortcomings that reduce its full potential, giving the impression that it has failed in fulfilling its main goals if one only takes into account the terrorist acts of the last year in Europe. [R]
67.7239 SCHÖN-QUINLIVAN, Emmanuelle; SCIPIONI, Marco —
Regarding the analysis of European economic policy choices since 2010, the literature has largely taken the path of inter-governmentalism, concluding that the member states were the key leaders of the economic and fiscal negotiations and relegating the Commission to the loser status. This article opens the black box of European economic policy-making through process tracing and embed a discussion on policy entrepreneurship by the Commission within an analysis of policy change in economic governance. It argues that the coupling of a high problem load with a high level of systemic ambiguity opens a window of opportunity for bottom-up entrepreneurship of the Directorate General for Economic and Financial Affairs which is snuffed out by the political College and the member states when the problem load and the systemic ambiguity are low. [R]
67.7240 SCHWAN, Michael —
This paper investigates the financialization of regions in the EU. It zooms in on the regional level and provides a systemic and macrostructural analysis of the factors that for account an increase in finance and insurance activities. Theoretically, the argument highlights the crucial importance of various forms of indebtedness as the social, economic and political relationship that constitutes financialization processes. Empirically, the paper stresses the sub-national dimension and thus contributes to fill an important, yet largely underappreciated gap in the political economy of finance. In order to fully grasp the extent to which financialization has transformed capitalism throughout the last three decades, it seems indispensable to include regions into the analysis. [R, abr.]
67.7241 SIMãO, Licínia —
The Eastern Partnership is one of the tools of the EU contributing to the reordering of European security. This article addresses the formative processes of the current European security order, focusing on the forms of capital being mobilized by the EU and Russia in the field of European security. Using post-structuralist perspectives in international politics, it argues that the EU's promotion of depoliticized forms of politics aims at maintaining a hegemonic and hierarchical order, rather than partnerships and emancipatory forms of security. This is problematic, due to the subjectivities it creates and the lack of objective security provision. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7214]
67.7242 SMITH, Sarah —
In March 2016, the UN Security Council adopted its first resolution devoted entirely to the prevention of peacekeeper sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) in peace operations. This article examines resolution 2272 by drawing on past practice and the perspective of those at mission sites — namely, Timor-Leste — arguing that the mechanism it establishes — repatriation — is limited in its capacity to prevent SEA and provide justice outcomes. The article demonstrates the pervasive sense of powerlessness regarding SEA and the impunity of those who do perpetrate SEA. The article further situates the issue of SEA by peacekeepers in the post-conflict (gendered) context in which it occurs, arguing that the resolution does not challenge the underlying norms and gendered relations of power that underpin peace operations. [R, abr.]
67.7243 STOREY, Ian; IZZUDDIN, Mustafa, eds. —
Articles by R. M. Marty M. NATALEGAWA, “The expansion of ASEAN and the changing dynamics of Southeast Asia”, pp. 232–238; TANG Siew Mun, “Is ASEAN due for a makeover?”, pp. 239–244; Walter WOON, “The ASEAN Charter ten years on”, pp. 245–251; John D. CIORCIARI, “ASEAN and the Great Powers”, pp. 252–258; TAN See Seng, “A tale of two institutions: the ARF, ADMM-Plus and security regionalism in the Asia Pacific”, pp. 259–264; Nick BISLEY, “The East Asia Summit and ASEAN: potential and problems”, pp. 265–272; Amitav ACHARYA, “The myth of ASEAN centrality?”, pp. 273–279; Donald K. EMMERSON, “Mapping ASEAN's futures”, pp. 280–287.
67.7244 STRANDQUIST, Jon —
Assumed in the long-standing debate over which agency, CIA or the Department of Defense, should conduct US paramilitary operations is the idea that these organizations’ paramilitary programs are fundamentally the same kinds of things. This article questions that assumption by investigating the organizational forms underlying these agencies’ paramilitary programs in four empirical cases drawn from South Vietnam and post-9/11 Afghanistan. A typology is constructed around two identified organizational forms: “franchising” for CIA vs. “company ownership” for the US Army Special Forces. Different paramilitary organizational forms are found to have significant operational implications that should inform the paramilitary transfer debate. [R]
67.7245 TATHAM, Michaël —
Regions started opening offices in Brussels in the mid-1980s. Today, well over half of Europe's regions are present there. What do they do once they are in Brussels? Are they mainly networking, chasing funding, acting as intermediaries, monitoring legislation, or trying to influence the EU's decision-making process? No study has analyzed this question apart from the pioneering work by G. Marks et al. [“What do subnational offices think they are doing in Brussels?”, Regional and Federal Studies 12(3), Autumn 2002: 1–23; Abstr. 53.2521]. This article breaks new ground by analyzing both group-level and contextual factors in a series of multilevel models. Based on a survey of regional offices in Brussels, results indicate that contextual factors, such as levels of self-government back home, matter. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7194]
67.7246 TAYDAS, Zeynep; KENTMEN-CIN, Cigdem —
Despite considerable research analyzing EU citizens’ attitudes toward enlargement, there is no scholarly consensus on what drives opposition to the accession of a particular country. To fill this gap, this paper adopts a comparative approach to examine the determinants of attitudes toward the membership of twelve candidate or potential candidate countries to the EU. Using 2005 Eurobarometer survey data from the EU-25, we examine the relative explanatory power of two leading theories — utilitarian and identity — in explaining public opposition to EU enlargement. Our results reveal that, across models, subjective variables capturing material and identity threat perceptions have a more consistent impact on enlargement attitudes compared with objective indicators. Fears of higher EU budget contribution and evaluations of national economic conditions are the most consistent utilitarian predictors of respondents’ opposition to entry of potential EU members. [R, abr.]
67.7247 TELÒ, Mario —
Taking a longue durée approach to EU political legitimacy, the paper examines three successive constitutional models of European integration: the transnational political movement for a democratic federal constitution; the “constitutional moment” of 2001–2005; and the European de facto constitutionalization through progressive treaty revision. The attempt to draft a Constitution for Europe showed the limits of supranational democracy in that it maintained the intergovernmental design of treaty revision, and finally crashed against the skepticism of a number of national voters. What is left is the mixed kind of legitimization that results from the successive treaty revisions: input legitimacy (through the European and the national parliaments, states’ governments representation in Council, social dialogue, and participatory democracy), output legitimacy, and rule of law. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7163]
67.7248 TERLINGEN, Yvonne —
When on October 13, 2016, the General Assembly appointed by acclamation António Guterres of Portugal as the UN's ninth Secretary-General, there was a sense of excitement among the organization's 193 members. For once, so it seemed, they felt they had played an important role not only in choosing the secretary-general but also in appointing a man generally considered to be an outstanding candidate for a position memorably described as “the most impossible job on this earth.” The five permanent, veto-wielding members of the Security Council (Perm Five) still exercised the greatest power in the selection process, as they always had in the past. Yet the candidate chosen appears, surprisingly, not to have been the first choice of either the US or Russia, two of the Perm Five that until then had effectively chosen the secretary-general between them in an opaque and outdated process. It is doubtful that António Guterres would have been appointed if the General Assembly had not embarked on a novel process to select him. [R]
67.7249 VAN KLINGEREN, Marijn; BOOMGAARDEN, Hajo G.; VREESE, Claes H. de —
European migration and border control has occupied a prominent spot on the European political agenda. The news media present the topic in a polarized fashion and reports conflicting viewpoints on how the EU and national governments should address the issue. We argue that this conflict in news messages can have a polarizing effect on public perceptions regarding the EU's performance on this topic, and that this effect can be moderated by the valence of news messages. A two-wave online panel survey experiment was conducted on a representative sample of the Dutch population (n = 376). The results indicate that conflict reinforces and thus polarizes policy attitudes, whereas a message's valence can change people's attitudes, which reduces the attitudinal gap. [R, abr.]
67.7250 WARREN, Thomas; HOLDEN, Patrick; HOWELL, Kerry E. —
The intensification of the financial and economic crisis in Europe has added a new impetus to the debate over the possibilities for securing supranational fiscal integration within the EMU. Since the literature on the EU's response to the crisis is dominated by the study of intergovernmental politics, this article considers the previously neglected role of the Commission. A framing analysis of the Commission's crisis discourse is operationalised here, which is supplemented by interviews with senior officials located in the Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs (DG ECFIN) during key phases of the crisis. It is found that a supranational reform agenda was never internalised by the Commission. Instead, the Commission acted strategically by framing the crisis around intergovernmental fiscal discipline. [R, abr.]
67.7251 WEALE, Albert —
The EU is a compound polity, which requires its member states to make credible commitments about their complying with the terms of their interstate contract. Using contemporary social contract theory, the paper analyses what conditions of inter-state credibility are necessary in order for such a contract to be successful. However, since member states make their commitments as representatives of their peoples, those same commitments must also be acceptable at the domestic level, but the domestic political accountability of collective agents calls into question the extent to which inter-state commitments can be credible. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7163]
67.7252 ZAPATA-BARRERO, Ricard —
Due to current mobility patterns, basically related to the economic crisis and recent enlargements, EU citizens’ free movement is being seen with fears and uncertainties by EU member states. This article explores the theoretical implications of the restrictions of EU in-mobility taking the ideal of EU citizenship as the main cornerstone, and it proposes an opportunity-based approach that can shape a potential EU in-mobility theory. Formulating these reflections from migration studies, I will also add arguments from the field of mobility studies, which allows us also to state that EU in-mobility is fundamental in the making of EU citizenship, European society and European legitimacy. [R, abr.]
67.7253 ZELLI, Fariborz; MÖLLER, Ina; ASSELT, Harro van —
How and why do institutional architectures, and the roles of private institutions therein, differ across separate areas of climate governance? Here, institutional complexity is explained in terms of the problem-structural characteristics of an issue area and the associated demand for, and supply of, private authority. These characteristics can help explain the degree of centrality of intergovernmental institutions, as well as the distribution of governance functions between these and private governance institutions. This framework is applied to three emerging areas of climate governance: reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+), short-lived climate pollutants (SLCPs) and climate engineering. Conflicts over means and values, as well as over relatively and absolutely assessed goods, lead to considerable variations in the emergence and roles of private institutions across these three cases. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7221]
Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
67.7254 ADELLE, Camilla; KOTSOPOULOS, John —
This paper uses an analytical framework drawn from organisational studies to unpack and evaluate climate change relations under the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership. While the EU and South Africa share a common purpose and high-level climate goals, many of the formal organisational structures set up under the partnership to tackle climate change and the environment are weak and have fallen into disuse. At the same time several factors outside of the strategic partnership, such as South Africa's hosting of the Durban climate change meeting, have played a significant role in promoting climate cooperation between the two partners. Therefore, while the strategic partnership creates an additional opportunity for climate cooperation, it is by no means the only or even the most important instrument in the EU's foreign policy tool box for negotiation and dialogue. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7354]
67.7255 ADLER-NISSEN, Rebecca; GALPIN, Charlotte; ROSAMOND, Ben —
Theresa May's claim that “Brexit means Brexit” demonstrates the malleability of the concept. The referendum campaign showed that “Brexit” can be articulated to a variety of post-Brexit scenarios. Brexit signifies more than the technical complexities of the UK withdrawing from the EU. It works both as a promise of a different future and performatively to establish a particular past. Brexit works as a frame with potential to shape perceptions in three domains. The first is identity. How does “Brexit” shape national and European identities in distinct national environments? The second is how Brexit shapes understandings of geopolitical reality and influences conceptions of what is diplomatically possible. Third is the global economy. How does “Brexit” work within intersubjective frames about the nature of global economic order? [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7408]
67.7256 ALLEE, Todd; ELSIG, Manfred —
The concept of domestic veto-players has become a popular explanation for foreign policy rigidity. We argue that veto-players can be amenable to new policy initiatives — in our case preferential trade agreements (PTAs) — but then choose to exert a strong influence on their contents. Drawing upon more than a dozen PTA-design variables for an expanded collection of postwar trade agreements, our quantitative tests reveal that veto-players systematically shape what is included in, and excluded from, PTAs. Most notably, agreements concluded under greater veto-player constraints contain fewer liberalization commitments, weaker dispute settlement, and more opt-outs in the form of trade remedies. [R, abr.]
67.7257 ALLYN, Bruce —
It is a depressing picture: American and Russia seem to be blindly repeating the errors of the past, creating a nuclear déjà vu even more menacing than before. [R]
67.7258 ANDERSON, Nicholas D. —
The US has long called for the complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation of North Korea. But is this a realistic policy option? In order to address this question, a broader question needs to be answered: What are the primary drivers of North Korea's interest in nuclear weapons? Most answers to this question take one of two basic positions. “Doves”, on the one hand, see North Korea developing nuclear weapons because of the threatening foreign policies of the US and South Korea. “Hawks”, on the other hand, see North Korean nuclear development as driven by factors internal to the North Korean regime, inherent in its personality. The author examines these two arguments against the evidence and finds them both wanting. [R, abr.]
67.7259 ARBATOV, Alexei G.; ARBATOVA, Nadezhda K. —
The article deals with D. Trump's ascent to the White House that may open a new phase in international relations, and foremost in relations between Russia and the US. Donald Trump is a product of the world's anti-globalist trend — populism. That is why he remains for the time being one of the most unpredictable politicians. Russian leadership obviously gave preference to Trump during the US election campaign, [because he] rejected foreign policy of President B. Obama, under whom Russian-American relations sank to the lowest point since the end of the Cold War. We address the reasons of the crisis of the recent few years in the relations between the two powers with the purpose of understanding how probable the removal of these reasons in the future. [R, abr.]
67.7260 AVELLANEDA, Claudia N.; JOHANSEN, Morgen; SUZUKI, Kohei —
Although most literature focuses on Western international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), Asian INGOs have also become globally active. Little is known about what motivates INGOs to provide services in other regions, such as Latin America. We identify the criteria Japanese INGOs use to select Latin American recipient countries. We propose that Japanese INGO operational location decisions are a function of Japanese foreign policy agenda, Japan-recipient country business relations, and recipient country's need and liberalization. Using data from Japanese INGOs working in Latin America and 24 Latin American countries on contextual, macroeconomic, and demographic indicators, we find that the significant factors driving INGO decisions to operate in Latin American countries are need and the presence of Japanese businesses in the recipient country. [R, abr.]
67.7261 BASTIAENS, Ida; POSTNIKOV, Evgeny —
Can environmental provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs) foster an environmental race to the top? The ways in which different enforcement mechanisms in North-South PTAs affect the implementation of environmental standards in developing countries are examined. It is argued that environmental provisions in EU and US PTAs will be effective in instigating policy change in partner countries, although the timing of the effect will vary significantly. Fines and sanctions in US PTAs incentivize partner countries to reform during the negotiation process. Reform in EU PTA partners is predicted to occur during agreement implementation as a result of the EU's policy dialogue approach. Illustrative evidence is provided and the hypotheses are tested using statistical estimations of EU and US PTAs with environmental provisions on developing countries’ environmental policy reform. [R]
67.7262 BEHRENDS, Jan C. —
The concept of “plural peace” is misleading. It will bring neither security nor peace, but will instead again divide Europe and create greater instability. We do not need a Russia policy that rewards Russia's flouting of the law, but a European and Atlantic-based Ostpolitik, a policy towards the East, which promotes security in the region and contains Russia without isolating it. The “constrainment” approach will defend international law and the sovereignty of states, including those in Eastern Europe. [R]
67.7263 BERG, Eugène —
In addition to his commitment to order and stability, and his will to prevent the jihadists of the Caucasus and Central Asia from doing further damage, V. Putin sees Bashar al-Assad as a rampart against Islamic terrorism. Whilst Russia has not won the war overall, the wars in Syria have entered a new phase. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7264 BIGGERI, Mario; CIANI, Federico; FERRANNINI, Andrea —
Modern societies are increasingly characterized by complex multilevel governance mechanisms. Nonetheless, evaluations of how development initiatives are implemented with respect to the international aid effectiveness agenda have embraced this multilevel complexity only to a limited extent. The purpose of this paper is twofold. Firstly, to place the discussion on aid effectiveness within a multilevel governance perspective, going beyond country assessments. Secondly, to evaluate the Paris principles in terms of dynamic processes rather than simply outcomes, thus entailing the need for systemic evaluations, also through participatory methods. The Ethio-Italian cooperation project “Agricultural Value Chains in Oromia” is analyzed as a case study, assessing its coherence with the Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness by involving stakeholders at different levels. [R, abr.]
67.7265 BIONDO, Karen del —
This paper investigates the degree to which EU and US development policies reflect partnership, meaning that aid is based on negotiations on an equal basis. It finds that, while the EU has traditionally been more focused on partnership than the US, in recent years the gap is narrowing. The EU is increasingly providing aid based on a security rationale and has become reluctant to give budget support, while the US is starting to work more with local actors. Changes in public support for aid, the EU's growing role as a security provider and institutional changes can explain this trend. [R]
67.7266 BISHKU, Michael B. —
Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise. [R]
67.7267 BLANCHARD, Jean-Marc F.; FLINT, Colin, eds. —
Introduction of the same title by the editors, pp. 223–245. Articles by Jean-Marc F. BLANCHARD, “Probing China's twenty-first-century Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI): an examination of MSRI narratives”, pp. 246–268; David BREWSTER, “Silk roads and strings of pearls: the strategic geography of China's new pathways in the Indian Ocean”, pp. 269–291; Amitendu PALIT, “India's economic and strategic perceptions of China's Maritime Silk Road Initiative”, pp. 292–309; ZHANG Xin, “Chinese capitalism and the Maritime Silk Road: a world-systems perspective”, pp. 310–331.
67.7269 BÖHM, Hynek; DRAPELA, Emil —
Cross-border co-operation (CBC) is a prominent form of secondary foreign policy, implemented by local/regional actors and serving as a tool for overcoming the barriers arising from state borders. Many borders are areas of former conflicts, including territory of Euroregion Tesin/Cieszyn Silesia. Our goal is to analyse whether this Euroregion acts as a reconciliation tool. We departed from a concept of secondary foreign policy and complemented that by an overview of nationally led initiatives which could involve NCGs and NGOs in reconciliation and followed by analysis of projects of the Euroregion and interviews with CBC actors. CBC is a prominent form of secondary foreign policy. It has a reconciliation function, as it has helped to establish functional relationships and has contributed to diminishing the negative pictures of neighbours. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7348]
67.7270 BOON Hoo Tiang —
There is a growing view that the emerging brand of Chinese regional diplomacy in recent years is increasingly assertive. This article attempts to make better sense of this perceived more forceful Chinese diplomacy. It argues that Chinese regional behavior is more profitably understood through the lens of a two-pronged foreign policy strategy that combines two particular aspects. One is a tougher and more uncompromising approach toward issues that China regards as concerning its core interests. The other is a more flexible and cooperative position toward interests that, while significant, are of secondary importance. [R]
67.7271 BOYER, Yves —
Les relations entre l'UE et ses membres avec la Russie se sont dégradées. Les querelles des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale avec Moscou ont un impact négatif au risque d'accentuer des divisions et d'accroître les risques de dérapage aux conséquences catastrophiques. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7272 BRANDS, Hal; EDELMAN, Eric —
International crises do not occur in a vacuum; they are symptomatic of deeper changes in the global order. US primacy is far more contested than at any time in a quarter-century, and the friendly contours of the post-Cold War system have given wat to a darker and more challenging environment. [R]
67.7273 BRAZYS, Samuel; DUKALSKIS, Alexander —
While considerable and sustained attention has been paid to China's growing economic and military might, work examining how China is attempting, if at all, to influence the ecosystem of global norms is in its earlier stages. We examine China's actions in an important venue for the development of global norms, the UN General Assembly (UNGA). Using a unique dataset that captures how other countries move into or out of alignment with China on UNGA resolutions that are repeated over time, we find statistical evidence that China used diplomatic and economic means in an attempt to subtly alter international norms. We further illustrate these findings by examining four states that made substantive moves toward China on resolutions concerning national sovereignty, democracy, international order, non-interference, and human rights. [R, abr.]
67.7274 BREWSTER, David; MEDCALF, Rory —
Australia's Cocos Islands and Christmas Island are remote islands with potentially great significance for Australia's strategic role in the eastern Indian Ocean region and the wider Indo-Pacific. This paper explores the growing militarization of islands throughout the Indian Ocean in the context of growing strategic competition in the region. It then considers the strategic value of Australia's Indian Ocean territories and makes recommendations about the further development of defense infrastructure to potentially support Australian air operations in Southeast Asia and the eastern Indian Ocean. Upgraded facilities on both Cocos and Christmas would provide Australia with valuable leverage in its relationships with regional defense partners and the US. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7380]
67.7275 BRUSTLEIN, Corentin —
Over the course of the next few years, France will have to renew its nuclear arsenal to ensure that it remains a credible deterrent in the eyes of its potential enemies. This update must occur within an unfavorable context: the strategic environment, marked by the multiplication of Jihadi fronts, has deteriorated, and budgetary discipline is the order of the day. Sacrificing nuclear deterrence at the altar of the fight against terrorism would, however, be a fatal error. [R]
67.7276 BÜTHE, Tim —
Transatlantic relations in the early 21st c. strongly exhibit the characteristics of “complex interdependence;” they are highly institutionalized and involve a large and diverse set of actors across multiple issue areas. These characteristics should make transatlantic cooperation extraordinarily resilient. Yet, transatlantic relations have suffered markedly in the first few months since the election of D. Trump. This article advances our understanding of why, focusing on the transatlantic security community and transatlantic trade relations. For each, I first establish the status quo before Trump, then analyze the changes that have taken place since the US election, seeking to explain why, despite long traditions, deep economic ties, and a high degree of institutionalization, the election of a major state's head of government with a disruptive political agenda can deeply affect transatlantic relations. [R, abr.]
67.7277 CAFFARENA, Anna; GABUSI, Giuseppe —
Considering the ideas put forward in their inaugural speeches by Prime Ministers and Foreign Affairs Ministers in office after 2001, we suggest that Italy's institutional actors appear to be aware of the changes occurred in the international system after 1989, and in particular after 9/11 [2001]. The national role conceptions sustaining Italy's present foreign policy goals reflect such awareness. Ideas expressing foreign policy goals are also reasonably well grounded in ideas on how the world works or linked to operational ideas, yet the country's foreign policy appears feebly focused, even though focus is explicitly very much sought for. Some explanations for such a lack of focus which makes Italy's foreign policy design rather ineffective are offered. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7332]
67.7278 CARRÈRE D'ENCAUSSE, Hélène —
Russia's renewed confidence in its future as a world power results from V. Putin's desire to establish a less Europe-focused foreign policy with regard to his neighbors, and one that looks more towards Asia. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “L'ambivalence de la puissance russe (The ambivalence of Russian power)”, introduced by Isabelle FACON and Céline MARANGÉ. See also Abstr. 67.7263, 7295, 7296, 7323, 7330, 7342, 7352, 7356, 7361, 7365, 7366, 7369, 7381, 7403, 7409, 7425, 7460, 7464, 7503, 7528, 7530, 7542, 7571, 7589, 7604]
67.7279 CECCORULLI, Michela; COTICCHIA, Fabrizio —
Rather than excluding a potential role for the military, many European states rely on it to face a complex security scenario. What are the reasons behind this activism? Taking Italy as a case study, this article works out two main arguments (ideational factors and interests relating to the so-called military-industrial complex) and [examines] their weight in the national debate leading to the decision to intervene militarily (or not) in Sri Lanka (2004–2005), Haiti (2010), and in the Central Mediterranean (2015—). Ultimately, this effort contributes to understanding the role of the military instrument in Italy, a state particularly exposed to the new challenges ahead, and offers research tools for other countries that make similar use of armed forces to deal with non-conventional security threats. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7332]
67.7280 CERCEL, Cristian —
This article revisits R. Brubaker's well-known triadic nexus, consisting of national minority, nationalizing state, and kin-state, and interrogates its applicability to the study of German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe since the second half of the 20th century. It does that by looking at German-Romanian relations after the Second World War, arguing that the migration of Romanian Germans to (West) Germany led to the transformation of Brubaker's triadic nexus into a quadratic nexus. More precisely, the field of Romanian Germans in (West) Germany has to be added to the three already existing fields. Furthermore, the extension of Brubaker's model allows in effect for a more comprehensive analysis of postwar West German-Eastern European relationships. [R]
67.7281 CHAKRABARTI, Shantanu —
While an on-going statist project tries to portray India as a “rising power” in world politics, the fact remains that India's global projection continues to be heavily fashioned by the Global South rhetoric. Such rhetoric is inclusive of irredentism and contestation with western norms and ideals along with cooperation leading to a complex process of interactions shaping up the global order. For countries like India being claimant to the status of “civilizational state”, the strong urge for autonomy along with the self-perception of national and cultural greatness is shared by the elite along with a sense of strategic importance. Such identity formation, however, reduces and sometimes obliterates the gaps between “internal” and “external”, bringing into academic scrutiny the whole range of policymaking and to what extent it matches the state rhetoric. [R]
67.7282 CHAN, Debby Sze Wan —
The Myitsone Dam suspension is an asymmetric negotiation between Naypyidaw and Beijing. The bilateral agreement of the hydropower project was concluded in 2009. However, Myanmar's civil society started to oppose the dam when political opportunities expanded in 2011. The quasi-civilian government in Myanmar was caught in an “audience cost dilemma”: either to disappoint domestic constituents by fulfilling international obligations, or to compensate the Chinese dam developer for breaching the contract. In September 2011, Myanmar President Thein Sein declared the suspension of the dam throughout his tenure. Unexpectedly, China's state-owned dam company did not sue Naypyidaw. Moreover, Beijing even engaged with societal actors in Myanmar to seek their support for the project. This article argues that the rise of civil society successfully conditioned Naypyitaw's diplomatic options in the controversy. [R, abr.]
67.7283 CHAN Lai-Ha —
The existing accounts about the China-led multilateral development bank — the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) — have focused on the US's policy concerns and the economic and commercial reasons for China having established it. Two deeper questions are left unaddressed: Was there any strategic rationale for China to initiate a new multilateral development bank and, if so, how effective is China's strategy? From a neorealist balance-of-power perspective, this article argues that China has felt threatened by the B. Obama administration's rebalance to the Asia-Pacific strategy. In response, China is opting for a soft-balancing policy to carve out a regional security space in Eurasia in order to mitigate the threat coming from its east. A China-led regional order is yet to have arrived, even with the AIIB. [R, abr.]
67.7284 CHARAP, Samuel; DRENNAN, John; NOëL, Pierre —
By accommodating each other's strategic interests, Russia and China have achieved an effective partnership despite significant imbalances between them. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7554]
67.7285 CHUN Ja-hyun —
Maritime disputes in the South and East China Seas are not just territorial, but are fundamentally underpinned by China's attempts to display its growing regional dominance. This article focuses on both the tangible and intangible values inherent in the concept of territory, analyzing existing studies proposing that contemporary territorial disputes may transform themselves into military clashes. It shows how China's national pride and burgeoning military nationalism are connected to tensions with the US by presenting two case studies. Congruently, the paper critically assesses contemporary claims that the territorial disputes are, in fact, a product of China's “Monroe Doctrine,” which frequently functions as a warning to the US. The article contributes to understanding the implications of the region's instability for American foreign policy and, more significantly, for international security. [R, abr.]
67.7286 CHUNG, Chien-peng; VOON, Thomas J. —
This article focuses on China's Maritime Silk Road initiative, paying particular attention to Southeast Asia, the initiative's key focus. It examines the political and economic costs and benefits of participation in the initiative for Southeast Asian countries, and identifies the rationales that may enhance or diminish the initiative's success. [R]
67.7287 CLARKE, Michael; RICKETTS, Anthony —
The foreign policy crises that the US has confronted under the administration of President B. Obama have generated profound uncertainty about whether the US can maintain what has been its consistent grand strategy since the end of the Cold War: primacy. The authors argue, drawing on a neoclassical realist framework, that this uncertainty has been driven not so much by fundamental changes in the international system itself, but rather by how such changes have been interpreted by the Obama administration and its critics. US grand strategy is now caught between approaches best described as the “decline management” of the Obama administration and the “decline denial” of President D. Trump, which reflects the fracturing of the domestic “political support system” that has underpinned primacy since the end of the Cold War. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “National security: between theory and practice”, edited and introduced, pp. 474–478, by Matthew SUSSEX, Michael CLARKE and Rory MEDCALF. See also Abstr. 67.6468, 6709, 6734, 7382]
67.7288 COLOMBO, Silvia —
Amid growing animosity and security concerns in the Middle East, the Gulf region appears to be on the way to becoming the new centre of gravity of regional equilibria. The increasingly active foreign policy postures of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries is a key aspect of the new regional order in the making. Saudi Arabia and Oman are two examples of this trend. Their involvement in the Syrian and Yemeni conflicts reveals important differences regarding the aims, narratives, political and military postures, strategies and alliances pursued by Riyadh and Muscat and casts a shadow over the future of GCC cooperation and integration. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7373]
67.7289 CONESA, Pierre —
With its intervention in Yemen, its relations with Iran, and the isolation of Qatar, Saudi Arabia seems to affirm itself as a diplomatic and religious disruptive state in the Middle East. The religious diplomacy of Wahhabism plays a central role in Riyadh's strategy. It is an information tool and a true lever of influence that aims at turning the opinions of the decision-makers of major democracies in the country's favor. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7561]
67.7290 CONRAD, Justin —
Why do challengers attack some states that have allies, while avoiding conflict with others? This article builds upon previous research by arguing that parity in the observable capabilities of opposing states and their allies generates greater uncertainty and miscalculations on the part of challengers, which leads to a higher probability of conflict. Unlike previous research, however, this article argues that military alliances among democracies are better able to overcome this uncertainty, making power distributions largely irrelevant. The results demonstrate that uncertainty generated at power parity is mitigated when a target state's allies are more democratic, resulting in no overall change in the probability of conflict. This study therefore emphasizes that the effectiveness of military alliances lies in their ability to co-ordinate their power and communicate this co-ordination to potential challengers. [R]
67.7291 COOPER, Andrew F.; STUBBS, Richard —
As regions become more institutionalized, they are characterized by two competing trends. First, key regional institutions can become hub institutions that act as transmitters of a comprehensive set of norms. Second, as regional institutions increase in number, regions themselves are liable to become more fragmented. How these trends have played out is explored in two key regions, the Americas and the Asia-Pacific. It is concluded that regions are not static entities but are ever-changing structural arrangements. Hub institutions can be challenged and the consequences can be significant as regions gain in importance on the international stage. [R]
67.7292 CRAM, Travis —
The July 2015 nuclear agreement between Iran and the US was heralded by many as the best possible chance of avoiding both a nuclear-armed Iran and another war in the Middle East. What is remarkable is that the B. Obama administration utilized the same mix of policy tools, diplomacy, and pressure as the G.W. Bush administration. The difference in outcomes is especially confusing given the tendency of foreign policy experts to hold that Obama's and Bush's foreign policy worldviews are relatively identical. I argue that a rhetorical perspective provides the answer. Specifically, President Obama responded to the challenge of Iran's nuclear program by fashioning a frame of responsibility in a comic register, shifting the obligation to resolve the standoff peacefully onto both Iran and the US. [R, abr.]
67.7293 CULLEN, Patrick —
In contrast to earlier predictions, President D. Trump's policies towards Asia may not radically depart from those of the previous administration. Attempts to predict the future shape of his defence policy in the Asia-Pacific are a challenge, at best. Nevertheless, the author argues that, in contrast to early assumptions that he would initiate a more isolationist defence policy and break with the previous administration's Rebalance to Asia policy, Trump is more likely to adopt a hawkish — if unpredictable — enforcement of the policy's key defence objectives. Gauging whether the Trump administration will bring either change from, or continuity with, the military component of the Rebalance to Asia policy will require keeping an eye on each of the policy's subcategories. [R]
67.7294 DEE, Megan; SMITH, Karen E. —
The outcome of the UK's EU referendum will have far-reaching implications for its foreign policy and diplomacy and raises fundamental questions of how “Brexit” will impact its relationships with Europe and the world. This is even more pertinent when looked at from the perspective of the UN where the UK has benefited considerably from its membership of the EU. This article presents the challenges and opportunities of Brexit for the UK's diplomacy, and influence, at the UN. First, we illustrate the importance of political and regional groups within the UN. Second, we analyze how the UK has worked within such groups, and above all the EU, in two cases: human rights and nuclear weapons issues. Finally, we reflect upon how Brexit is expected to impact UK diplomacy in a UN dominated by group politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7408]
67.7295 DELANOë, Igor —
Russia's annexation of the Crimea in 2014 overturned the geopolitics of the region and upset the modernization plan for the Black Sea fleet that has been started in 2000. Russia has adapted its plans for rearmament and for the fleet in light of the current situation and is pursuing a strategy of access denial. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7296 DELCOUR, Laure —
The EU's Eastern Partnership is considered by Moscow as European intrusion into its sphere of influence. For the short term, Russia has limited any rapprochement of its close neighbour countries with the EU, but doubt surrounds longer-term intentions. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7297 DEMBINSKI, Matthias; SPANGER, Hans-Joachim —
Since the annexation of Crimea and the war in Eastern Ukraine, relations between Russia and the West have been deeply confrontational. New approaches must be taken in order to avoid a military escalation and guarantee security in Europe. The West should abandon its strategy of “liberal peace”, which since 1990 has focused on an adaptation by Russia to the liberal norms of the West and its integration into Western institutions. Instead, we promote the guiding principle of “plural peace”. The normative difference with Russia should be acknowledged. A clear delineation is a precondition for creating a new basis for stable cooperation. This entails providing Russia with plausible assurance that Ukraine and other states in the region will not be allowed to join the EU or NATO. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Russia, peace and security in Europe”. See also Abstr. 67.7262, 7304, 7324, 7370, 7404, 7413]
67.7298 DESSI, Andrea; OLMASTRONI, Francesco —
The performance of the M. Renzi government (2014–2016) in the realm of foreign and defense policy is a mixed bag. Struggling with significant structural constraints at home but called upon to shoulder increased responsibilities abroad, Italian foreign policy (IFP) has balanced instances of retrenchment, characterized by inward-looking tendencies and continued budget shortfalls, with its traditional emphasis on bandwagoning with stronger allies to retain a degree of influence over international events. The article analyses Italian foreign and defense policy from a comparative perspective, employing a mixed quantitative and qualitative approach to assess the strengths and weaknesses of Italy's foreign posture between 2014 and 2016. [R, abr.]
67.7299 DEUDNEY, Daniel; IKENBERRY, G. John —
Of the many conventional wisdoms of American foreign policy, none is more misleading than the notion that the Iraq War was a product of liberalism. [R]
67.7300 DIAN, Matteo —
The promotion of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) represented a major component of the strategy of rebalancing. Through the TPP, the B. Obama administration aimed at achieving several objectives: (1) “locking in” an America-friendly form of free-market capitalism as the main normative platform for economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region; (2) reaffirming Washington's capacity to shape the rules and norms of the international order; (3) keeping the region open to US influence and preventing China from creating a network of international institutions based on its leadership. The likely rejection of the agreement would dramatically diminish the possibility of achieving those objectives, weakening the foundations of the US-led order in Asia. [R]
67.7301 DOESER, Fredrik —
This article integrates literature on strategic culture with literature on the domestic politics of foreign policy, illustrating how the interaction of culture and domestic political calculation can influence government foreign policy on participation in international military operations. Empirically, the article investigates the decision made by the Government of Finland to refrain from participation in the military intervention in Libya in March-April 2011. The Finnish decision-making illustrates that domestic politics, in particular the factor of election timing, can strengthen the feeling among decision-makers that they should follow the country's strategic culture. The article ends with theorization on the domestic political conditions under which decision-makers are more or less likely to deviate from strategic culture. [R]
67.7302 DUPEYRON, Bruno —
This paper revisits the notion of “secondary foreign policy” through the analysis of cross-border governance in the US-Canada Pacific Northwest border region. Although pro-open border organizations in this borderland support secondary foreign policy principles, they collectively need to adjust them, due to the increasing border securitization on the Canada-US border. In other words, the militarization of the border should not affect mutually beneficial cross-border interactions and relations. Using Neil Fligstein and Doug McAdam's “field theory”, this paper analyses how the field of cross-border governance in the Pacific Northwest tends to evolve in a new geopolitical context after 9/11 [2001], in which free trade and cross-border flows are subjected to growing “primary foreign policy” security imperatives. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7348]
67.7303 DUURSMA, Allard —
This article systematically examines the varying effectiveness of African and non-African third parties in mediating civil wars in Africa. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, supplemented with unique data on mediation efforts, which together cover all mediation efforts in civil wars in Africa between 1960 and 2012, this article presents quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African third parties, African third parties are far more likely to conclude peace agreements and these peace agreements are more likely to be durable. Most effective, however, are mixed mediation efforts in which there is coordination between African and non-African third parties, but in which African third parties take the lead. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7184]
67.7304 EBERLE, Jakub; HANDL, Vladimír —
In Germany, policy towards Russia is again under dispute. A broad swathe of society demands rapprochement. Two Frankfurt peace researchers have taken up these ideas and developed them further. Their aim is to prevent a return to the Cold War. However, this is just what their approach represents. Underlying the concept of “plural peace” is a plea for the acknowledgement of major power politics and spheres of influence. The authors refer to international law while jeopardising achievements in international law that had already been formulated in the Helsinki Final Act of the CSCE in 1975. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7297]
67.7305 EGGERT, Konstantin von —
La politique étrangère russe est très liée au besoin de renforcer sans cesse la légitimité du président Poutine face à une opposition publique abreuvée de propagande nationaliste présentant les Etats-Unis et l'Otan, non comme des partenaires mais plutôt comme des adversaires potentiels. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7306 FETTWEIS, Christopher J. —
Despite a few persistent, high-profile conflicts in the Middle East, the world is experiencing an era of unprecedented peace and stability. Many scholars have offered explanations for this “New Peace,” to borrow Steven Pinker's phrase, but few have devoted much time to the possibility that US hegemony has brought stability to the system. This paper examines the theoretical, empirical, and psychological foundations of the hegemonic-stability explanation for the decline in armed conflict. Those foundations are rather thin, as it turns out, and a review of relevant insights from political psychology suggests that unipolarity and stability are probably epiphenomenal. The New Peace can in all likelihood continue without US dominance and should persist long after unipolarity comes to an end. [R]
67.7307 FOUKSMAN, Elizaveta —
This paper demonstrates that networks of development-focused civil society institutions can form global epistemic bridges even where communication technology, global markets, infrastructure, or state services do not reach. Given the penetration of these “civil society knowledge networks” throughout the world, it is crucial to understand how these networks form, and how they create and spread ideas, mediating between global discourses and local needs. This paper builds on a multi-sited case study of one such civil society knowledge network, which includes an international foundation, its partner non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Kenya, and one village where these NGOs run a forest conservation project. [R, abr.]
67.7308 FREILICH, Charles D. “Chuck” —
Those blithely advocating Israeli independence from the US should be careful what they wish for. [R]
67.7309 FÜLE, Stefan —
Les relations de l'UE avec ses voisins de l'Est et la Russie ne sont pas simples, malgré la volonté de progresser et de ne pas créer une nouvelle division du continent européen. Ce n'est pas faute de proposer un dialogue constructif, encore faut-il que Moscou accepte de changer de ton. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7310 GARCíA I SEGURA, Caterina —
Asia's economic rise has transformed the structure of interstate power, both partially ousting traditional powers and influencing norms and institutions of the liberal international Order envisaged by Western powers and led by the US since World War II. The current Westphalian order has to face the challenge of Asia (Is there an Eastphalian project?) and the cosmopolitan turn (Worldphalian project). Through the analysis of China's relation with multilateralism and the “Responsibility to Protect”, this article argues that the new power status of Asian powers allows them to influence the international order, participating in global normative processes and shaping institutions according to their goals and interests. They actively participate in global normative processes playing different roles, but always active ones. [R, abr.]
67.7311 GAREIS, Swen Bernhard —
Other than D. Trump's hard-hitting statements on China in his campaign and after his election made believe, the Sino-American relationship has not deteriorated dramatically but seems to be more stable and constructive after his inauguration. Besides the quickly building personal rapport between President Trump and his Chinese colleague Xi Jinping, the new administration has come to realize that the US is still the stronger partner in this bilateral relationship complex interdependency and a beneficiary from cooperation and trade with China. China remains interested in close and stable ties with the US to bring ahead its internal development and its major projects as the New Silk Road initiative. However, strong mistrust continues between the sitting world power and the rising China. [R, abr.]
67.7312 GARRETT, Brendan; WANNER, Thomas —
In September 2015, Australia, along with 193 member states, signed the UN Sustainable Development Goals. The facilitation of international trade and increasing foreign aid for developing countries were emphasised as crucial means for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. An important role was assigned to the international Aid for Trade initiative, which is about stimulating economic growth in developing countries through removing constraints to trade. Aid for trade has become a central plank of the “new development paradigm” of Australia's international aid program. This article analyses the conceptualisation and practice of aid for trade in Australia's aid, with a focus on how it links to ecologically sustainable development. It argues that Australia's aid for trade is reinforcing the neo-liberal development paradigm in which environmental dimensions are overall neglected and private-sector development and free trade are prioritised. [R, abr.]
67.7313 GERMAIN, Randall; SCHWARTZ, Herman Mark —
The rise of China has sparked a debate about the economic and political consequences for the global economy of the internationalisation of the renminbi. We argue that the dominant focus of this literature — primarily the external conditions and requirements for a national currency to become an international currency — misspecifies the connections between the international and domestic requirements for currency internationalisation, as well as the potential to become the dominant international reserve currency. We correct this oversight by developing an integrated theoretical framework that highlights the domestic adjustment costs which a state must accommodate before its currency can carry the weight of internationalisation. [R, abr.]
67.7314 GILL, Bates —
Many questions and uncertainties attend China's rise. What are the long-term goals of Chinese power? Does Beijing view the international system as fundamentally beneficial to its goals or as an impediment to them? Will China emerge as a more open, prosperous, just and sustainable society or less so? As China's paramount leader Xi Jinping is the singlemost powerful individual shaping his country's answers to those questions. It is therefore important to illuminate and understand the forces which are likely to affect his thinking and his responses to them. With that in mind, this essay delves into Xi's background, his stated vision for China's future and the challenges which confront that vision. It assesses how these factors are likely to play out in Chinese domestic and foreign policy in the years ahead. [R, abr.]
67.7315 GOODMAN, David S. G. —
A China Threat — the fear of being taken over by China and the Chinese — has been an ever present in the politics of Australia since even before there was a Commonwealth of Australia. It was both a major cause of Federation in 1901 and a determinant of Australia's foreign policy thereafter. In the last 20 years, concerns about China have come to focus less on migration and more on economic integration and China's political influence. There are as always distinct paradoxes in the China Threat. It may be a useful vehicle for making a political point at election time but China has a place in the Australian economy that has led Australia's leaders to at least modify their resistance once in office. [R]
67.7316 GOWA, Joanne; RAMSAY, Kristopher W. —
That the anarchic system generates incentives for states to balance each other's power is conventional wisdom in international relations. As such, the contemporary unipolar system is an anomaly. Observers explain its existence in several ways, including the benevolence of US hegemony and the constraints international institutions impose on the exercise of US power. None of them, however, explain what is perhaps the most puzzling outcome of the Soviet collapse: the decision of the US to maintain its level of military spending. To explain its choice, we extend the seminal argument Waltz advanced long ago to a dynamic setting. We show that the interest of the unipole in deterring a challenge to its power can induce it to continue to invest in guns rather than to shift its resources to the production of butter. [R, abr.]
67.7317 GRIMM, Sven; HACKENESCH, Christine —
Ten years after the coming into force of the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership, this article takes stock of this partnership. Our aim, within this special issue, is to assess the EU's perspective on its strategic partnership with South Africa, and in particular to look at economic and development cooperation within the partnership and to what extent European expectations of closer engagement have been met. Our analysis shows that economic interests have remained central to bilateral relations and the strategic partnership, even if some potential for economic engagement has remained unexploited. At the same time, the relationship has been quite tense in recent years, as bilateral “affection” at the political level has waned. The implications for the partnership are weighed. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7354]
67.7318 GUIGOU, Elisabeth —
La leçon inaugurale de la Chaire est l'opportunité de proposer une lecture globale des grands enjeux pour la France et l'Europe à travers l'analyse des défis et du rôle complexe de la Russie dans le désordre international. De l'habilité à gérer les crises en déroulera l'avenir de la démocratie. [R] [Premier article d'un numéro thématique intitulé “L'enjeu stratégique russe (The Russian strategic issue)”, introduit par Louis GAUTIER. Cf. Abstr. 67.7271, 7305, 7309, 7337, 7349, 7372, 7374, 7410, 7420, 7431]
67.7319 GUNTER, Niklas —
After a brief survey of earlier American involvement in the Middle East, this article presents a detailed overview of the seven stages of US foreign policy and the Kurds. The first three of these stages involving Woodrow Wilson's promises during WWI, Mulla Mustafa Barzani's era (1961–1975), and the 1991 US war against Iraq have been completed, while as of this writing the last four concerning the KRG in Iraq since 2003, Turkey and the PKK, Syria and the existential ISIS threat, and the new Trump era are a continuing process. [R]
67.7320 GUTIERREZ DEL CID, Ana Teresa —
At the start of 2013, a process was observed indicating a wide-ranging geopolitical change in direction in Europe that began with the repositioning of Russia as a regional power, and with the weakening of the presence of the US on the continent, having been immersed in military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq since the early 2000s. In addition, Germany had moved closer to Russia. This new strategy on the part of Russia has changed the traditional Cold War geopolitics in Europe, moving it closer to Germany on the basis of German consumption of Russian energy, meaning that it is increasingly evident that the unipolar order of global power is giving way to a multi-polar order. The events currently taking place in Ukraine are inscribed within this geopolitical standpoint. [R, abr.]
67.7321 HAASTRUP, Toni —
When the EU and South Africa acceded to a strategic partnership, they expanded into new areas, one of [which] was peace and security, the focus of this article. Although there appears to be a shared understanding of what security means, the strategic partnership has not been utilised significantly to further this understanding in practice. This is largely due to the EU's preferences for a continental, multilateral approach over the bilateralism of a strategic partnership. At the same time, South Africa sees its strategic partnership with the EU as being outside of its broader commitment to regional security. As a result the peace and security element of the strategic partnership has not been leveraged effectively despite several entry points for action. Both the EU and South Africa need to re-think the current arrangement. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7354]
67.7322 HAGLUND, David G.; CLEMENTI, Marco; LOCATELLI, Andrea —
The authors reflect on analogies drawn between President Donald Trump and two Italian counterparts: Benito Mussolini and Silvio Berlusconi. They conclude that while the former is widely off the mark, the latter provides some insight. They argue that a Berlusconi-type Trump administration will prove challenging for transatlantic relations. [R]
67.7323 HAZEMANN, Robert —
Three years after the annexation of the Crimea, the peninsula has taken on the appearance of a fortress apparently under the control of the Russian armed forces. This territory, once a key element in the Soviet Union's defense organization, would seem to be playing the same role once more. This stronghold is posing a real strategic challenge for NATO. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7324 HEINEMANN-GRÜDER, Andreas —
It is pertinent to ask how the current confrontation between Russia and the West can be overcome. However, the recommendation by peace researchers M. Spanger and H.-J. Dembinski [See Abstr. 67.7297] for a new policy towards Russia fails to convince. The notion of a “plural peace” is no more than a re-labeling of the “multipolar peace” à la russe. Their arguments amount to a guarantee of the continued existence of an autocratic regime in the name of pluralism. They offer a formula from the Cold War, namely peaceful coexistence along Soviet lines: the acceptance of zones of influence and a Russian cordon sanitaire at the expense of the states in “Zwischeneuropa”. [R]
67.7325 HEINRICH, Tobias; MACHAIN, Carla Martinez; OESTMAN, Jared —
This article studies whether the pursuit of counterterrorism militarizes foreign aid flows. It focuses on the case of US foreign aid to sub-Saharan African states, which recently have experienced an increase in the presence of al-Qaeda or its affiliate terrorist organizations. This article argues that as terrorist groups carry out attacks inside a state's territory, aid towards that state will serve such counterterrorism goals. For one, the state's executive branch will receive increased military aid to immediately fight al-Qaeda or affiliates. For the other, the US also steps up aid for civil society and development, which could over time undermine al-Qaeda's mobilization and recruitment efforts. [Our] empirical analysis covers 46 African states from 1996 to 2011. [R, abr.]
67.7326 HEUSER, Beatrice —
Britain played a key role in Europe's security. The country's imminent withdrawal from the EU now threatens this. Throughout the second half of the 20th c., the UK played a key role in the creation and development of a flexible and sustainable mechanism for European defence and security. The author reviews the history of this engagement, and argues that changes in the UK's institutional relationship with European partners should not be allowed to undermine the overarching principles of defence cooperation. [R]
67.7327 HIERRO, Lara —
South Africa's peace and security outlook in the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership has been guided by the content and substance of the founding document, which incorporates an interdependent approach to development. For South Africa, engagement in the Partnership is framed by its historical background, its identity and its foreign policy content. South Africa's foreign policy in particular adopts an integrated approach to securing the state within its surrounding regional and continental geography. This article reviews South Africa's approach to peace and security, in the context of the strategic partnership. The article argues that, overall, South Africa's definition of peace and security is compatible with that of the EU; however, Pretoria's vision of how it provides peace and security has naturally changed in line with the varying international circumstances in which it has found itself. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7354]
67.7328 HOLDEN, Chris —
Illicit trade in tobacco products has been a significant problem globally for many years. It allows cigarettes to be sold far below their legal price and thus contributes to higher consumption, morbidity and mortality, and deprives state treasuries of a substantial amount of revenue. This article identifies special economic zones (SEZs), particularly free trade zones, as a key conduit for this illicit trade. The development of SEZs as weak points in the global governance architecture is explained with reference to the concept of “graduated sovereignty”, whereby the uniform management of territory by modern states has given way to a more spatially selective form of territorial governance, in which some slices of territory are more fully integrated into the world economy than others via various forms of differential regulation. [R, abr.]
67.7329 HSU Szu-chien; HSU Hsiao-Chi —
China's declaration of an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea shocked the international community, and many explanations have been offered about the motivation behind it. We argue that domestic politics played a key role in the ADIZ policy. However, existing studies have not paid sufficient attention to decision-makers’ political motivation. To fill this gap, we explore two distinct models: the diversionary foreign policy model and the mobilization model. Both models focus on the linkage between the state leader's domestic political consideration and foreign policy behavior, but each has different theoretical and empirical implications. Our findings suggest that the mobilization model offers a better explanation of the motivation for China's move. [R]
67.7330 HUÉROU, Anne Le; MERLIN, Aude —
The Chechen Republic, sometimes referred to as a state within a state, or as the foreigner within, raises questions on the threat to security that it could pose despite its loyalty to Moscow. Russian commitments in Syria and Ukraine could affect the views of a society exhausted by years of violent pacification. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7331 HUISKEN, Ron —
Each year, Australia and China conduct something called the “High-Level Dialogue”, bringing together a cross section of senior officials, business people and civil society leaders. At the 2016 meeting, held in November in Beijing, the Chinese pressed for a qualitative intensification of the bilateral relationship, arguing that this would be a sensible response to the major new global uncertainties reflected in Brexit and D. Trump's success in the US. We were urged to treat China as more than a business partner and encouraged to deepen mutual political trust. [R]
67.7332 ISERNIA, Pierangelo; LONGO, Francesca —
For more than 60 years, the Italian foreign policy compass was set on two poles, the EU and the US. The article introduces the special issue on Italian foreign policy drawing a stylized map of theoretical approaches that knits together the dispersed theoretical and empirical studies of Italian foreign policy, using a couple of theoretical perspectives as light posts in orienting the articles in this special issue. This introduction is organized in four sections. First, it discusses the approaches that explicitly combine together domestic and international factors in explaining foreign policy. Next, it maps studies on the Italian foreign policy within these frameworks. Then the main characteristics of Italian foreign policy, using these theoretical perspectives, are discussed. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Italian foreign policy: to take arms against a sea of troubles?”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.6713, 7045, 7183, 7277, 7279]
67.7333 ISIKE, Christopher; OGUNNUBI, Olusola —
Chapter 7 of the NDP 2030 articulates a foreign policy vision for South Africa over two decades. While the NDP acknowledges the place of “soft power” in realising this vision, it remains doubtful whether South Africa will indeed take advantage of the enormous gains offered by soft power as a foreign policy lever. This paper examines the role of soft power in achieving the foreign policy mandates prescribed in the Plan. It argues that, like other regional powers such as China, South Africa needs to pay more attention to its soft power attributes if it is to fast-track the successful implementation of its foreign policy ambitions for 2030. [R, abr.]
67.7334 ISMAIL, Muhamad Takiyuddin; ABADI, Abdul Muein —
Germany is one of the major democracy-promoters in Malaysia. Contrary to popular opinion, most of Germany's democracy assistance is “regime-compatible”. By focusing on the role played by Germany's political foundations, this article argues that the balancing principle is an integral feature of their activities in Malaysia. [R]
67.7335 JANES, Jack —
The election of D. Trump to the White House in 2016 was a symptom of the transformations in American society. That transformation will impact the debate over the role and responsibilities of the US in the coming years. The challenge America faces is the forging of a consensus on both its domestic choices as well as its willingness to sustain its leadership on the global stage. The implications for transatlantic relations are serious as these challenges are simultaneously unfolding in Europe. The consequences for both Europe and the US should revitalize the recognition that the web of interests and objectives shared between the two continents are uniquely important. But the centrifugal domestic forces at work, in addition to the continuing threats and instability beyond the transatlantic community, are dangerous obstacles to that recognition. [R, abr.]
67.7336 JANG Suyoun; SUH Jae-Jung —
We contend that the nexus of security and development lies in the crux of challenges confronting human security and aid failure in North Korea. We first review academic and policy discourses concerning the security-development nexus. We then analyze how the nexus works out its logic in North Korea by exploring how insecurity and underdevelopment have fed into each other, producing a vicious cycle that complicates efforts to address human security in North Korea. [Then] we examine [how] South Korea, the US and the EU provided for assistance to North Korea from 1995 to 2012 at national and international policy levels. We analyze their approaches to international aid and identify differences and commonalities in them so as to better understand how aid giving exacerbates or mitigates the insecurity/underdevelopment and then impacts on the development-security nexus. [R, abr.]
67.7337 JEANGÈNE VILMER, Jean-Baptiste —
La Russie pratique une désinformation à large échelle, utilisant toutes ses ressources pour déstabiliser à l'extérieur. Si certains pays ont pris la mesure du risque, il n'en est pas de même pour d'autres, devenant de véritables passoires aux fausses informations manipulées par Moscou. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7338 JHA, Prem Shankar —
The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi's government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non-alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarization and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India's soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two. [R]
67.7339 JOMO, Kwame Sundaram —
The 2008–2009 global financial crisis and other recent related crises since the end of the 20th c. have their origins in the anarchic international financial liberalization and the “non-system” which emerged following the unravelling of the Bretton Woods international monetary system. The multilateral UN system must fill the void to credibly guide efforts to build an international monetary and financial system to support sustainable development for all. [R]
67.7340 JONG Kim Hyung; PING Lee Poh —
This study considers some conditions for the socialization of China into an East Asian community through the Network of East Asian Think Tanks. These conditions include norm characteristics, social environment, and norm reconciliation. The study argues that China has achieved some limited success, as NEAT members lack a common vision. [R]
67.7341 JOSHI, Madhav; QUINN, Jason Michael —
The signing of a comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) is often seen as a historic milestone in a peace process, and its implementation takes a highly legitimized set of reforms and puts it front and center in national politics. This article examines the aggregate implementation of CPAs signed since 1989 and future conflict behavior between the negotiating parties and between the government and non-signatory groups. It argues that implementation is both a peace-building process and an outcome that normalizes political relations between hostile groups, solves commitment problems and addresses the root causes of civil conflict. Statistical tests utilizing new data on the implementation of CPAs support the argument. The extent to which an agreement is implemented is shown to have significant long-term effects on how long peace lasts. [R, abr.]
67.7342 KALIBATAITė, živilė —
Anxiety and tension underlie security relationships in the Baltic region. Authorities in the Baltic states have raised the alarm as a result of developments in Russian foreign and security policies, and have reaffirmed their Euro-Atlantic position in the face of what they perceive as a growing threat. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7343 KARIM, Umer —
Saudi Arabia has witnessed a centralization of power in the office of the deputy crown prince, which has amounted to a shift in decision-making from consensual and deliberative to swift and adventurous, most markedly in foreign policy. This centralization is coupled with an increase in institutionalization. A new decision-making pattern and rising Iranian power in the region have affected the evolution of Saudi foreign policy. The Saudi crown prince's strict handling of Shia dissidents acknowledges the perceived extension of the Iranian threat to internal security. The relationship between these two princes and Saudi political competition with Iran will affect the evolution of Saudi foreign policy in a critical manner in the future. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7373]
67.7344 KAWASHIMA, Shin —
Recent political events, such as the UK decision to exit the EU and the election of D. Trump to the US presidency, may indicate a transition from globalism to isolationism in world politics. This article reviews Japan-US-China relations and East Asian regional cooperation during the B. Obama administration and contrasts them with prospects during the Trump administration in the new political climate. [R]
67.7345 KELLER, Jonathan W.; KAUSSLER, Bernd; YANG, Yi Edward —
This manuscript uses recently declassified documents to examine the factors shaping US policy toward Bosnia from 1993 to 1995. Drawing upon IR theoretical insights from constructivism and realism, these documents reveal that the halting and inconsistent nature of US actions during this period can be explained by a mismatch between US identity-driven goals and the constraints of the post-Cold War world. Having committed themselves to bold yet largely unattainable objectives in the region, US officials feared a loss of credibility and, for much of the period under investigation, did just enough not to “lose” Bosnia without taking the kinds of decisive actions that would have made a difference on the ground. Eventually, atrocities in Sarajevo and Srebrenica convinced the US that more forceful action was necessary to preserve US and NATO credibility. [R]
67.7346 KHALILZAD, Zalmay —
The Trump administration should not simply engage or contain China. It needs a strategy that blends the two together. [R]
67.7347 KIM Sung Chull —
This paper [examines] why the US treated Japan and Korea differently in the revisions of bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements. On the sensitive issue of granting its allies the rights of developing enrichment and reprocessing (ENR), the US did so for Japan in the 1977 and 1987 revisions, but did not for Korea during the 2015 revision. For the great power as a supplier state, there are two factors affecting the decision: policy-makers’ concern about alliance management prior to the calculation of security outcome, and firms’ commercial interests. [R, abr.]
67.7348 KLATT, Martin; WASSENBERG, Birte —
The terms para-diplomacy or proto-diplomacy are used to describe international activities of state institutions below the national level and outside the foreign services. In this special issue, we have collected seven case studies from Europe, North America and Asia, where the authors analyse recent developments of de- and re-bordering focusing on the role of non-central state actors with regard to cooperation, reconciliation and peace-building. The cases demonstrate the wide range of multi-level governance and personal interaction of cross-border regions, but also the persistence of the central state as a norm-setting actor of international relations. We suggest labeling these activities of local international relations secondary foreign policy, widening and précising the terms of para-diplomacy or proto-diplomacy used within Political Sciences to describe regional, non-central state activities in international relations. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Secondary foreign policy — local international relations: can local cross border cooperation function as a tool to peace-building and reconciliation in border regions?”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 67.483, 484, 485, 486, 487, 488]
67.7349 KORTUNOV, Andreï —
La société russe a beaucoup évolué mais reste profondément attachée à l'Europe, même si les conceptions de part et d'autre semblent aujourd'hui très divergentes, notamment sur la nature de la relation entre la Russie et les pays de l'UE. La Russie se doit donc d'être lucide sur elle-même pour mieux préparer l'avenir. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7350 KRIEG, Andreas —
This article argues that [US President] B. Obama's policy of “leading from behind” through diplomatic means has contributed to an already existing trend redefining America's standing in the Middle East. Obama's soft power approach came at the worst time as the region was sliding into a state of insecurity and instability. Unable to quickly adapt to the new circumstances, the Obama administration reacted hesitantly at best, providing regional players with a void they were able to exploit. Consequently, in 2017 the US can no longer influence the region as would be expected from a true superpower. [R]
67.7351 KRYLOVA, Yulia —
This paper analyzes the impact of Libya's regime change in the post-Arab Spring period on its economic relations with Russia. It shows the usefulness of path dependence theory as an instrument to explain the rapprochement between the two countries and renewal of their joint projects after the Arab Spring. The paper argues that path-dependent factors related to pre-revolution contracts signed between Russia and the Gaddafi regime in the gas and oil industries, the military sphere, and transportation constrained the ability of Libya's new political elites to significantly decrease Russia's economic presence in the country. The major implication that can be drawn from the analysis of the impact of Libya's regime change on its bilateral ties with Russia is that path dependence plays a significant role in the formation of foreign policy. [R]
67.7352 KUNZ, Barbara —
Nordic countries share the same perception, that Russia does not pose an immediate threat but that its actions nevertheless remain worrying. While Norway, Denmark and Iceland are members of NATO, Sweden and Finland, who follow policies of military non-alignment, are strengthening their defences. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7353 LACHERT, Jakub —
With the enlargements of the EU in 2004 and 2007, the borders of the EU moved eastward. Within the framework of the European Neighborhood Policy and then the Eastern Partnership, the EU has tried to nurture good relations with its neighbors and to help them evolve into liberal democracies. Russia considers this approach a threat to its interests and is exerting pressure on the former Soviet republics to keep them within its sphere of influence. [R]
67.7354 LANDSBERG, Chris; HIERRO, Lara —
The EU-South Africa (EU-SA) Strategic Partnership is a product of its time and particular regional and international circumstances. These having changed somewhat over the course of the last decade, it is not surprising that the dynamics of the relationship, expressed through the strategic partnership's parameters, have undergone commensurate changes. Based on the recognition that the partnership is between a multilateral institution and a state, the difference in their respective strategic positions is inevitable. The challenge, therefore, is for the EU-SA Strategic Partnership to maintain a flexibility that allows for continued contestation, development and relevance. This paper reviews the historical context of the partnership and the challenging dynamics that have evolved over the lifespan of the partnership, providing the basis for the thematic discussion which follows in this issue. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Reviewing the first decade of the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership”, edited by Lesley MASTERS & Lara HIERRO. See also Abstr. 67.7254, 7317, 7321, 7327, 7368, 7376, 7400]
67.7355 LANNON, Erwan —
This paper analyzes, from a geostrategic, geo-economical and cooperation perspective, the relationships established by the EU with the Indian Ocean Islands: Comoros, Madagascar, Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles and Sri Lanka. The analysis also takes into consideration the cases of Mayotte, La Réunion, the Scattered Islands and the Chagos Archipelago. At strategic level, the EU has developed its actions in the Indian Ocean since the launching of the naval operation EU NAVFOR-ATALANTA in 2008, in response to the rising levels of piracy in the region. At geo-economic level, the implementation of the interim Economic Partnership Agreement with Madagascar, Mauritius, the Seychelles, and Zimbabwe is a major step, but other (potential) trade agreements, notably with Indonesia and India, have to be taken into consideration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7380]
67.7356 LASCONJARIAS, Guillaume —
Access denial is a new term to describe a well-established strategy: it is the manner by which countries — Russia included — use their arsenals and technology to block access to their own space if possible. Whilst it is a defensive strategy, its very nature risks leading to escalation. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7357 LEE Dong Sun —
This article aims to help make sense of the change which America's international leadership has undergone by performing two tasks. One is offering a focused (as opposed to comprehensive) assessment on US international leadership of the post-Cold War period. The appraisal reveals that Washington's strong will to lead is a mixed blessing for both itself and others: while contributing crucially to global public goods provision, US leadership occasionally exacerbates certain international problems as it overreaches itself (particularly in inland areas such as Iraq and Ukraine). The other task is analyzing an emerging strategy that Washington has been formulating in its effort to adjust to the transforming strategic environment brought forth partly by its excessive will to lead. [R, abr.]
67.7358 LEE Moon-Young —
Since the 1990s, East Asian regionalism has been widely developed in various spheres, but the reality in East Asia today shows that rich experiences of economic and cultural cooperation are powerless to ease current conflicts in the region. Where then can we discover possible ways of overcoming the Asian paradox? This article attempts to find a clue in the perspective of East Asian critical regionalism, focusing on its dynamism of trans-boundarization as a coexistence of re-boundarization and de-boundarization. [R, abr.]
67.7359 LEE Shin-wha; PARK Chun Young —
This study aims to discuss characteristics and limits of Korea's human security-oriented policies in global and regional dimensions as a core tool of identifying itself middle power country. Having recognized a ‘globalregional divide’ in Korea's positions and leverage, the paper argues that its middle power diplomacy should distinguish the global and regional levels in planning strategies. The paper also argues that it is more realistic for Korea to purse soft power to induce support and agreement from other states rather than hard power to muddle through regional power competition. [R, abr.]
67.7360 LIFF, Adam P.; ERICKSON, Andrew S. —
Since 2012, China's assertion of its sovereignty claim to the contested Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands has significantly raised the risk of a potentially escalatory political-military crisis with Japan. As circumstances worsen, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has championed major institutional reforms aimed at centralizing Japanese security policy decision-making and vastly improving crisis-management. This article assesses these reforms’ significance for ameliorating Japan's long-standing internal crisis-management weaknesses, and enhancing its ability to communicate with Beijing promptly under challenging conditions. While significant issues remain, recent developments — especially the establishment of Japan's first-ever National Security Council — demonstrate significant progress. Bilaterally, however, important firebreaks remain conspicuously absent. [R]
67.7361 LOCATELLI, Catherine —
Numerous tensions have emerged since the early 2000s between Russia and Europe as a result of differences in vision, and example being the difficulty of Gazprom to adapt to the competition rules of the EU. Although it has not been easy to set in place, diversification of exports to Asia would appear to be the strategic response. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7362 LOCKYER, Adam; COHAN, Michael D. —
Although denial has been at the centre of Australian strategic thought for decades, it has frequently been used as a broad catch-all term. This article shows, however, that there are two distinct denial traditions in Australian strategic thought: anti-access denial and area denial. Despite the different denial strategies having significantly different implications for defense budgets, procurement and force structure, official strategic guidance and defense scholars themselves have rarely specified which variant they are referring to. This article first maps the conceptual genealogy of anti-access denial and area denial within Australian strategic thought, before showing why acknowledging the specific type of denial is critical for policy and operational considerations. In addition, this article introduces a third approach — “dissuasion by denial”. [R, abr.]
67.7363 LONG, Tom; MURILLO S., Lorena —
“Inter-domestic” issues, such as trade, migration and drug trafficking, play a heavy role in contemporary relations between the US and Latin America. This article argues that domestic issues face more stakeholders who hold vetoes and have fewer “win-sets” than traditional foreign policy issues, further hampering attempts to influence US policies. This thesis is examined taking as an example the case of the dispute between the US and Mexico over the border crossing of trucks and the twenty years that the Mexican government had to fight US officials and interest groups to get the country to comply with NAFTA regulations. After briefly examining other similar issues, the paper concludes that inter-domestic issues require different diplomatic strategies on the part of Latin American legislators. [R]
67.7364 MAćKóW, Jerzy —
The Kremlin regards Belarus as being a colony. V. Putin believes it is of key importance to the survival of his empire. However he is unable to provide any convicting legitimization for its imperial ambitions. In order to secure the loyalty of the Belarussian élites, Russia oscillates to and fro between extortion and bribery. Therefore the relationship between the centre and the periphery is marked by deep mistrust. [R]
67.7365 MARANGÉ, Céline —
Given current tensions with Western countries, nuclear power is assuming a new importance for Moscow. It serves as ever to compensate for the relative weakness of Russian forces in comparison to those of NATO and China. Furthermore, it increasingly serves as an intimidation to an adversary by demonstrating renewed power. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7366 MARIN, Anaïs —
Belarus and Russia maintain armed forces’ cooperation under the auspices of the CSTO, but Moscow would wish Belarus to have a deterrent capability against NATO. Minsk therefore expects Moscow to subsidise the modernisation of its forces in exchange for a level of geopolitical loyalty that is often lacking. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7367 MARSH, Kevin P.; JONES, Christopher M. —
The bureaucratic politics model of foreign policy decision-making is predicated in large part by Miles’ Law, which states that “where you stand depends upon where you sit.” That is, an actor's policy preferences can be predicted from his or her governmental position or role within the bureaucracy. Consequently, secretaries of state in the US foreign policy decision-making process are then presumed to favor policy options emphasizing diplomacy and civilian efforts. However, Hillary Clinton has proved to be a consistent hawk during her tenure as secretary of state. Specifically, she was one of the strongest advocates of the use of military force in both Afghanistan and Libya. This paper examines Clinton's policy preferences in the context of the Afghanistan troop surge and the US role in the international military operation in Libya. [R, abr.]
67.7368 MASTERS, Lesley —
This article explores the role that the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership plays in shaping engagement between the bilateral partners in multilateral contexts. In reviewing the partnership over the course of its first decade, the article argues that South Africa has increasingly acknowledged its potential value. However, further interrogation on how to manage the complex intersection between bilateral and multilateral relations is called for if the strategic partnership is to be used to optimal effect as a tool of foreign policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7354]
67.7369 MAZZUCCHI, Nicolas —
Since the events in Ukraine, Russia has been seen as the major new aggressive cyber-power. Moscow is said to have started a program of cyber-aggression on a geopolitical level, and yet when one examines the reality it is clear that there are a number of failings in Russian capability. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7370 MEISTER, Stefan —
M. Spanger and H.-J. Dembinski [See Abstr. 67.7297] fail to understand the nature of the V. Putin system. In their call for dissociation between the West and Russia, the peace researchers referring to John Rawls, promote the acknowledgement of the principles of justice and order. However, Russia's leadership refuses to recognize the sovereignty of Ukraine or Georgia, intervenes militarily in those countries, violates international treaties and agreements such as the Charter of Paris or the Budapest Memorandum, rejects fundamental human rights and restricts basic civic rights. It is naïve to expect that Russia's leadership will act according to international law when it is given the right of veto in European affairs and the zone of influence it claims is recognized. [R]
67.7371 MEMISOGLU, Fulya; ILGIT, Asli —
Turkey is rapidly transforming into a country of immigration in addition to its roles as a country of emigration and of transit. Bearing in mind that existing arrangements in this policy area are increasingly replaced by new legal, administrative and institutional mechanisms, this paper maps out these recent changes in Turkish refugee and asylum policy. In this context, the mass influx of Syrian refugees has become an issue of particular concern due to the complex interplay between its security, humanitarian and socio-economic dimensions and the multifaceted relationship between the growing number of state and non-state institutions. The numerous reports, policy briefs and analysis generated so far, however, lack a clear analytical framework that would explain both the domestic contestation and the role of various actors in Turkish asylum debate about the Syrian refugees. [R, abr.]
67.7372 MENDRAS, Marie —
Le régime de V. Poutine a mis à bas les principes démocratiques en instaurant un système verrouillé autour de la personnalité du Président. Cette situation induit une attitude agressive et nationaliste du Kremlin, tout en marginalisant les élites éduquées du pays et en interférant dans les récentes campagnes électorales à l'Ouest. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7373 MOHAMMADZADEH, Babak —
Small states are just as easily seduced by status and glory as other states. When conceived as situated in a stratified international society, small states acquire an inherent tendency to overcome their disadvantage in conventional power terms through the pursuit of status. Hence, it is precisely because of their position in the international hierarchy, not in spite of it, that strategic ideas based on state size stimulate foreign policy change in small states. This mechanism provides an explanation to the question why the small state of Qatar has pursued such a high-profile diplomatic strategy since its emergence in the late 1990s. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on ” Foreign relations of the GCC countries amid shifting global and regional dynamics”, edited and introduced by Silvia COLOMBO and Eman RAGAB. See also Abstr. 67.7288, 7343, 7389, 7399]
67.7374 MOORE, Thomas C. —
La stratégie nucléaire russe s'inscrit dans le prolongement de la doctrine soviétique. Une confusion sciemment entretenue montre que l'emploi d'armes nucléaires et conventionnelles n'est pas strictement encadré, engendrant une incertitude stratégique supplémentaire. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7375 MORGULOV, Igor —
Russia has an active, creative role in Asia. It does not engage in building a “balance of forces” to suit itself, but aims to develop a system of interstate relations in the region that would guarantee stability and general prosperity. Russia's position is that there is no alternative to a politico-diplomatic resolution of security problems in Asia based on general military-political détente and the abandonment of confrontational approaches. Russia is working systematically to combine the efforts of states in the region to put in place a modern general security configuration that would create equal and broad opportunities for advancing trade, economic and investment cooperation and facilitate the creation of an integrated economic and political space.
67.7376 MTHEMBU, Philani —
This article reviews the importance of the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership in South Africa's foreign policy calculations after a decade in existence. While political differences have been open for all to see in cases such as Zimbabwe and South Africa's notice of withdrawal from the International Criminal Court, the enhanced political dialogue is important in ensuring that the partners have a greater appreciation of the complexities faced by foreign policy-makers on both sides. This study [examines] why political relations have lagged behind the economic and social aspects of the relationship. After assessing South Africa's foreign policy interests towards the EU, it then reviews where the political fault lines have been located before identifying areas of cooperation in meeting South Africa's interests. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7354]
67.7377 MÜLLER, Marcus —
B. Obama has failed to deliver on one of his central campaign promises: closing Guantanamo, which serves as a symbol for a lack of legitimacy in US foreign policy. Furthermore, the expansion of drone strikes in the Middle East and the continuous presidential war powers usurpation demonstrates inherent dysfunctions in the system of checks and balances and raises questions of democratic control in the US war on terror. This article seeks to explain the reasons for the failure to balance security and values with regard to Obama's counterterrorism legacy and US democracy. [R]
67.7378 NA THALANG, Chanintira —
The conflicts in Thailand's southern border provinces and Mindanao have not only posed a challenge to the Thai and Philippine governments, but have also affected the respective governments’ relations with Malaysia. From a comparative perspective, this article illustrates how a complicated web of interactions between domestic and international factors has not only shaped domestic decision-making, but also influenced how states interact with one another in regard to the conflicts, which has resulted in a mix of cooperation and contention. Various developments have paved the way for Malaysia to play a role in the current peace processes in Thailand's southern border provinces and Mindanao. However, Malaysia has been able to accomplish more in Mindanao's peace process due to several favorable conditions. [R, abr.]
67.7379 NARVAJA, José Luis —
To begin to fully appreciate the foundations of Pope Francis’ international politics and understand why his agenda is always open, it is necessary to avoid simplifications. To commence from his biographical and cultural roots is certainly useful, but at the same time it is also necessary to go beyond them. By doing so, it is possible to identify four aspects of the Pope's approach: the kerygmatic character; an orientation to the whole and to the unity; the origin in discernment; and the direct link between politics and charity. Francis surpasses the paradox of a “Christian politics”, understood as partisan. For him, politics is the highest expression of love. [R]
67.7380 NAYANTHARA GAMAGE, Rajni —
Analysis of Sri Lanka's foreign policy over three decades (1977–2015) reveals a pattern of shifts from balancing to bandwagoning, and then back again to balancing. The more salient foreign policy issues during each administration fall broadly within the economic or security spheres. What are the key drivers of small-state foreign policy — do systemic factors preside in general, and domestic factors prove inconsequential? Or are domestic factors able to play a decisive role under certain circumstances, within broader structural parameters? [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Indian Ocean Islands: geopolitics, ocean, environment”, edited and introduced, pp. 131–132, by Christian BOUCHARD and Shafick OSMAN. See also Abstr. 67.7274, 7355]
67.7381 NIQUET, Valérie —
United by opposition to the policies of the US, China and Russia have developed an active economic and strategic partnership. There is increased trade between them — in particular, Russian resources feeding Chinese needs — and yet further development of this partnership will depend on the nature of their relationships with a dominant USA. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7382 O'NEIL, Andrew —
Aside from NATO, the Five Eyes intelligence network between the USA, the UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand is the world's most enduring multilateral arrangement of its type. While the network does not constitute a formal security alliance in the classic sense of the term, it does emulate significant features of how alliances operate in practice, including active burden-sharing and intra-alliance bargaining. Most analysts claim that the US dictates in hierarchical fashion the terms and conditions of how the Five Eyes network functions, and that junior partners have little alternative but to fall in line if they want to preserve the flow of high-grade intelligence from Washington. Using Australia as a case study, this article shows that a more fluid relationship has been at play. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7287]
67.7383 OLESEN, Mikkel Runge —
Global warming is opening new perspectives for the Arctic. Opportunities are emerging in the areas of maritime transport and natural resources exploration. Though territorial disputes in the region might persist, no stakeholder is interested in escalating tensions. After all, the stability of the region is crucial to its economic development. The tensions between Russia and the Arctic States of NATO must, therefore, be contained. [R] [First of three articles on “Arctique, une exploration stratégique (Arctic, a strategic exploration)”, edited and introduced by Barbara KUNZ. See also Abstr. 67.7196, 7427]
67.7384 OPILOWSKA, Elzbieta —
After the fall of communism in 1989, the German-Polish border assumed the role of a bridge in the reconciliation process between the two neighbours. From the beginning of Poland's accession process to the European Community, the aim of national and regional policy was a “returning to Europe” as well as the final confirmation of the Polish western border. The normalization of German-Polish relations was treated as a tool to the building of peace in the whole of Central and Eastern Europe. This paper examines the structures developed in the German-Polish borderlands in terms of their value as secondary foreign policy. I show the particular relevance of the Europeanization process, which has influenced bilateral relations along this border since 1991 and enhanced both cross-border cooperation and the reconciliation process between Germans and Poles. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7348]
67.7385 ORAKHELASHVILI, Alexander —
The unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovar authorities in Pristina in 2008 has been the source of various controversies in international affairs. From a legal perspective, Kosovo's secessionist drive is contrary to the well-established position of international law regarding the territorial integrity of states. From a political perspective, Kosovo's case exemplifies the political drive to alter the law – a drive that applies to other entities in Kosovo's position. Both these phenomena are accompanied by the divergent interests held by Kosovars as the ‘local agency’ and by the interests of Serbia and third states (including great powers) that support or oppose Kosovo's independence. The interdisciplinary nature of this matter is enhanced by the intersection of applicable legal frameworks with competing political interests. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7116]
67.7386 PANCHUK, Dmytro; BOSSUYT, Fabienne; ORBIE, Jan —
Existing studies of the EU's democratic governance promotion via transgovernmental cooperation in the EU's neighborhood seem to take the substance of what is being promoted by the EU for granted. In filling this gap, this article examines the substance of EU democratic governance promotion by assessing (1) to what extent norms of democratic governance appear in EU Twinning projects implemented in the Eastern neighborhood, and (2) what factors account for differences in the presence of democratic governance norms across those projects. To explain possible variation, the article hypothesizes that the democratic governance substance of Twinning projects will vary with the country's political liberalization, sector politicization, sector technical complexity, and EU conditionality attached to reform progress in a given policy sector. [R, abr.]
67.7387 POPPE, Annika Elena —
Long considered a region where the US only pursued “realist” interests, the Middle East temporarily but notably became the center of attention for democracy-promotion under the presidency of G. W. Bush, and when the Arab uprisings in 2011 forced the B. Obama administration to develop an adequate policy response. This article, using Egypt as the focal point, considers recent US democracy-promotion policy in the Middle East, and speculates about the likely direction that President D. Trump will pursue. Although the overall policy record is quite mixed, the democracy-promotion consensus among the US foreign policy elite is deeply entrenched and has had an impact on the available range of policy options. While significant change in this regard is unlikely, Trump certainly poses the first real challenge to this bipartisan consensus. [R, abr.]
67.7388 PRASAD, Jayant; RAJIV, S. Samuel C., eds. —
Introduction, pp. 311–313, by the authors. Articles by Chinmaya R. GHAREKHAN, “India-Israel: retrospective and prospective”, pp. 314–324; N. A. K. BROWNE, “A perspective on India-Israel defence and security ties”, pp. 325–335; Alok DEB, “India-Israel defence engagement: land forces’ cooperation”, pp. 336–340; Prakash GOPAL, “India-Israel defence engagement: a naval perspective”, pp. 341–347; Sanjay SINGH, “India-Israel: the view from West Asia”, pp. 348–354; P. R. KUMARASWAMY, “Redefining ‘strategic’ cooperation”, pp. 355–368; Efraim INBAR, “Israel and India: looking back and ahead”, pp. 369–383; Nicolas BLAREL, “Assessing US influence over India-Israel relations: a difficult equation to balance?”, pp. 384–400; Amit COWSHISH, “India-Israel defence trade: issues and challenges”, pp. 401–412; S. Samuel C. RAJIV, “Israel-China ties at 25: the limited partnership”, pp. 413–431.
67.7389 RAGAB, Eman —
The post-Arab Spring context created a window of opportunity for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to reposition themselves in the region as countries capable of using not only money and diplomacy, but also military means in pursuing their regional policies. Their military interventions in Bahrain in 2011 and Yemen in 2015 uncover different aspects of the militarization of their foreign policies. The permanence of the militarization of their policies is, however, challenged by the type of interventionist state unfolding from these muscular policies, their domestic and regional legitimacy and the institutionalization of this foreign policy pattern. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7373]
67.7390 REES, Wyn —
The B. Obama administration played a surprisingly interventionist role in the UK referendum on membership of the EU, arguing that a vote to leave would damage European security. Yet this article contends that US attitudes towards the EU as a security actor, and the part played within it by the UK, have been much more complex than the US has sought to portray. While it has spoken the language of partnership, it has acted as if the EU has been a problem for US policy. In doing so, America contributed, albeit inadvertently, to the Brexit result. With the aid of contrasting theoretical perspectives from Realism and Institutionalism, this article explores how America's security relationship with the UK has helped to engineer a security situation that the US wanted to avoid. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7408]
67.7391 ROBERTS, Brad —
The D. Trump administration must assess how strategic stability, an organizing concept for the B. Obama administration's strategic policy, might fit with its own guiding principles. [R]
67.7392 ROMMENS, Thijs —
Through the Eastern Partnership the EU specifically attempts to strengthen democracy in Georgia. Lacking strong conditionality, the EU has to rely on a different approach to democracy assistance, such as a network governance mode. The implementation of EU policies has led to an expanding institutional network where NGO inclusion has been strengthened. However, this form of network governance operates within the realities of the domestic political and international context, influencing its effectiveness and impact. Despite the increased involvement of NGOs in EU policies the role and impact of civil society within Georgian politics and society has remained limited. [R]
67.7393 RYAN, Maria —
This article challenges the common characterization of G.W. Bush's foreign policy as “unilateral”. It argues that the Bush administration developed a new post-9/11 understanding of terrorism as a transnational, networked phenomenon shaped by the forces of globalization. This led to a new strategic emphasis on bi- and multilateral security cooperation and counterterrorism operations, especially outside of Afghanistan and Iraq, driven by the perceived need to counter a transnational security challenge present in multiple locations. This (flawed) attempt to engage with transnational security challenges supplemented the existing internationalist pillar of the Bush administration's foreign policy. Highlighting the transnational realm of international relations and the ways in which the Bush administration was able to co-opt other states to tackle perceived transnational challenges also shows the high importance the administration attached to concerted action. [R, abr.]
67.7394 SAMAAN, Jean-Loup —
In December 2016, the British government announced its return to “the East of Suez”. However, beyond such an announcement, London's ability to be a geopolitical player in the region remains limited. London is making no bones about trade relations being its priority, with China in particular and to the possible detriment of India. Its soft power, especially in the field of education, nonetheless, allows it to maintain its presence irrespective of local power plays. [R]
67.7395 SAVAGE, Jesse Dillon; CAVERLEY, Jonathan D. —
The US has trained tens of thousands of officers in foreign militaries with the goals of increasing its security and instilling respect for human rights, democracy, and civilian control. We argue that training increases the military's power relative to the regime. While other forms of military assistance are somewhat fungible, allowing the regime to shift resources towards coup-proofing, human capital is a resource vested solely in the military. Training thus alters the balance of power between the military and the regime resulting in greater coup propensity. Using data from 189 countries from 1970 to 2009, we show that greater numbers of military officers trained by the US International Military Education and Training (IMET) and Countering Terrorism Fellowship (CTFP) programs increases the probability of a military coup. [R, abr.]
67.7396 SCHMITT, Olivier, ed. —
Articles by Olivier SCHMITT, “The reluctant Atlanticist: France's security and defence policy in a Transatlantic context”, pp. 463–474; Alice PANNIER, “From one exceptionalism to another: France's strategic relations with the United States and the United Kingdom in the post-Cold War era”, pp. 475–504; Stephanie C. HOFMANN, “Party preferences and institutional transformation: revisiting France's relationship with NATO (and the common wisdom on Gaullism)”, pp. 505–531; Olivier CHOPIN, “Intelligence reform and the transformation of the state/ the end of a French exception”, pp. 532–553; Elie TENENBAUM, “French exception or Western variation? A historical look at the French irregular way of war”, pp. 554–576; Olivier SCHMITT, “French military adaptation in the Afghan war: looking inward or outward?”, pp. 577–599.
67.7397 SHAFRANIK, Yury —
The unprecedented worsening of the extremely asymmetric relations between Russia and the US since 2011 causes particular concern. The US's sharply negative and absolutely biased interpretation of Russia's foreign policy actions increases the danger of uncontrolled processes in many regions. It is up to the new US administration to decide whether it will be possible to move from determination to stabilization and the subsequent improvement of relations or whether the problems that have piled up will develop into a state of intense confrontation on many key issues. Energy cooperation between Russia and the US in the Middle East and the Far East and building of the new energy corridors could be an important means of political stabilization and ensuring economic growth.
67.7398 SHARMAN, J. C. —
Logically, the nature and systemic effects of international anarchy should be most apparent in relation to the smallest and weakest states, and least apparent in relation to great powers. Focusing on micro-states suggests a permissive contemporary international system facilitating the proliferation and survival of states independent of their military and functional capacities. Micro-states’ lack of great power allies illustrates the irrelevance of military threats under anarchy, while the presence of an international economic safety net attenuates problems of economic viability. The lack of association between smallness and delegating sovereignty questions functional explanations of hierarchy. Instead, varying micro-states strategies of à la carte hierarchy and selling sovereign prerogatives demonstrate that the current international system presents even its smallest and weakest members with choices rather than imperatives. [R, abr.]
67.7399 SHUMILIN, Alexander; SHUMILINA, Inna —
Despite the obvious differences over the Syrian crisis and Iran, the GCC countries do not seem to be distancing themselves from Russia politically. To a large extent that is due to Russia's growing military role (in Syria) and military cooperation (with Iran), as well as the diminishing role of the United States under Obama. Having accepted the situation in Syria (after the fall of Aleppo) as a fait accompli, the GCC's elites seem to be looking at Russia as a powerful player able to reduce the scope of Iran's expansion in the region. Their approach involves a carefully established mechanism of economic interaction exploiting Russia's need for GCC finances and arms acquisitions. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7373]
67.7400 SOKO, Mills; QOBO, Mzukisi —
The relationship between democratic South Africa and the EU has been in existence for over 20 years, with its roots tracing back to anti-apartheid support measures. In its earlier form, it was anchored in the Reconstruction and Development Programme. Currently, it is guided by the National Development Plan of the National Planning Commission. This relationship has been tested over time, especially as a result of negotiations over the Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU. In the meantime, the euphoria that marked new South Africa's participation in the global system, with trade and development cooperation with the EU as one of the cornerstones, has waned considerably. The cancellation of several bilateral investment treaties with EU member states has further strained the relationship. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7354]
67.7401 SOLARZ, Marcin Wojciech —
The 1940s saw an intensification of worldwide interest in the problems of development and underdevelopment. One consequence of this was a rapid evolution of the language of global development. The reconstruction of its genesis is most commonly attempted through the analysis of literature on the subject and accounts by those who took part in or observed the debates of the time concerning the world's development and structure. This article proposes a different approach which locates important events in the evolution of the modern language of global development on timelines tracing populational, political, socio-economic and civilizational processes. [R]
67.7402 SOULIOTIS, Nicos; ALEXANDRI, Georgia —
This article traces the transfer of competitiveness and cohesion policies from the EU institutions to the national and subnational authorities in Greece, both before and after the sovereign debt crisis. We argue that prior to the crisis, the flexibilities of the EU governance system allowed the Greek central government to use the competitiveness and cohesion agenda, as well as the associated funds, to build a domestic socio-political consensus focused on the idea of ‘convergence’ with Europe. The crisis-induced bailout program deepened neoliberal policies and reorganized vertical and horizontal power relations: policy-making powers have been up-scaled towards the supranational level, while the national authorities have been socially disembedded. [R]
67.7403 SOURBÈS-VERGER, Isabelle —
Putting a satellite, and later a cosmonaut, into space was crucial for the image of the Soviet Union as a superpower. Sixty years later, Russian leaders are again highlighting the importance of the space sector as an indicator of technical competence and of a policy of international influence. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7404 SUSHKO, Oleksandr; UMLAND, Andreas —
The West should reduce the risk of escalation of the conflict with Russia through dissociation. Unbridgeable differences such as the annexation of Crimea should be ignored. This recommendation by peace researchers M. Spanger and H.-J. Dembinski [See Abstr. 67.7297] is pragmatic only on the surface. In reality, the concept of a “plural peace” is unrealistic. It fails to acknowledge the fundamental Ukrainian interest in integration with the West, the earlier experiences in Moldova, Georgia and Armenia of Moscow's hegemonic policy and the connection between Ukrainian sovereignty and the regimes affected by the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. No treaty clause preventing Ukraine from becoming a member of the EU or NATO would guarantee peace. [R]
67.7405 TAN, Andrew T. H. —
Taiwan faces an uncertain future. The election results have set Taiwan on a collision course with China, which is increasingly impatient for reunification to occur. The new US president, Donald Trump, has also added to the tensions by openly questioning the “One China” policy. Another Taiwan Strait crisis today would be fraught with immense risks due to China's dramatic economic and military rise, which has altered the regional power balance. Given the increasingly tense China-US strategic rivalry, the US is also not likely to sit idly by should China attack Taiwan. However, the key player in resolving the Taiwan problem is China. For various reasons, it is in fact in China's interest to be patient with the current situation, and maintain the status quo for the immediate and medium-term future. [R, abr.]
67.7406 TANSEY, Oisín; KOEHLER, Kevin; SCHMOTZ, Alexander —
The relationship between international linkages and the nature and survival of political regimes has gained increasing attention in recent years, but remains one that is poorly understood. We make three central contributions to our understanding of international linkage politics and autocratic regime survival. First, we introduce and develop the concept of “autocratic linkage,” and highlight its importance for understanding the international politics of autocratic survival. Second, we use event-history analysis to demonstrate that autocratic linkage has a systematic effect on the duration of authoritarian regimes. Finally, we complement our quantitative analysis with a focused comparison of autocratic linkage politics in the Middle East. We show that variation in Saudi Arabian support for autocratic incumbents in the wake of the Arab Spring protests can be explained in significant part by variation in linkage relationships. [R]
67.7407 THOMAS, Owen D. —
The recent ‘Chilcot’ Inquiry judged that British participation in the 2003 Iraq War was neither right nor necessary. When reading the final report of over 2.6 million words, I warn against seeking accountability solely in terms of intent and individual culpability, such as questioning whether the government deceived the public. There also needs to be an examination of the rationalities and power relations that allowed figures such as Tony Blair to believe, and still believe, that the war was for the common good. Doing so reveals how the preemptive logics behind the war endure today. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6456]
67.7408 THOMPSON, Helen —
Placing Britain's vote on 23 June 2016 to leave the EU in historical time raises an immediate analytical problem. What was clearly the result of a number of contingencies, the result might also represent the inevitable end of Britain's membership of the EU seen from the distant future. This article takes both temporal perspectives seriously. It explains the turn to Brexit that recognizes the referendum result as politically contingent and also argues that the political economy of Britain generated by Britain's position as non-euro member of the EU while possessing the offshore financial centre of the Eurozone and Britain's eschewal in 2004 of transition arrangements on freedom of movement for that year's accession states made Brexit an eventual inevitability, saving a prior collapse of the Eurozone. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue “Studying Brexit's causes and consequences”, edited and introduced, pp. 429–433, by Daniel WINCOTT, John PETERSON and Alan CONVERY. See also Abstr. 67.6914, 6949, 7054, 7255, 7294, 7390, 7417, 7486, 7537]
67.7409 TINGUY, Anne de —
The UN has had an essential place in Russian diplomacy since the beginning of the 1990s, and its central position in international relationships is continually underlined by Moscow. The Russian concept of multilateralism raises questions on the degree to which Russia influences the world and the international system. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7410 TRENIN, Dmitri —
La Russie a fait évoluer sa politique étrangère depuis quelques années. Celle-ci se caractérise par un durcissement croissant vis-à-vis des Etats-Unis et de l'Europe, s'inscrivant davantage dans un cadre de confrontation plutôt que de coopération. Il est urgent de retrouver une confiance mutuelle. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7411 USTUN, Kadir; KANAT, Kilic B. —
The quest to redefine US foreign policy will likely be a bumpy ride for other global and regional actors as they adjust themselves to the new realities created by the D. Trump administration's search for a different US role. The administration's rhetoric will probably be shaped by real world events and realities on the ground in the Middle East and elsewhere. If the administration decides to make radical changes in the Middle East policy, especially regarding Syria, US relations with regional allies, including Turkey, will have to be recast. If the US starts to work primarily with state instead of sub-state actors, this would give more confidence to regional allies such as Turkey and more solid coalitions could be built against common challenges. [R, abr.]
67.7412 VAN GILS, Eske —
Using the case of democracy and human rights promotion, this article examines the concept of “differentiation” in relations between Azerbaijan and the EU. Post-independence, Azerbaijan increasingly positions itself as a strong and influential actor, demanding more discretion from the EU, based on equal input and interest representation. This article argues that the EU approach remains too unilateral, causing the Azerbaijani government to resist and gain influence through different routes, including lobbying activities. The article concludes that EU policy-making mechanisms could become more differentiated to reflect the political reality of changing power dynamics between the EU and Azerbaijan. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7214]
67.7413 VOIGT, Karsten D. —
The annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine has exacerbated the sense of threat among its neighbour states. Some German peace research circles recommend, that in order to forge trust in Europe, the EU should declare that it will forego inviting Ukraine to become a member. This is the wrong approach. Such a stance would create a negative precedent. Other states in Eastern Europe would interpret it as offering a right of veto to Russia, and as evidence that a “Concert of Europe” is again taking place beyond their sphere of influence. This cannot be in the interest of Germany or the EU. A cooperative security policy with Russia may never be pursued at a cost to other states. A precondition for the revival of trust is a change in policy by Russia. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7297]
67.7414 WANG, Austin Horng-En —
To repress growing regional/national identity in Taiwan, China applies rationalist strategies, including economic incentives and military threats. Analysis of the Taiwan National Security Survey in 2003–2015 shows that China's carrot and stick policies negatively correlate with exclusive Taiwanese identity. In younger generations, perception of the strength of the policies is similar, but their effect on identity is weaker. [R]
67.7415 WANG Hung-jen —
Individual relationships between Mainland China and Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan are considered confusing for some because China's rising international power is not resulting in stronger calls for a shared identity based on ‘Chinese pride’ or historical links. Instead, China's economic growth appears to be provoking increasingly stronger calls for autonomy or independence. I discuss why Beijing's self-described peace and development policy is failing to procure positive responses in those four regions, with a primary focus on the failed use of narrowly-defined Westphalian thinking to understand relevant issues. I argue that the reason for this failure is the tension between the individualist ontology underlying modern international politics (as expressed in terms of Westphalian sovereignty) and the relational ontology underpinning a traditional Chinese politics built upon a tianxia (“all-under-heaven”) world view. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7116]
67.7416 WASSENBERG, Birte —
Since the 1950s, cross-border cooperation has been operating as a tool for reconciliation in Europe. However, while it started as both a top-down and bottom-up movement shortly after the end of the Second World War in Western Europe, it was limited to communist party-organized symbolism in Central and Eastern Europe. Here, cross-border cooperation could only truly be employed as an instrument of reconciliation after the end of the Cold War. This paper emphasizes the historical development of cross-border cooperation as a peace-building instrument and assesses its potential model function for other regions in the world: shifting from reconciliation in specific border regions after the Second World War to a more generalized approach to ‘secondary foreign policy’ used as a tool for the European integration process, the changing functions of cross-border cooperation will be shown. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7348]
67.7417 WILSON, Graham K. —
The unexpected victories of Donald Trump in the US 2016 presidential campaign and of the Leave campaign in the British referendum on membership in the EU have important similarities in terms of campaign strategy, rhetoric and social bases of support. They are exemplars of a wave of right-wing populism that has swept across advanced democracies. The triumph of Brexit also raises questions about the future relationship between the UK and the US. While it is too early to be certain about either the impact of Brexit or the future direction of the Trump Administration, and despite ties between the Trump Administration and British politicians who campaigned for or subsequently supported Brexit, the UK could become much less useful as a diplomatic and economic partner to the US after leaving the EU. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7408]
67.7418 WUTHNOW, Joel —
This essay assesses how US strategy in the South China Sea can be optimized to retain military superiority while addressing the risk of instability resulting from a clash with China. [R]
67.7419 YAğCI, Mustafa —
The “Beijing Consensus” (BC) as a concept has been utilized to distinguish China's economic development experience from the “Washington Consensus” (WC), the policy toolkit offered to developing countries by Washington-based international organizations. This paper posits that recent Chinese initiatives in the international political economy constitute the building blocks of an emerging BC with potential to significantly influence developing countries’ economic development trajectories. In order to have a better understanding of the emerging BC and its relation with China's economic development experience, the main elements of the Chinese economic development experience are compared to the WC and Post-WC (PWC), and an early critical analysis of the BC is provided. [R, abr.]
67.7420 YAKOVLEFF, Michem —
La relation Russie-OTAN est complexe, fragile et marquée par la méfiance. L'attitude de Moscou reste hostile avec un renforcement permanent de son dispositif et une utilisation intensive de la désinformation. L'OTAN ne doit pas sur-réagir et, au contraire, trouver des opportunités de dialogue et de détente. [R] [Cf Abstr. 67.7318]
67.7421 ZACHARY, Paul; DELOUGHERY, Kathleen; DOWNES, Alexander B. —
Scholars argue that states undertake foreign military interventions for economic reasons, yet few have investigated whether intervention produces economic benefits. This article answers this question in the context of US foreign-imposed regime changes (FIRCs) in Latin America. Because FIRCs install leaders who are sympathetic to the intervener's interests, economic arguments maintain that these interventions should increase bilateral trade between the targets and imposing countries. Yet security-based arguments assert that regime-changes target threats rather than generate economic benefits. A third perspective argues that FIRCs reduce trade by generating political instability, which causes foreign firms to cut back on their involvement and domestic firms to experience difficulty getting goods to market. To test these competing arguments, this study employs a novel dataset on bilateral trade (1873–2007) compiled through archival research in Washington, DC. [R, abr.]
67.7422 ZENG Jinghan —
With China's rise, many argue that its foreign policy has been increasingly assertive. A principal aspect of this assertiveness is to secure China's “core interests” — a term that suggests a non-negotiable bottom line of Chinese foreign policy and has been increasingly used by the Chinese government to legitimate its diplomatic claim. This article analyses how China aims to secure its core interests by using content-analysis to study 108 Chinese academic articles concerning “China's core interests”. It identifies six major suggestions to secure China's core interests: diplomacy, military cooperation, military modernization, economic cooperation, economic influence, and domestic reform. It finds that, when discussing how to secure China's core interests, diplomacy is still the most popular solution followed by the suggestion to develop a stronger military power. [R, abr.]
67.7423 ZHANG Denghua —
This article examines China's motivations for trilateral aid cooperation in the context of its seemingly assertive diplomacy in recent years. Previously known for its preference for bilateral aid delivery, China, however, is increasingly conducting trilateral cooperation with western donor states and UN agencies. By employing constructivism and cognitive learning theories, this paper focuses on two perspectives: China's calculation of national interests and international engagement, and is structured around two case studies: UNDP's advisory role for China on development cooperation, and China-US trilateral aid cooperation. It argues that strategically, China is putting growing emphasis on its identity as a growing great power in the development sector, using trilateral cooperation to build its global image. Technically, China's four-decade long external engagement has promoted changes in its ideas about aid cooperation. [R, abr.]
67.7424 ZHANG Feng —
Many international legal experts believe that the Philippines v. China arbitration award of 12 July 2016 represents a game-changer for South China Sea dispute-settlements because the award has brought a breathtaking legal clarity to the complex disputes. The sweeping nature of the award has led to the hardening of China's claims, but it has also raised a new readiness among Chinese policymakers to renew negotiations. The sweepingness of the award makes it hard for the Philippines to reach a negotiated compromise with China on the basis of the award, but it also presents a surprising political opportunity in regional politics for the major actors involved to lower tensions and recalibrate policies. The overall impact of the arbitration is likely to create a deadlock in negotiations in the near future. [R, abr.]
67.7425 ZIMA, Amélie —
Since 1989, relations between Poland and Russia have been notable for their lack of trust. There are several factors behind this, Polish pro-European and Atlantic policies, the aggressive Russian attitude towards its neighbours and use of history for political purposes. Despite past periods of calm, there is currently an increase in tension. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7278]
67.7426 ZWOLSKI, Kamil —
The new Poland is no longer an engine of European integration, nor does it seem to value its relationships with Germany and France. [R]
67.7427 ZYSK, Katarzyna —
Over the last decade, Russia's interest in the Arctic has increased. Commercial projects have emerged, especially in the energy and maritime transport sectors. This region — which is home to a part of Russia's nuclear arsenal — is also important for Moscow on the military front. Even if tensions with other Arctic States cannot be ruled out, Russia has every interest in maintaining a degree of stability that is propitious to economic development. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7383]
67.7428
Introduction by Jonathan HAVERCROFT, pp. 100–108. Articles by Antje WIENER, “A theory of contestation — A concise summary of its argument and concepts”, pp. 109–125; Christian BUEGER, “Practices, norms, and the theory of contestation”, pp. 126–131; Brent STEELE, “Broadening the contestation of norms in International Relations”, pp. 132–138; Sasikumar S. SUNDARAM, “Norm contestation and global governance: taking actor configurations and practical reasoning seriously”, pp. 139–148; Lisbeth ZIMMERMANN, “‘Inter-national’ Habermas: contestation and understanding under conditions of diversity”, pp. 149–155; Jonathan HAVERCROFT and Raymond DUVALL, “Challenges of an agonistic constructivism for International Relations”, pp. 156–164; and Antje WIENER's reply, pp. 165–184.
67.7429
Introduction by Jessica KEOUGH. Articles by XIE Tao, “China-US relations during the Trump administration: mixed signals, increased risks, pp; 5–12; Noboru YAMAGUCHI, “Reaffirming US alliances in the Asia-Pacific: a Japanese perspective”, pp. 13–18; KANG Choi, “Prospects for the US-ROK alliance: returning to the old days or marching to the future?”, pp. 19–25; MING Lee, “Taiwan in Trump's perspective: a bargaining chip?”, pp. 26–32; Dmitri TRENIN, “Collision rather than collusion: issues in Russian-US relations”, pp. 33–38; Rajesh RAJAGOPALAN, “US-India relations under President Trump: promise and peril”, pp. 39–45; Moeed YUSUF, “A marriage estranged: the strategic disconnect between Pakistan and the United States”, pp. 46–52; Joseph Chinyong LIOW, “US-Southeast Asia relations under the Trump administration”, pp. 53–58; Michael WESLEY, “Steering between primacies: challenges to the Australia-US alliance”, pp. 59–65.
67.7430
Articles by Bernhard FREVEL and Bernhard RINKE; Andrea KRETSCHMANN; Simon EGBERT; Thomas WIEGOLD; Armin PFAHL-TRAUGHBER; Dina HUMMELSHEIM-DOSS; Dominik RIGOLL.