Abstract
69.3222 ABRAJANO, Marisa; ALVAREZ, R. Michael —
Given the fundamental role that race and ethnicity play in US society, sensitive survey items on this subject can often lead individuals to un-derreport their true attitudes. Previous studies have shown that the absence of an interviewer reduces the pressure to provide socially desirable responses. The 2012 and 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES), where both interviewer and self-administered surveys were used, allows us to test whether mode effects emerge in the way respondents answer survey items related to racial attitudes. We also expect mode effects to vary based on the extent to which individuals are politically socialized in the US. We find that respondents tend to un-derreport their racial animosity in interview-administered versus online surveys. [R,abr.]
69.3223 ADLER, Frank —
A post-growth-transformation should be a democratic, peaceful and mainly bottom-up driven process. It only can become reality if substantial elements of a post-growth-compatible prosperity are attractive for critical masses of the “average population” under the present social conditions. The paper shows what such a model of prosperity could comprise, and which perceived deficiencies it responds to, how perceived success in this regard could confine growth drivers and consumerism, which claims and struggles by relevant social and political actors such a strategy could link to, what chances for degrowth-alliances it opens up and why the bottom-up-pressure strengthened thus should lead to structural reforms, which improve both the conditions and acceptance of a good life independent of economic growth and thereby also for further socio-ecological transformation. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3898]
69.3224 AHMAD, Aijaz —
“Nationalism” has emerged in many of the contemporary discourses on the left, as much as in the corporate media, as the name for a whole range of modern malignities. In most such narratives, though not in all, these growing “nationalisms” are said to be intrinsically opposed to neoliberalism and globalization, a state of affairs entirely negative from the standpoint of the corporate media. The left, however, is also in a quandary: One does want this neoliberal order to perish — but not at the hands of the nationalist monster! In some other narratives, these “nationalisms” are construed to be not neoliberalism's opponents but its rebellious offspring. Let us propose, then, that there may well be something wrong in the perception itself, hence in the way the question then gets posed. [R,abr.]
69.3225 AKIRAV, Osnat; COX, Gary W. —
We examine bonuses garnered by government formateurs in all European democracies that began the 20th c. as constitutional monarchies. Using a new data-set on how portfolios were allocated in each democratic coalition cabinet formed 1901-1999, we show that formateurs’ bonuses were positive and significant when the monarch still exercised discretion in choosing them but declined after the monarch's role was constrained. Relatedly, Gamson's Law was more strongly violated when monarchs played a larger role. After identifying the dates at which monarchs were constrained, we conduct a difference-in-differences analysis, comparing formateurs’ bonuses in each reformed country with those in otherwise similar countries that did not reform at the same time. The results support the hypothesis that greater royal discretion engendered larger formateurs’ bonuses. [R]
69.3226 ALBERTUS, Michael —
Why do some former authoritarian elites return to power after democratization through reelection or reappointment to political office, or by assuming board positions in state-owned or major private enterprises, whereas others do not and still others face punishment? This article investigates this question using an original data set on constitutional origins and the fate of the upper echelon of outgoing authoritarian elites across Latin America from 1900 to 2015. I find that authoritarian elites from outgoing regimes that impose a holdover constitution that sticks through democratization are more likely to regain political or economic power — especially through national positions where the potential payoffs are largest — and less likely to face severe or nominal punishment. I also find a positive role for political capital among former elites. [R,abr.]
69.3227 ALIYEV, Huseyn —
Previous research on non-state actors involved in civil wars has tended to disregard the role of extra-dyad agents in influencing conflict outcomes. Little is known as to whether the presence of such extra-dyadic actors as pro-regime militias affects conflict termination and outcomes. This article develops and tests a number of hypotheses on the pro-government militias’ effect upon civil war outcomes. It proposes that pro-regime militias involved in intrastate conflicts tend to act as proponents of “no peace, no war”, favoring low-activity violence and ceasefires over other conflict outcomes. These hypotheses are examined using an expanded dataset on pro-government militias and armed conflict in a statistical analysis of 229 civil war episodes from 1991 to 2015. These findings shed new light on the role of extra-state actors in civil wars. [R]
69.3228 ALTVATER, Elmar; MAHNKOPF, Birgit —
While most of the rich industrialized countries still have at their disposal large amounts of raw materials and fossil energy, bottlenecks have emerged for all of them as well as for the middle-income industrializing countries. These bottlenecks emerged as economic growth increased demand for raw materials, and as international competition on the primary goods markets has intensified. The fight for primary materials is not over with the emergence of artificial intelligence and ubiquitous digitalization. On the contrary, this will likely intensify given the global nexus of land, water, food, minerals, and energy, and given that a few countries dominate the market for critical minerals. This essay contends that another “Great Transformation” would require a change of the conditions of production in their entirety, including distribution, consumption, and finance. [R,abr.]
69.3229 ANDERSON, Noel; WORSNOP, Alec —
Determining the appropriate fatality threshold criteria for case selection in the civil war literature has proven contentious. Yet, despite continued debate, our survey of the literature finds that scholars rarely examine their findings across multiple thresholds. Of those that did evaluate their findings in this way, nearly half found that their results changed at different thresholds. Because minor and major conflicts often exhibit different causal patterns, scholars should explore their empirical findings across a range of theoretically motivated thresholds. To illustrate the utility of this approach, we demonstrate that the relationship between narcotics and conflict intensity varies across thresholds. We then introduce a dynamic theory that emphasizes the endogeneity of rebel groups’ decisions to turn to drug cultivation during civil war. [R]
69.3230 APTEKAR, Sofya —
Super-diversity as a methodological lens calls for a study of dynamics of new and diversified social groups that moves away from more traditional approaches focused on ethnicity. In examining the potential of super-diversity as a methodological lens, I identify a risk of downplaying the effect of “old” categories of difference that are likely to continue to shape social structures as well as space. I propose a re-centring of power and inequality in the study of super-diversity by situating its study within an urban culturalist approach, with sociological tools borrowed from ethno-methodology and symbolic interactionism. This proposal is illustrated through the analysis of two public spaces in a super-diverse New York neighbourhood. I conclude by raising questions about the use of super-diversity discourse in the public and policy spheres. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Super-diversity in everyday life”, introduced, pp. 1-16,by Nancy FONER, Jan Willem DUYVENDAK and Philip KASINITZ. See also Abstr. 69.4476]
69.3231 ARCHER, Alfred; ENGELEN, Bart; IVANKOVIĆ, Viktor —
For many years, no one seriously defended the buying and selling votes for political elections. In recent years, however, this situation has changed, with a number of authors defending the permissibility of vote markets. One popular objection to such markets is that they would lead to a tyranny of wealth, where the poor are politically dominated by the rich. J. S. Taylor [“Markets in votes and the tyranny of wealth”, ibid. 23(3),Aug. 2017: 313-328; Abstr. 67.7118] has argued that this objection can be avoided if certain restrictions are placed on vote markets. We argue that this attempt to rebut an argument against vote markets is unsuccessful. Either vote markets secure their purported benefits, but then they inevitably lead to a tyranny of wealth, or they are restricted so heavily that they lack the features that have been claimed to make vote markets attractive in the first place. [R,abr.]
69.3232 ARNESEN, Sveinung; DUELL, Dominik; JOHANNESSON, Mikael Poul —
We elicit citizens’ preferences over hypothetical candidates by applying conjoint survey experiments within a probability-based online panel of the Norwegian electorate. Our experimental treatments differ in whether citizens receive information about candidates’ social characteristics only, candidates’ issue positions only, or both. From this, we identify whether citizens are able to infer substantive policy positions from the descriptive characteristics of potential representatives and use that information to make candidate choices that achieve substantive representation. We find that candidate choice is driven more by knowledge about candidates’ issue positions than by knowledge about their social characteristics and that citizens value substantive representation more robustly than descriptive representation. [R,abr.]
69.3233 ASUNKA, Joseph, et al.—
This article reports on the effects of domestic election observers on electoral fraud and violence. Using an experimental research design and polling station data on fraud and violence during Ghana's 2012 elections, it shows that observers reduced fraud and violence at the polling stations which they monitored. It is argued that local electoral competition shapes party activists’ response to observers. As expected, in single-party dominant areas, parties used their local political networks to relocate fraud to polling stations without an election observer, and, in contrast, party activists relocated violence to stations without observers in competitive areas — a response that requires less local organizational capacity. This highlight show local party organization and electoral incentives can shape the manipulative electoral strategies employed by parties in democratic elections. [R]
69.3234 ATANASSOW, Ewa; KATZNELSON, Ira —
This essay identifies conceptual and institutional approaches within the Anglo-American liberal tradition for meeting security challenges without compromising constitutional and ethical principles. From its 17th-c. beginnings, political liberalism has confronted the problematic of the “state of exception”, and has elaborated a repertoire of ideas and institutions for governing exigencies that remain instructive. In the first half of the 20th c., responding to Carl Schmitt's critique of liberal insufficiency, liberal thinkers, especially in the US, sought to show how liberal polities can govern emergency situations within the scope of law. Following historical and political developments since the mid-20th c., the solutions proposed no longer seem adequate to present conditions of prolonged emergency. Fresh institutional imagination is needed. The article offers four broad guidelines for allaying today's tensions between security and liberty. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3235 BACCARO, Lucio; BENASSI, Chiara; MEARDI, Guglielmo —
This special issue honors the memory of Giulio Regeni, a PhD student at the University of Cambridge who was assassinated while he was conducting field research on independent trade unions in Egypt. This introduction and the following articles focus on the theoretical, empirical and methodological questions at the core of Regeni's research. Unions have traditionally been regarded as crucial for representing the interests of the working class as a whole and for building and sustaining industrial and political democracy; however, there is a debate about the conditions under which unions can be effective, and the role of unions’ internal democracy is particularly controversial. The article discusses the theoretical linkages between trade unions, democratization and union democracy and reflects on the new concerns about the risk of conducting field research on these issues raised by Regeni's death. [R] [Introduction to a special issue on “Trade unions and democracy: in memory of Giulio Regeni”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 69.3816, 3849, 3857, 3923, 3943, 4415]
69.3236 BACH, Matthew —
The oil and gas industry has traditionally been reticent to engage with the issues surrounding climate change, typically being cast as a laggard. Yet, over recent years, the sector has begun taking on a more active role in climate governance, doing so in a variety of capacities — as initiators, catalysts and participants in industry-led or multi-stakeholder efforts. The Oil and Gas Climate Initiative is reviewed, as a case study to illustrate emerging climate leadership within the global oil and gas industry. In 2015, its members committed to a two-degree pathway. The paucity of research on the nascent role of oil and gas firms in climate governance is addressed. [R] [See Abstr. 69.4105]
69.3237 BALLI, Faruk; PERICOLI, Filippo M.; PIERUCCI, Eleonora —
This study explores the relationships among various dimensions of globalization (i.e., economic, social, and political) and international risk-sharing, by exploiting the KOF globalization indices over a long time horizon (1970-2014) and for several groups of countries (i.e., World; OECD; EU; EMU; high-income economies (HI); and low and middle-income economies (LMI)). To this end, we follow a standard regression-based approach augmented by interaction terms. To date, the empirical literature has only investigated the economic and financial facets of globalization; we, on the other hand, find a significant relationship between risk-sharing and noneconomic aspects of globalization. For several groups of industrialized countries, social and political integration positively correlate with risk-sharing. [R,abr.]
69.3238 BALZ, Hanno —
During the escalation of the “German Autumn” in 1977, the Federal German government resorted to a specific form of crisis-management that had been described as an undeclared state of exception. It was Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt who oversaw the anti-terrorist measures in the situation room where the executive branch ruled for six weeks beyond any parliamentary control. This article examines the role that Schmidt had played for the creation of a “subjective state of exception” and how this could be seen as stemming from Schmidt's earlier experiences and handling of crisis situations dating back to the 1960s. In this regard it has to be asked with Giorgio Agamben [State of Exception,U. Chicago Press, 2005], if in the West German case, the state of exception had become the rule. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3239 BARTOLI, Annie; BLATRIX, Cécile —
The Open Government Partnership (OGP) initiative was launched in 2011 to provide an international platform for domestic reforms committed to rendering governments more open, accountable, and responsive to their citizens. The idea of open government is not new and was originally seen as a matter of accountability. Recently, it has become a label for technological innovation and political accountability, and is often related to transparency, which does not necessarily equate to responsibility. This article analyzes what this approach means from the point of view of government responsibility, using comparative analysis based on three countries: US, Brazil and France. It endeavors to understand what underlays this initiative and to evaluate whether, and to what extent, it has altered the implementation of actions and contributed to make governments more “responsible”. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “L'action publique responsible (Responsible public action)”, edited and introduced, pp. 239-244,by Annie BARTOLI]
69.3240 BARTUSEVIČIUS, Henrikas; GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede —
We present a two-stage approach to civil conflict analysis. Unlike conventional approaches that focus only on armed conflict and treat all other cases as “at peace,” we first distinguish cases with and without contested incompatibilities (Stage 1) and then whether or not contested incompatibilities escalate to armed conflict (Stage 2). This allows us to analyze factors that relate to conflict origination (onset of incompatibilities) and factors that predict conflict militarization (onset of armed violence). Using new data on incompatibilities and armed conflict, we replicate and extend three prior studies of violent civil conflict, reformulated as a two-stage process, considering different estimation procedures and potential selection problems. We find that the group-based horizontal political inequalities highlighted in research on violent civil conflict clearly relate to conflict origination but have no clear association with militarization. [R,abr.]
69.3241 BEAUMONT, Amélie —
Based on an ethnographic study of a luxury hotel and its employees, this article contributes to the study of the workplace in the formation of the relationship to politics. I analyze two socialization matrices identified. The first is rooted in work and career organization: the attachment to the traditional functioning of the sector imbues employees with the conservative dispositions of the established order. These deeply internalized worldviews, however, are rarely converted into explicit political positions. The second matrix is the result of the union's work to politicize employment relations. Employees’ sense of vulnerability to changes imposed by management leads them to support the local union, despite their reluctance to join the unions. But the contesting political opinions defended by the union conflict with the dispositions maintained by the first matrix. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3242]
69.3242 BEAUMONT, Amélie; CHALLIER, Raphaël; LEJEUNE, Guillaume —
This article revisits the debate on the shift to the right of the working classes and advocates for a relational and localized approach in order to take a different look at these questions, starting from the concept of social space as defined by Pierre Bourdieu. The goal is to analyze the relationship to politics of groups with rather few resources (located in the lower half of the social space), but with relatively more economic capital than cultural capital (located on the right of the social space). By seeking to perceive the differences among poorly endowed groups, we give ourselves the means to think in subtle shades about a phenomenon (the right-wing and far-right vote) that is neither entirely new nor uniform. [R,abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Bottom right”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 69.3241, 3769, 3787, 3905, 3910]
69.3243 BEDOCK, Camille —
This article illustrates how the inductive use of process tracing enables us to understand the final outcome of a series of democratic reforms: the reduction of the presidential term from seven to five years and the modification of the electoral calendar (2000-2001) in France, and the electoral and constitutional reforms in Italy (2003-2006). Based on inductive reasoning and on a sequential method, the results presented in this article demonstrate concretely how the method of process tracing allows us to discover two distinct causal mechanisms: credit claiming (including the variety of different interests mobilized) and reform packages (including the way in which they allow for consensus to be reached by an otherwise divided majority). [R] [See Abstr. 69.3455]
69.3244 BEITZ, Charles R. —
Property law in the US has become increasingly friendly to extraordinarily long-term, intergenerational restrictions on the use and transmission of property. The situatedness of human agency in time explains much of the moral importance that we attach to the temporal extension of property rights. The cases of extended temporal control within a life and of control beyond that life are fundamentally different. The reasons we have to resist measures that would restrict the temporal extent of an individual's legal rights of ownership within that person's lifetime, or perhaps modestly beyond, do not extend with comparable force to measures that would empower owners to exercise control very far into the future well beyond their lifetimes.
69.3245 BELLABY, Ross W. —
In recent years, revelations regarding reports of torture by the US CIA and the quiet growth of the NSA's pervasive cyber-surveillance system have brought into doubt the level of trust afforded to the intelligence community. The question of its trustworthiness requires determining how much secrecy it should enjoy and what mechanisms should be employed to detect and prevent future abuse. I argue that existing systems built on a prioritization of democratic assumptions are fundamentally ill-equipped for dealing with the particular challenge of intelligence secrecy. As the necessary circle of secrecy is extended, political actors are insulated from the very public gaze that ensures they are working in line with the political community's best interests. A new framework needs to be developed, one that this article argues should be based on the just war tradition. [R,abr.]
69.3246 BELMONTE, Alessandro; DELL'ANNO, Roberto; TEO-BALDELLI, Désirée —
This paper analyzes theoretically and empirically the relationship between individuals’ aversion to ethnic diversity, the degree of fiscal and political decentralization, and tax morale. We present a model showing how higher degrees of individuals’ aversion to ethnic diversity may reduce tax morale and why these effects may be smaller in decentralized political and fiscal systems. We test these results by using individual data from the World Value Survey and several measures of decentralization. Our estimates robustly confirm that higher degrees of individuals’ aversion to ethnic diversity are associated to lower tax morale and that this correlation is smaller or null in decentralized systems. [R]
69.3247 BENDALL, Mark J.; ROBERTSON, Chris —
The piece assesses the risk of disinformation primarily, but not exclusively, in the Anglo-American context. It unpicks assumptions behind post-truth and fake news; considers precedents for disinformation and queries the extent of its novelty. Are these manageable challenges to democratic culture or a crisis? It concludes that whatever the terminological tangles, industrialized disinformation signal threats to the public sphere, threats underscored by historical events highlighting the vulnerability of democracy. Yet threats to democratic systems have not deleted their scrutinizing capabilities from below (voters) and from above (the legislature). Therefore challenges, for all their potency and potential, have not yet reached crisis. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3494]
69.3248 BENDOR, Jonathan; SHAPIRO, Jacob N. —
Historians and some IR scholars have long argued that historical contingencies play a critical role in the evolution of the international system, but have not explained whether they do so to a greater extent than in other domains or why such differences may exist. The authors address these lacunae by identifying stable differences between war and other policy domains that render the evolution of the international system more subject to chance events than those other domains. The selection environment of international politics has produced tightly integrated organizations (militaries) as the domain's key players to a much greater degree than other policy domains. Because there are few players, no law of large numbers holds, and because militaries are tightly integrated, microshocks can reverberate up to macro-organizational levels. [R,abr.]
69.3249 BENKERT, Jean-Michel; NETZER, Nick —
A nudge is a paternalistic government intervention that attempts to improve choices by changing the framing of a decision problem. We propose a welfare-theoretic foundation for nudging similar in spirit to the classical revealed preference approach, by investigating a framework in which preferences and mistakes of an agent can be elicited from her choices under different frames. We provide characterizations of the classes of behavioral models in which the information required for nudging can or cannot be deduced from choice data. [R]
69.3250 BENOÎT, Cyril —
This article examines the phenomenon of regulatory capture, using the regulation of pharmaceuticals as its case study. We shall examine an empirical situation where quantitative data is available for a large sample, and where the objective is identifying causal mechanisms through an in-depth analysis of a smaller number of cases. We shall elaborate a Bayesian framework for process tracing which we shall then use to examine the development of two agencies, located in France and England respectively. This approach shall allow us to identify a number of institutional dependencies which would have otherwise been difficult to detect through an initial statistical analysis. These dependencies provide a better explanation for the design of the regulatory schemes under study than the capture argument. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3455]
69.3251 BEST, Heinrich; HOFFMANN-LANGE, Ursula —
This HSR Special Issue assembles contributions on current topics of elite research. They deal in particular with the challenges globalization poses for the traditional linkages between citizens and their representatives and their impact on political legitimacy. We argue that these developments upset the balance between a broad elite consensus embracing universal values and citizens’ fears that their representatives pay too little attention to their demands to fight the negative effects of globalization on the country. We develop a unified theory of representative elites by combining three theorems: The theorem of antagonistic cooperation, the principal-agent theorem and the challenge-response theorem. [R,abr.] [Introduction to a special issue on “Challenged elites — elites as challengers. The impact of civil activism, populism and economic crisis on elite structures, orientations and agendas”, edited by Heinrich BEST, et al.. See also Abstr. 69 3366, 3384, 3809, 3868, 3894, 4201, 4392, 4425, 4428, 4433, 4471, 4488, 4511]
69.3252 BEST, Rebecca H.; SHAIR-ROSENFIELD, Sarah; WOOD, Reed M. —
Policy makers and scholars have shown increased interest in gendered approaches to peacemaking, even as evidence of women's impact on peace processes has remained unclear. We explore the influence of gender diversity among decision-making elites on the outcome of ongoing civil conflicts. Specifically, we argue that increased female representation within the national legislature increases the likelihood that a conflict terminates in a negotiated settlement. However, the impact of legislative female representation on conflict termination is conditioned by the power of the legislature vis-à-vis the executive, suggesting that gender diversity exerts a greater impact in states with more authoritative legislatures. [R,abr.]
69.3253 BEZES, Philippe; PALIER, Bruno —
This article seeks to go beyond two of the major limits of neo-institutionalist studies on institutional change: namely, the fact that they neglect both public policy reforms and the “transformative effects” such reforms can bring about. It defines and operationalizes the concept of a “reform trajectory”, conceived of as a long-term succession of sequenced reforms, each having consequences for its successor and having a “transformative effect” on the system of institutionalized public policies subject to reform as a whole. Based on our work on administrative and welfare state reforms, we outline seven principles to reconstruct the trajectory of public policy reforms by using process tracing. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3455]
69.3254 BIALE, Enrico —
I hold that it is desirable to ensure people be included within the borders and the political community both, but I point out the potential incompatibility of the two. In an open-borders society, members of a polity would not be exclusively individuals who expect to stay in a country for a long time but also people who temporarily work and live there. Among this latter group would be individuals who would continuously migrate — call them hypermigrants. While I agree that hypermigrants cannot be fully included in the decision-making, excluding them is problematic because it justifies a hierarchical society. To overcome these problems, I claim that it is possible to justify an account of a fluid demos that provides different levels of political inclusion and addresses the challenges of a hypermigration polity. [R,abr.]
69.3255 BJOLA, Corneliu; MANOR, Ilan —
Few studies to date have investigated the impact of digitalization on Putnam's two-level game theory. Such an investigation is warranted given that state and non-state actors can employ digital tools to influence decision-making processes at both national and international levels. This study advances a new theoretical concept, Domestic Digital Diplomacy, which refers to the use of social media by a government to build domestic support for its foreign policy. This model is introduced through the case study of the @TheIranDeal twitter channel, a social media account launched by the Obama White House to rally domestic support for the ratification of the Iran Nuclear Agreement. The study demonstrates that digitalization has complicated the two-level game by democratizing access to foreign policy decisions and increasing interactions between the national and international levels of diplomacy. [R]
69.3256 BLANCK, Thomas —
The article examines the revolution in Munich in 1918/1919 and proposes a threefold model of interpreting it as a prolonged and self-reinforcing state of exception during the period of transition after World War I. At first, at the legal level, the revolutionary forces in Munich intensified the extensive system of exceptional decrees, orders, and laws developed in the course of the war. These measures were connected to a broader discourse on the exceptionality of the revolutionary situation which was not limited to conservative and reactionary forces but found its advocates in all parts of the political spectrum. The article argues that the state of exception's legal, discursive, and practical dimension cannot be understood separately. Instead, it is the interplay between these three dimensions that creates the specific dynamic of the state of exception. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3257 BOC, Joseph G. K.; HAQUE, Ziaul —
There are differing views on the strengths and weaknesses of faith-based organizations relative to secular international nongovernmental organizations. This article argues that the theory of comparative advantage and the theory of organizational alignment are inadequate in helping to assess these strengths and weaknesses. The article offers a different perspective, called conduit engagement theory. It holds that humanitarian organizations naturally have specific relationships, organizational linkages, affiliations, or shared philosophies (referred to in the article as conduits) that enable certain programmatic interventions. Maximum effectiveness within the humanitarian marketplace is a function of the robustness of engagement of conduits with high-priority initiatives that have adequate funding over the necessary length of time. A new kind of tool for strategic planning within specific countries and for auditing at an organizational level are proposed. [R]
69.3258 BODE, Thilo —
In the modern world of lobbying, economy and politics are intimately intertwined into an industrial-political complex. The lobby elite has merged with the political elite to an extent that informs economic interests and mutates the interests of industry and politics into a coalition of interests. This new form of lobbying was made possible by the exploding financial power of corporations and allows corporations to act as they wish. As a result, corporations establish dangerous alliances and strategies while the power delegated by the citizen to parliamentarians, is gradually ceded, step by step, to dominant interest groups. In this context, the author calls for a new power that creates an industrial-political complex in which the political and economic powers merge a new global elite.
69.3259 BOFFO, Marco; SAAD-FILHO, Alfredo; FINE, Ben —
What exactly is the nature of neoliberalism that it can simultaneously both rely upon state intervention and deny its efficacy by recourse to political and ideological populism, quite apart from appeals to other (conservative) collectivities — nationalism and racism, in particular — in the context of market individualism? Coherence is not the order of the day, but there is underlying order in the chaos. First, what occurred in 2008-2009 was a severe crisis within neoliberalism, exposing the limits of reliance on finance as the driver of global accumulation. Initially taken by many as a fatal crisis of neoliberalism, especially as the market failed spectacularly in its favored arena of finance, the crisis proved nothing of the sort. [R,abr.]
69.3260 BORMANN, Nils-Christian, et al.—
Grievances that derive from the unequal treatment of ethnic groups are a key motivation for civil war. Ethnic power sharing should therefore reduce the risk of internal conflict. Yet conflict researchers disagree on whether formal power-sharing institutions effectively prevent large-scale violence. We can improve our understanding of the effect of power-sharing institutions by analyzing the mechanisms under which they operate. To this effect, we compare the direct effect of formal power-sharing institutions on peace with their indirect effect through power-sharing behavior. Combining data on inclusive and territorially dispersive institutions with information on power-sharing behavior, we empirically assess this relationship on a global scale. Our causal mediation analysis reveals that formal power-sharing institutions affect the probability of ethnic conflict onset mostly through power-sharing behavior that these institutions induce. [R]
69.3261 BOSWELL, John, et al.—
This article adopts and reinvents the ethnographic approach to uncover what governing elites do, and how they respond to public disaffection. Although there is significant work on the citizens’ attitudes to the governing elite (the demand side) there is little work on how elites interpret and respond to public disaffection (the supply side). It is argued here that ethnography is the best available research method for collecting data on the supply side. The article tackles longstanding stereotypes in political science about the ethnographic method and what it is good for, and highlights how the innovative and varied practices of contemporary ethnography are ideally suited to shedding light into the “black box” of elite politics. The potential pay-off is demonstrated with reference to important examples of elite ethnography from the margins of political science scholarship. [R,abr.]
69.3262 BRABEC, Martin —
This article focuses on the interconnection of class and race with capitalism. First it presents a definition of capitalism and its attitude towards civil statuses and exploitation. Secondly, it analyzes the origins of racism in capitalism despite its emphasis on freedom and equality, and its indifference to the social identities of the people it exploits. Consequently, it examines racial oppression as a strategy for capitalist control of the laboring class. In the end it focuses on the very important distinction between oppression and exploitation. These distinct relations also have very different impact on the behavior of social agents and groups, their life opportunities and forms of social conflict. If we want to understand how racial hierarchies reproduce capitalist class relations, we have to understand the basic requirements of class relations and capitalist reproduction itself. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3751]
69.3263 BRESLAWSKI, Jori; IVES, Brandon —
Why are some factions fighting for greater national self-determination (SD) more violent than others? While previous explanations of violence in these disputes have focused on the number of factions, their internal structures, and power distributions among factions, we find many factions that do not follow the expectations of these theories. We center on religious ideology, its unique transnational character, and the opportunity it creates for political elites from competing factions within the same SD movement to mobilize support. We argue that “religious factions” have a greater incentive to use violence than other factions. Violence serves as a costly signal, and it can be used to demonstrate a faction's religious credentials to transnational networks and contacts, as they compete with each other on the international stage for the same potential benefactors. [R,abr.]
69.3264 BROOKS, Deborah Jordan, et al.—
The world is experiencing a period of unprecedented demographic change. For the first time in human history, marked disparities in age structures exist across the globe. Around 40 percent of the world's population lives in countries with significant numbers of elderly citizens. In contrast, the majority of the world's people live in developing countries with very large numbers of young people as a proportion of the total population. Yet, demographically, most of the world's states with young populations are aging, and many are doing so quickly. Countries with a large number of young people as a proportion of the total population are the most prone to international conflict, whereas states with the oldest populations are the most peaceful. [R,abr.]
69.3265 BRUNKERT, Lennart; KRUSE, Stefan; WELZEL, Christian —
Using a new measure of “comprehensive democracy,” our analysis traces the global democratic trend over the last 116 years, from 1900 until 2016, looking in particular at the centennial trend's cultural zoning. As it turns out, democracy has been proceeding and continues to differentiate the world's nations in a strongly culture-bound manner: high levels of democracy remain a distinctive feature of nations in which emancipative values have grown strong over the generations. By the same token, backsliding and autocratization are limited to cultures with under-developed emancipative values. In line with this finding, public support for democracy neither favours democratization, nor does it prevent autocratization in disjunction from emancipative values. On the contrary, public support for democracy shows such pro-democratic effects if — and only if — it co-exists in close association with emancipative values. [R,abr.]
69.3266 BUCKLEY, David T. —
Are levels of religion-state regulation associated with cross-national variation in attitudes related to the place of religion in public life? Data sources measuring both the institutional relationship between religion and state and public opinion on the political role of religion have significantly improved in recent years, but scholars have just begun to examine relationships between political institutions and public attitudes. This contribution tests several potential examples of such links by exploring the relationship between religion-state institutions and norms of religion and politics, both between and within countries. The contribution first develops theoretical expectations regarding the institutional correlates of public opinion, then conducts initial tests of these expectations by blending data from the Religion and State project with comparative survey data drawn from Waves 4 and 5 of the World Values Survey. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3349]
69.3267 CAMPBELL, Susanna; DIGIUSEPPE, Matthew; MURDIE, Amanda —
Do development international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) facilitate or destroy the bureaucratic capacity of the states in which they operate? The literature is split on this question. Some scholars argue that development INGOs weaken state capacity by delivering social services that the government is supposed to provide. Others argue that by increasing a country's domestic demand for improved human rights, development INGOs improve a government's capacity to fulfill them. In this paper, we show that the effect of development INGOs on state capacity depends on whether a state is democratic or nondemocratic. In our cross-sectional time-series analysis, we find that development INGO presence has a significant positive relationship with state capacity in democracies but no relationship with state capacity in nondemocratic states. [R,abr.]
69.3268 CAREY, Gemma; KAY, Adrian; NEVILE, Ann —
Little is known about how processes of policy layering and institutional legacies play out in (relatively rare) system-wide and transformative policy reforms. This article presents a critical case study of one such reform — the Australian National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). In examining the implementation experiences of the NDIS, we resist the bifurcation of the study of policy dynamics into a stability versus big bang dualism by revealing that many influential and constraining factors in a layering process are common across both incremental and transformative reforms. Moreover, we find that layering is not merely an unfortunate by-product of previous institutional structures but a tool that is actively sought and used by policy-makers to tackle implementation challenges that, once set in motion, can move beyond the ability of policy-makers to control. [R,abr.]
69.3269 CARREIRA DA SILVA, Filipe; BRITO VIEIRA, Mónica —
This article re-examines current definitions of populism, which portray it as either a powerful corrective to or the nemesis of liberal democracy. It explores a crucial but often neglected dimension of populism: its redemptive character. Populism is here understood to function according to the logic of resentment, which involves both socio-political indignation at injustice and envy or ressentiment. Populism promises redemption through regaining possession: of a lower status, a wounded identity, a diminished or lost control. Highly moralized images of the past — historical or archetypal — are mobilized by populist leaders to castigate the present and accelerate the urgency of change in it. The argument is illustrated with Caesar's Column, a futuristic novel written by the Minnesota populist leader Ignatius Donnelly. [R,abr.]
69.3270 CATTANEO, Maria Chiara —
Governments need high quality policy advice to develop public policies in a context of increasing complexity. Governments legitimize decisions through evidence provided by advisors who, in turn, legitimize themselves through the quality of the advice. The article elaborates on the policy advice provided by research bodies dependent on or strictly connected with executives. This mirrors a type of consultancy characterized by the bi-directional link between policy advisors and policy makers. The article describes the boundary work of policy advice in Lombardy, Austria (Carinthia) and Bavaria, and offers reconstructive insights into the notion of quality of policy oriented research products through the verification of the processes developed for its control. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3323]
69.3271 CAVALIERI, Alice; RUSSO, Federico; VERZICHELL, Luca —
The policy agenda literature shows that budget cuts tend to be rarer and less extreme than budget expansions. This article argues that the character of retrenchment policies is shaped by a combination of domestic and international factors, such as budgetary procedures, intra-coalitional conflicts, and the emergence of urgency situations. Building on the findings of several quantitative studies on budgetary changes, we develop two propositions explaining why the necessity to reduce expenditures usually leads to across-the-board cuts. We also hypothesize two mechanisms which can occasionally produce selective outcomes. This article focuses on the last 30 years. Findings show that the persistence of frictions in the Italian budgetary process is often a basic reason for the introduction of linear cuts, but the logic of urgency triggered by the European external constraint was able to produce a selective outcome. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4375]
69.3272 CELIKATES, Robin —
This article argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobedience is a much more radical political practice. It is transformative in that it aims at the politicization of questions that are excluded from the political domain and at reconfiguring public space and existing institutions, often in comprehensive ways. Focusing on the reconstitution of the political community also allows us to reconceptualize constituent power. Rather than portraying it as a quasi-mythical force erupting only in extraordinary moments, constituent power can be conceptualized as a dynamic situated within established orders, transgressing their logic and reconfiguring them from within. Civil disobedience as a transformative and potentially comprehensive practice aimed at reconstituting the political order can then be seen as an internal driving force keeping this dialectic in play. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3442]
69.3273 CHAISTY, Paul; POWER, Timothy J. —
In recent years, the comparative literature on presidential democracy has emphasized the role of coalitional politics in attenuating the “perils” facing minority presidents. Yet since the beginning of the Third Wave of democratization in 1974, a surprising number of minority presidents have eschewed cabinet coalitions (defined minimally as the awarding of at least one portfolio to a party other than the nominal party of the president). Unipartisan governments are observed just under half of the time. What explains the adoption of single-party cabinets by minority presidents? Cross-sectional time-series analysis is employed to address this question. [R,abr.]
69.3274 CHARBONNEAU, Étienne; BERNIER, Luc; BAUTISTA-BEAUCHESNE, Nicholas —
This article examines the scholarly influence of Canadian public administration research compared to other national strands. First and foremost, we look at the number of Canadian studies in recent systematic literature reviews in public administration journals. Second, we compare Australian and Canadian journals as to their connection to the top 70 articles in public administration. Third, we compare the relative impact factors between the Canadian and Australian journals in public administration and other social sciences. Our results show that contemporary Canadian studies have limited influence in the international scholarly community. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3745]
69.3275 CHONG, Alberto; GRADSTEIN, Mark —
This article [addresses] the question of who favors strong political leadership, with a few checks on its power. First, we specify a formal model to generate testable hypotheses on the relationship between income and attitudes toward strong political leadership support. Then, we test these claims using a rich survey of individual attitudes across countries from 1999 to 2004. We present evidence indicating that the support for such strong leadership is inversely related to individual income, even after controlling for additional characteristics, such as education. Individual attitudes toward strong leadership are also inversely related to country-level indicators such as income inequality, level of GDP per capita, and institutional characteristics. [R,abr.]
69.3276 CHRISTENSEN, James —
There is a general presumption against arming outlaw states. But can that presumption sometimes be overturned? The argument considered here maintains that outlaw states can have legitimate security interests and that transferring weapons to these states can be an appropriate way of promoting those interests. Weapons enable governments to engage in wrongful oppression and aggression, but they also enable them to fend off predators in a manner that can be beneficial to their citizens. It clearly does not follow from the fact that a state is oppressive or aggressive that it will never be a victim of wrongful aggression itself, and while an outlaw state's primary aim in repelling such aggression will often be the preservation of its own power, its defensive manoeuvres will sometimes also serve its citizens’ interests. [R,abr.]
69.3277 CLIFFORD, Scott —
Moralized issues, such as abortion and same-sex marriage, motivate political engagement but present a barrier to democratic resolution. Yet we know little about how some issues become “moral issues” and others do not. I argue that exposure to persuasive frames, particularly those eliciting anger and disgust, serves to moralize and polarize public opinion. I test these hypotheses across three experiments on emerging debates over food politics. The results consistently show that persuasive frames increase issue moralization and, in turn, facilitate polarization. A panel analysis demonstrates that the effect of a single exposure lasts at least two weeks. Mediation analyses suggest that feelings of disgust and anger help explain how persuasive frames moralize political attitudes, while anger alone seems to explain the polarizing effects of framing. [R,abr.]
69.3278 CLULOW, Zeynep —
This article evaluates the thesis that democratization promotes mitigation in light of national emissions levels from 1990 to 2012. Using data from the Freedom House, Polity IV and V-Dem indices, World Bank World Development Indicators and the World Resources Institute Climate Data Explorer it conducts a large-N investigation of the emissions levels of 147 countries. Although several quantitative studies have found that domestic political regimes affect emissions levels, this article goes beyond existing research by building a more sophisticated — multilevel-research design to determine whether democracy: (a) continues to be an important driver of emissions when country-level clustering is accounted for and (b) has uniform effects across countries. The results indicate that, even after controlling for country-level clustering and holding constant the other confounding factors, democracy is indeed a significant driver. [R,abr.]
69.3279 CONRAD, Justin M., et al.—
How does natural resource wealth influence the duration of civil conflicts? We theorize that the exploitation of natural resources can strengthen rebels’ “power to resist” the government, but this depends on how rebels earn funding from those resources. Distinguishing between the extortion and smuggling of natural resources, we posit that smuggling in particular is more likely to give rebels the flexibility and mobility needed to effectively resist government repression. We then test this proposition empirically using new data that identify not only whether rebels profit from resources but also how they do so. We find that only when rebels smuggle natural resources do civil conflicts last significantly longer. In contrast, conflicts in which rebel groups earn money from extorting natural resource production are not significantly more likely to endure. [R,abr.]
69.3280 COOK, Scott J.; WEIDMANN, Nils B. —
Most measures of social conflict processes are derived from primary and secondary source reports. In many cases, reports are used to create event-level data sets by aggregating information from multiple, and often conflicting, reports to single event observations. We argue that this pre-aggregation is less innocuous than it seems, costing applied researchers opportunities for improved inference. First, researchers cannot evaluate the consequences of different methods of report aggregation. Second, aggregation discards report-level information (i.e., variation across reports) that is useful in addressing measurement error inherent in event data. Therefore, we advocate that data should be supplied and analyzed at the report level. We demonstrate the consequences of using aggregated event data as a predictor or outcome variable, and how analysis can be improved using report-level information directly. [R,abr.]
69.3281 CORDEIRO-RODRIGUES, Luis —
In a recent article [“Tutuist Ubuntu and just war”, Politikon 45(2),2018: 232-244], Colin Chasi outlined and analyzed Desmond Tutu's ethics, teasing out the implications of these to just war theory. Chasi, who follows a Metzian interpretation of Tutu's ethics, concluded that Tutuism offers little guidance for war ethics. I respond to Chasi and argue that his interpretation of Tutuist ethics is not charitable enough. I present two sets of arguments to support this view. Firstly, Tutuist Ubuntu can morally justify violence when this promotes social harmony. Secondly, Tutu's moral reformation theory can be used as guidance for an ethics of war, to the extent that a principle derived from it is that morally acceptable acts of war are those acts that can restore peace following conflict. [R]
69.3282 COTTON, Christopher S.; LI Cheng —
We develop a model of policymaking in which a politician decides how much expertise to acquire or how informed to become about issues before interest groups (IGs) engage in monetary lobbying. For a range of issues, the policymaker (PM) prefers to remain less informed about policy than may be socially optimal, even when acquiring expertise or better information is costless. Such a strategy leads to more-intense lobbying competition and larger political contributions. We identify a novel benefit of campaign finance reform, showing how contribution limits decrease the incentives that PMs have to remain under-informed on the issues on which they vote. The analysis allows for a fully general information strategy in the spirit of Bayesian Persuasion. [R,abr.]
69.3283 DAASE, Christopher; DEITELHOFF, Nicole —
Rule is commonly conceptualized with reference to the compliance it invokes. We propose a conception of rule via the practice of resistance instead. In contrast to liberal approaches, we stress the possibility of illegitimate rule, and, as opposed to critical approaches, the possibility of legitimate authority. In the international realm, forms of rule and the changes they undergo can thus be reconstructed in terms of the resistance they provoke. To this end, we distinguish between two types of resistance — opposition and dissidence — in order to demonstrate how resistance and rule imply each other. We draw on two case studies of resistance in and to international institutions to illustrate the relationship between rule and resistance and close with a discussion of the normative implications of such a conceptualization. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3442]
69.3284 DARDANELLI, Paolo, et al.—
This article develops a conceptual, methodological, and theoretical framework for analyzing dynamic de/centralization in federations. It first reviews the literature and outlines the research design and methods adopted. It then conceptualizes static de/centralization and describes the seven-point coding scheme we employed to measure it across twenty-two policy areas and five fiscal categories at ten-year intervals since the establishment of a federation. The subsequent section conceptualizes dynamic de/centralization and discusses its five main properties: direction, magnitude, tempo, form, and instruments. Drawing from several strands of the literature, the article finally identifies seven categories of causal determinants of dynamic de/centralization, from which we derive hypotheses for assessment. [R] [First article of a special issue on “Dynamic de/centralization in federations” edited by Paolo DARDANELLI and John KINCAID. See also Abstr. 69.3628, 3634, 3647, 3650, 3657, 3676,and the conclusion Abstr. 69.3285]
69.3285 DARDANELLI, Paolo, et al.—
This article presents the conclusions of the project which analyzed dynamic de/centralization in Australia, Canada, Germany, India, Switzerland, and the US over their entire life span. It highlights six main conclusions. First, dynamic de/centralization is complex and multidimensional; it cannot be captured by fiscal data alone. Second, while centralization was the dominant trend, Canada is an exception. Third, contrary to some expectations, centralization occurred mainly in the legislative, rather than fiscal, sphere. Fourth, centralization is not only a mid-20th-c. phenomenon; considerable change occurred both before and after. Fifth, variation in centralization across federations appears to be driven by conjunctural causation rather than the net effect of any individual factor. Sixth, institutional properties influence the instruments of dynamic de/centralization but do not significantly affect its direction or magnitude. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3284]
69.3286 DAVIS, Nicholas T. —
I explore the relationship between sorting and the value that individuals assign to compromise. Analyzing four separate, nationally-representative surveys from 2007 to 2016, I show that a reliable asymmetry among partisans exists regarding their preference for political leaders who compromise. Among persons with right-leaning identities, high levels of overlap between partisanship and ideology undercut the professed desirability of compromise and amplify the association between compromise and selling out one's principles. However, when individuals are asked about the specific extent to which one's “side” deserves greater deference in the policymaking process, differences between persons with left- and right-leaning identities disappear. Well-sorted individuals are uniformly unwilling to distribute policymaking demands equally. [R,abr.]
69.3287 DE JAEGHER, Kris; HOYER, Britta —
We present a game-theoretic model of the repression-dissent nexus, focusing on preemptive repression. A small group of instigating dissidents triggers a protest if each dissident participates. The dissidents face random checks by security forces, and when an individual dissident is caught while preparing to participate, he or she is prevented from doing so. Each dissident can invest in countermeasures, which make checks ineffective. For large benefits of protest, higher preemptive repression in the form of a higher number of checks has a deterrence effect and makes dissidents less prone to invest in countermeasures, decreasing the probability of protest. For small benefits of protest, higher preemptive repression instead has a backfiring effect. Both myopic and farsighted governments avoid the backfiring effect by setting low levels of preemptive repression (velvet-glove strategy). [R,abr.]
69.3288 DEGAUT, Marcos —
Why do some democratic revolutions succeed while others fail? By discussing the different types of interactions played by the military in five cases of successful democratic revolutions — the 1910 Portuguese Republican Revolution, the 1958 Venezuelan Revolution, the 1960 April Revolution in South Korea, the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the 2000 Bulldozer Revolution in Yugoslavia — and three cases of failed revolutions, the 1905 bourgeois-liberal revolution in Russia, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in China, and the 2016 Turkey's coup attempt, this study finds out that the key factor in determining their outcome is the army's response and that the military backing is a necessary condition for a democratic revolution to succeed. [R,abr.]
69.3289 DELIGIAOURI, Anastasia —
This article provides a theoretical and philosophical investigation for the discursive construction of truth based predominantly upon the discourse theory of E. Laclau and Ch. Mouffe but also on insights drawn from other scholars. It contributes to the understanding of post-truth as a recent phenomenon and elaborate on several dimensions and aspects of it by employing a conceptual analysis enriched with several references from recent literature and published articles. Social truth as a social construction is a discourse with a privileged signification power over masses. Therefore the conditions for the construction of the discourse of truth are a focal topic for analysis. On the other hand, the “post-truth” concept, which invaded in political life during 2016, puts into contestation several constitutive and structural elements of truth and consequently democracy. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3494]
69.3290 DELMAS, Candice; AAS, Sean —
What if sexual orientation could be changed effectively and safely, and were offered only to consenting adults? How should we think about the prospective availability and use of ‘high-tech’ reorientation therapies? This article argues that whether it is good for adults to have the option to change their sexual orientation via high-tech biotechnology depends on the justice of the social context. This argument challenges both opponents’ skepticism and fear, and advocates’ optimism about reorientation therapies. Precisely because it would sometimes be permissible to seek and offer sexual reorientation therapies in particular cases, the biotechnology's availability is generally deplorable under non-ideal conditions. The article details four reasons to be skeptical of sexual reorientation therapies in present, unjust conditions.
69.3291 DEMEL, Simona, et al.—
Using a political-frame-free, lab-in-the-field experiment, we investigate the associations between employment status, self-reported political ideology, and preferences for redistribution. The experiment consists of a real-effort task, followed by a four-player dictator game. In one treatment, dictator game initial endowments depend on participants’ performance in the real-effort task, i.e., they are earned, in the other, they are randomly determined. We find that being employed or unemployed is associated with revealed redistributive preferences, while the political ideology of the employed and unemployed is not. In contrast, the revealed redistributive preferences of students are strongly associated with their political ideologies. The employed and right-leaning students redistribute earnings less than windfalls, the unemployed, and left-leaning students make no such distinction. [R]
69.3292 DeSCIOLI, Peter; KIMBROUGH, Erik O. —
We investigate in an economic experiment how people choose sides in disputes. In an eight-player side-taking game, two disputants at a time fight over an indivisible resource and other group members choose sides. The player with more supporters wins the resource, which is worth real money. Conflicts occur spontaneously between any two individuals in the group. Players choose sides by ranking their loyalties to everyone else in the group, and they automatically support the disputant they ranked higher. We manipulate participants’ information about other players’ loyalties and also their ability to communicate with public chat messages. We find that participants spontaneously and quickly formed alliances, and more information about loyalties caused more alliance-building. [R,abr.]
69.3293 DILL, Janina —
Does International Humanitarian Law (IHL) impose a duty of care on the attacker? From a moral point of view, should it? This article argues that the legal situation is contestable, and the moral value of a legal duty of care in attack is ambivalent. This is because a duty of care is both a condition for and an obstacle to the ‘individualization of war'. The individ-ualization of war denotes an observable multi-dimensional norm shift in international relations. Norms for the regulation of war that focus on the interests, rights, and duties of the individual have gained in importance compared to those that focus on the interests, rights, and duties of the state. As the individual, not the state, is the ultimate locus of moral value, this norm shift in international relations, and the corresponding developments in international law, are morally desirable. [R,abr.]
69.3294 DIMITRIJEVIC, Nenad —
The article [first] introduces Karl Polanyi's concept of embeddedness and juxtaposes it to the theoretical defense of market disembeddedness advanced by the classical political economy. Section II explains why the idea of embeddedness is intuitively suspect. One reason is found in the dominant understanding of liberalism as a regime that rests on the separation between private and public realms. The section closes with a reference to internal tensions of this reading of liberalism. Section III provides a diagnosis of the contemporary condition of disembeddedness. The core claim is that the combination of neoliberalism and globalization has created a condition of multiple — normative, social, political and legal — disintegration, which questions the very survival of democracy. Section IV addresses the question of transformation, focusing on the need for the reconceptualization of liberal equality. [R,abr.]
69.3295 DIXON, Ruth M.; JONES, Jonathan A. —
Legislative amendment poses a conundrum: why do governments amend legislation that they only recently drafted? An effective method for quantifying amendments across a wide range of policy areas and legislatures would be valuable for answering such questions. Existing studies almost all rely on hand-counting and coding of amendments, methods which are laborious, necessarily subjective, and difficult to replicate. Using insights from bioinformatics (the study of genetic codes), we developed a streamlined method to quantify and visualize the amount of amendment. In an exploratory study of three parliamentary sessions since 2008, we found that UK legislation was considerably amended and lengthened during the parliamentary process. We discuss our results in the light of theories of information asymmetries between the government and the legislature. [R]
69.3296 DOBNER, Petra; FISCHER, Torben —
Although the term “mistake” is used regularly when political actions are judged, so far (German) political science has not developed a substantial concept of policy mistakes. Nevertheless, a holistic and policy-oriented concept of state error can be reconstructed and related to the current research state through a multi-level inventory. Our results show that hitherto an analytical term for political mistakes has, at best, been developed rudimentarily. The main reasons for these shortcomings are the difficulties to demarcate mistakes from “political criticism” and to systematically define criteria that identify political mistakes. Despite the episte-mological and conceptual challenges, the added value of de-dramatizing and sharpening the political analysis of mistakes in political processes and decisions makes this a worthwhile endeavor. [R,abr.]
69.3297 DRAGU, Tiberiu; PRZEWORSKI, Adam —
Authoritarian leaders maintain their grip on power primarily through preventive repression, routinely exercised by specialized security agencies with the aim of preventing any opponents from organizing and threatening their power. We develop a formal model to analyze the moral hazard problems inherent in the principal-agent relationship between rulers and their security agents in charge of preventive repression. The model distinguishes two types of moral hazard: “politics,” through which the security agents can exert political influence to increase their payoff by decreasing the ruler's rents from power, and “corruption,” through which the agents can increase their payoff by engaging in rent-seeking activities that do not decrease the ruler's rents from power. The surprising conclusion is that both the ruler and the security agent are better off when the only moral hazard problem available is politics rather than when the agent can choose between politics and corruption. [R,abr.]
69.3298 DRESSE, Anaïs, et al.—
Environmental peacebuilding represents a paradigm shift from a nexus of environmental scarcity to one of environmental peace. It rests on the assumption that the biophysical environment's inherent characteristics can act as incentives for cooperation and peace, rather than violence and competition. Based on this, environmental peacebuilding presents cooperation as a win-win solution and escape from the zero-sum logic of conflict. However, there is a lack of coherent environmental peacebuilding framework and evidence corroborating the existence of this environment-peace nexus. Building on a multidisciplinary literature review, this article examines the evolution of environmental peacebuilding into an emerging framework. It unpacks the concept and explains its main building blocks (conditions, mechanisms and outcomes) to develop our understanding of when, how and why environmental cooperation can serve as a peacebuilding tool. [R,abr.]
69.3299 DREW, Joseph —
The study of heresthetic is a quest to explain how potential political losers might become winners. Local Government amalgamation is invariably a controversial and hotly contested political decision. It thus represents the ideal context to locate a pedagogical discussion regarding how clever herestheticians might act to bring about unlikely political success. Specifically, we extend the heresthetic literature by drawing attention to the costs (opportunity, contingency and legacy costs) inherent to various strategies, the need to carefully evaluate the heresthetic potential of different dimensions according to which amalgamations might be argued, and the importance of ensuring that the rhetorical seasoning is appropriate. This leads us to propose a heuristic that we argue has the potential to turn losers into winners on the vexed matter of local government amalgamations. [R,abr.]
69.3300 DRUCKMAN, Daniel; WAGNER, Lynn —
How can negotiations to terminate civil wars be conducted and peace agreements formulated to contribute to lasting peace? This question is addressed with a novel data-set. Focusing on justice, we assess relationships between process (procedural justice [PJ]) and outcome (distributive justice [DJ]) justice on the one hand and stable agreements (SA) and DP on the other. Analyses of fifty peace agreements, which were reached from 1957 to 2008, showed a path from PJ to DJ to SA to DP: The justice variables were instrumental in enhancing both short- and long-term peace. These variables had a stronger impact on DP than a variety of contextual- and case-related factors. The empirical link between justice and peace has implications for the way that peace negotiations are structured. [R,abr.]
69.3301 DULLIN, Sabine —
The article analyzes the reawakening of state's internal borders as so many political levers. It first questions the too simplistic opposition between imperial borders and the borders of the nation-state by showing that the construction of the latter has been characterized by multiple joints. It then asks whether one should be nationalist to fight for secession or refuse to be so to accept to live together in a multinational state. Finally, looking between past and future, it asks why internal borders, which are relics of the past, are being acclaimed today in order to rebuild a grassroots democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3316]
69.3302 DUPONT, Julia C., et al.—
Contrary to the popular notion of the pledge-breaking politician, research has revealed that governing political parties fulfill most of their pre-election pledges. This discrepancy between public perception and scientific findings could be the result of citizens’ looser definition of election pledges. Thus, as citizens’ assessment of pledge fulfillment (and with that their satisfaction with the governing parties) hinges on their understanding of election pledges, we examined citizens’ perception of election pledges. Our experiment (N = 705) showed that citizens were more likely to perceive messages as pledges when they were articulated in binding versus less-binding terms, but when they were vague as opposed to specific in terms of goals. Political attitudes also biased the understanding of election pledges. [R]
69.3303 DUPUIS, Johann; SCHWEIZER, Remi —
Corporate climate leadership and its relationship with state regulations are discussed. First, a typology defining corporate climate leadership is introduced and distinguished from the other strategic behaviours corporations may adopt in response to climate change. A conceptual framework to explore the mechanisms enabling corporate climate leadership within a given policy system is then presented. This framework is applied to two big Swiss food retailers, considered as typical of corporate climate leaders, firms that showed an early interest in climate protection, as a result of ecological values, third actors’ lobbying and particular market incentives. Most importantly, the two companies were set in motion by a regulatory framework that featured stringent policy goals associated with flexible instruments and economic sanctions. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4105]
69.3304 EBERLE, Jakub —
This article makes the case for taking fantasy seriously in IR. It argues for a Lacanian conception of fantasy as a type of desire-infused narrative through which subjects construct their social realities. The fantasy approach brings added value to the burgeoning IR literature on narratives and ontological security and develops it in multiple respects. First, it spells out the crucial role of desire in the functioning of narratives and in ontological security. Second, the fantasy framework allows us to trace the channeling of desire into discourse. Third, by viewing the subject as always incomplete and ontological security as ultimately unattainable, the fantasy approach provides a critical, explicitly politicised corrective to the existing scholarship. [R,abr.]
69.3305 EIKELAND, Per Ove; SKJAERSETH, Jon Birger —
EU emissions trading system (ETS)? Responses can be political, directed externally towards the initiation and reforms of the EU ETS itself, or internally and market-based, directed at low-carbon solutions. Proactive response strategies shape companies’ leadership potential. Variation in responses is explained by two models that differ in assumptions about corporate behaviour as well as the wider multilevel regulatory context in which companies operate. Responses are found to have converged within the two industries, with reactive companies following the proactive ones. Secondly, responses between the two industries increasingly diverge, with the power industry becoming much more proactive than the petroleum industry. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4105]
69.3306 ELDER, Laurel; GREENE, Steven —
This study [examines] why, even though women are more liberal than men on a broad range of issues, when it comes to the increasingly prominent issue of marijuana legalization, the direction of the gender gap is reversed, with women more conservative than men. Relying on a 2013 Pew survey — unique for the extensiveness of its marijuana questions, including marijuana usage — we explore and explain the nature of this unusual gender gap. We test several hypotheses rooted in the different life experiences of women and men. We find that women's role as mothers cannot explain this gap, and that mothers are in fact no different from those without children in terms of their support for marijuana policy, as well as their reported use of marijuana. [R,abr.]
69.3307 EPSTEIN, Charlotte; LINDEMANN, Thomas; SENDING, Ole Jacob —
This article underlines the importance of the dynamics of misrecognition for the study of world politics. We return to the original theorization of misrecognition, Hegel's dialectic of the master and servant. Our point of departure is not only that the desire for recognition is key social dynamic, but that the failure to obtain this recognition is built into this very desire. It is a crucial factor for understanding how international actors behave, including, but not only, states. Thus understood, the desire for recognition is not simply a desire for social goods, for status or for statehood, but for more agency — more capacity to act. We explore the logic of misrecognition and show how the international system is a symbolic structure that is ordained by an unrealizable ideal of what we call “sovereign agency”. [R,abr.] [Introduction to a special issue on “Misrecognition in world politics: revisiting Hegel”. See Abstr. 69.3353, 3411, 3549, 3558, 3569, 4200, 4453]
69.3308 ERMAN, Eva; MÖLLER, Niklas —
Sangiovanni has retreated from his stronger claims about practice-dependence. Instead of claiming that principles of justice must be practice-dependent, he now expresses his claim in a modal form, arguing that there are several ways in which practices may matter. While merely mapping out the logical space of possibilities seems to look like a modest ambition, the conditions for when practices do matter according to Sangiovanni's analysis are easily met in actuality. Consequently, if he is right, the practice-dependent approach covers a significant number of political theories. Sangiovanni's main claim is that higher-level principles with an open texture, which include most higher-level principles in political philosophy, justify a practice-dependent method in the form of a mode of application called ‘mediated deduction'. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3486]
69.3309 ESAIASSON, Peter, et al.—
Procedural fairness theory posits that the way in which authoritative decisions are made strongly impacts people's willingness to accept them. This article challenges this claim by contending that democratic governments can achieve little in terms of acceptance of policy decisions by the procedural means at their disposal. Instead, outcome favorability is the dominant determinant of decision acceptance. The article explicates that while central parts of procedural fairness theory are true, outcome favorability is still overwhelmingly the strongest determinant of individuals’ willingness to accept authoritative decisions. It improves on previous research by locating all key variables into one causal model and testing this model using appropriate data. Findings from a large number of experiments (both vignette and field) reproduce the expected relationships from previous research and support the additional predictions. [R]
69.3310 FAIRFIELD, Tasha; CHARMAN, Andrew —
We advance efforts to explicate and improve inference in qualitative research that iterates between theory development, data collection, and data analysis, rather than proceeding linearly from hypothesizing to testing. We draw on the school of Bayesian “probability as extended logic,” where probabilities represent rational degrees of belief in propositions given limited information, to provide a solid foundation for iterative research that has been lacking in the qualitative methods literature. We argue that mechanisms for distinguishing exploratory from confirmatory stages of analysis that have been suggested in the context of APSA's DA-RT transparency initiative are unnecessary for qualitative research that is guided by logical Bayesianism, because new evidence has no special status relative to old evidence for testing hypotheses within this inferential framework. [R,abr.]
69.3311 FALKNER, Robert; BUZAN, Barry —
This article develops an English School framework for analyzing the emergence of new primary institutions in global international society, and applies this to the case of environmental stewardship. The article traces the impact that global environmentalism has had on the normative order of global international society, examines the creation of secondary institutions around this norm and identifies the ways in which these developments have become embedded in the constitution and behavior of states. It assesses the ways in which environmental stewardship has interacted with the other primary institutions that compose global international society, changing some of the understandings and practices associated with them. [R,abr.]
69.3312 FEINBERG, Myriam —
This article examines the consequences on democracy of “permanent emergencies” linked to terrorism, through the examples and a comparison of France and Israel's states of emergency (SoE). France was under a SoE for two years. Israel has been under a SoE since its creation in 1948. In both cases, a new terrorism law was adopted which was intended to replace transition out of the SoE but which, in fact, enshrined a number of emergency measures into regular legislation. The article includes a comparative examination of the SoE regimes in France and Israel in their relationship with counterterrorism. It then focuses on three angles to provide an analysis of the consequences on rule of law principles of continued SoE adopted or used for counterterrorism purposes. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3313 FELDMANN, Magnus —
This article analyzes the prospects for globalizing the varieties of capitalism (VoC) debate. It identifies and compares firm-centered, governance-centered, and state-centered approaches to extending the debate on capitalist diversity, and discusses the distinctive contributions of each approach as well as the trade-offs between them. The author draws on three agenda-setting volumes that engage with the VoC framework and study capitalist diversity in three regions not usually covered by this literature: Latin America, East and Southeast Asia, and East Central Europe. As these regions play an increasingly important role in the world economy, this article examines what the books imply about the current state of knowledge about global VoC. The extension of the VoC debate to these [areas] can reinvigorate research on capitalist diversity and the institutional foundations of economic development in the current era of globalization. [R,abr.]
69.3314 FERRAGINA, Emanuele —
During the past two decades, the debate over the relation between family policy and women's employment in high-income countries has grown in prominence. Nevertheless, the evidence proposed in different disciplines — sociology, politics, economics and demography — remains scattered and fragmented. This article addresses this gap, discussing whether family policy regimes are converging and how different policies influence women's employment outcomes in high-income countries. [R,abr.]
69.3315 FLYNN, D. J.; KRUPNIKOV, Yanna —
Attempts to correct political misperceptions often fail. The dominant theoretical explanation for this failure comes from psychological research on motivated reasoning. We identify a novel source of motivated reasoning in response to corrective information: the justification of socially undesirable preferences. Further, we demonstrate that this motivation can, under certain conditions, overpower the motivation to maintain congruence. Our empirical test is a national survey experiment that asks participants to reconcile partisan motivations and the motivation to justify voting against a racial minority candidate. Consistent with our argument, racially prejudiced participants dismiss corrections when misinformation is essential to justify voting against a black candidate of their own party, but accept corrections about an otherwise identical candidate of the opposing party. [R,abr.]
69.3316 FOUCHER, Michel —
The return of borders can only come as a surprise for those who had confused the lesser visibility of these sovereign boundaries and their disappearance in a world completely globalized under the influence of the economy. The border marks the necessary boundary between “within” and “without”, which is the basis of any collective political consciousness. And it is the responsibility of the government to “regulate confines” so as to establish civilized relationships with other nations. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Les frontières (Borders)”. See also Abstr. 69.3301, 3398, 3439, 3444, 3503, 3538, 4073, 4206, 4353]
69.3317 FRAZER, Michael L. —
Scholars studying classic political texts face an important decision: Should these texts be read as artifacts of history or as sources for still-valid insights about politics today? Competing historical and “presentist” approaches to political thought do not have a methodological dispute — that is, a disagreement about the most effective scholarly means to an agreed-upon end. They instead have an ethical dispute about the respective value of competing activities that aim at different purposes. This article examines six ethical arguments, drawn primarily from the work of Quentin Skinner, in favor of the historical approach. It concludes that while both intellectual history and presentist theory are ethically justifiable, the best justification of the former enterprise is that it can help us achieve the purposes of the latter. [R]
69.3318 FREDÉN, Annika; SOHLBERG, Jacob —
During a vote-decision process, citizens elect between some of the parties — not all of them. In this paper, we explore a potential strategic reason to include an additional alternative in the consideration set. Drawing on research from the field of strategic voting, we study incentives to defect to a party at risk of falling below an electoral threshold in order to elect a winning coalition (“insurance”). Our argument is that these types of strategic considerations occur already in the campaign, but do not always translate into choice. Using the so-called consideration set model approach (CSM), which focuses on how voters select fewer alternatives among a larger number of parties, we model vote choice over an election campaign using panel data from the Swedish National Election Studies of 2014. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3450]
69.3319 FREEDMAN, Lawrence —
The Great War now stands as the prime example of the folly of war, an exercise in futility that was terrible in its slaughter. Yet this did not mark the end of Great Power wars. The victors believed that Germany should be penalized for its role in starting the war but this created a new set of grievances that Hitler played upon. In addition, while the norm of self-determination was an attempt to address grievances before they led to violence, the breakup of the old continental empires after 1919 was accompanied by great violence. Something similar happened as a result of the irresistible processes of decolonization after 1945. The growth of civil wars is one reason why the Great War was not the war to end all wars. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4088]
69.3320 FRENCH, Richard D. —
Based on a systematic analysis of nearly 400 publications, this review article identifies four contrasting perspectives on evidence-based policy (EBP). One school of thought advocates reinforcing demands that governments pay more attention to research. A second perspective argues for the reform of the relationships between researchers and policy-makers. A third emphasises the need to reinvent formal procedures that govern the generation and use of evidence. The fourth rejects the possibility that research can simultaneously meet disciplinary standards and meaningfully address the needs of policy-makers. The paper concludes that to respond to the challenges facing EBP, researchers must develop a more realistic grasp of the task environment in which ministers and senior officials operate. [R,abr.]
69.3321 FRENCH, Richard D. —
What can we learn from the evidence on evidence-based policy (EBP)? We summarize and synthesize the themes that converge from the observations of those scholars who have studied EBP, including studies of “science and public policy” and “knowledge utilization.” Many characteristics of the policy-making environment escape the notice of the majority of advocates of EBP; we examine them in summary. Next, we identify key lessons from research that addresses directly the practice of policy-making. A substantial consensus on the experience of EBP in policy-making emerges. However, when we examine the conclusions of various students of EBP as to the requirements for its successful implementation, we see that no consensus exists as to the way ahead. [R,abr.]
69.3322 FRICK, Verena —
This paper analyzes the great strands of constitutional thinking within German political science and Staatsrechtslehre after World I. Coming from a neo-institutionalist perspective, this paper locates the key focus of German constitutional thinking between an order-centered and orientation-centered approach. In [four] steps, I argue that a far-reaching shift in constitutional thought took place, which in the end lead to a prioritization of the constitution's symbolic dimension over its basic function to provide order. This paper discusses the ill-fated consequences that this shift bears for the current controversy about the future of the constitution. [R]
69.3323 GALANTI, Maria Tullia; LIPPI, Andrea —
In this introductory paper, we take stock on the growing literature on policy advice to open a debate on the different uses of knowledge about policy in contemporary times. The differentiation of the policy advice is described as a Pandora's box where the demand and the offer of advice melt in various combinations. We propose that the hybridization of roles between politics and expertise, on the one hand, and the quest for legitimacy of both policy-makers and policy advisors, on the other, shape different types of relationships and modes of engagement between the advisor and the politician. [R] [Introduction to a special issue on “La conoscenza contesa: gli usi del sapere nei processi di policy (Contested knowledge: the use of knowledge in policy processes)”. See also Abstr. 69.3270, 3341, 3469]
69.3324 GAMBLE, Andrew; WRIGHT, Tony, eds. —
Introduction, pp. 1-4, by the editors. Articles by Tony WRIGHT, “Democracy and its discontents”, pp. 5-17; Joni LOVENDUSKI, “Feminist reflections on representative democracy”, pp. 18-35; David RUNCIMAN, “Why is democracy so surprising?”, pp. 36-46; Vernon BOGDANOR, “Constitutional reform: death, rebirth and renewal”, pp. 47-61; Albert WEALE, “Three types of majority rule”, pp. 62-76; Alan FINLAYSON, “Rethinking political communication”, pp. 77-91; Martin MOORE, “Protecting democratic legitimacy in a digital age”, pp. 92-106; Helen MARGETTS, “Rethinking democracy with social media”, pp. 107-123; Colin CROUCH, “Post-democracy and populism”, pp. 124-137; Gerry STOKER, “Relating and responding to the politics of resentment”, pp. 138-151; Andrew GAMBLE, “A Hundred years of British democracy”, pp. 152-163.
69.3325 GANGHOF, Steffen; EPPNER, Sebastian —
Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables – the executive-parties dimension (EPD) — to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies’ performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. [R,abr.]
69.3326 GASTIL, John —
Experiments are essential to the practice of democratic deliberation, which itself is an experimental remedy to the problem of self-governance. This field, however, is constrained by the impossibility of conducting ecologically valid experiments that take into account the full complexity of deliberative theory, which spans different levels of analysis and has a multidimensional variable at its core. Nonetheless, informative patterns have emerged from the dozens of lab studies, survey experiments, and quasi-experiments in the field conducted to date. This body of work shows the feasibility of gathering diverse samples of people to deliberate, but it also underscores the difficulties that arise in deliberation, including extreme disagreement, poor conflict-management, and how a lack of diversity can forestall meaningful disagreement. [R,abr.]
69.3327 GETHA-TAYLOR, Heather —
This article broadens our theoretical understanding of the concept of trust, and the ability to collaborate in the absence of trust, by looking at it through the lenses of conflict resolution, psychology, and law. The disciplines examined in this article emphasize diverse approaches to examining trust on the interpersonal, inter-organizational, and regime levels. While agreeing that trust is an asset, these disciplines also offer practical strategies for collaborating when trust is diminished or absent. Drawing on the theory and literature of conflict resolution, psychology, and law, we offer the following definition: Collaborative trust is an individual perception that is the product of one's assessments, experiences, and dispositions, in which one believes, and is willing to act on, the words, actions, and decisions of others. [R,abr.]
69.3328 GHATAK, Sambuddha; GOLD, Aaron; PRINS, Brandon C. —
Scholars disagree on the relationship between regime type and political violence, perhaps because the empirical evidence remains contradictory. To date, most studies generally explore the direct relationship between democracy and terrorism. Yet, we think the effect of regime type on terrorism is conditional on the presence of politically excluded groups whose grievances motivate them to challenge the state. We need to take into account both willingness/grievance and opportunity to understand political violence. Using a global data-set of domestic terrorism between 1990 and 2012, we find that different regime-associated features of democracy relate differently to domestic terrorism. Higher levels of the rule of law tend to decrease terrorism, whereas electoral democracies tend to experience more domestic terrorism. However, domestic terrorism increases in every form of democracy in the presence of political exclusion. [R,abr.]
69.3329 GILABERT, Pablo —
There are three ways in which descriptive claims stating non-normative facts might bear on normative claims such as principles of social justice and human rights. They may identify (a) specific occasions that trigger application, (b) conditions of feasible implementation, and (c) certain sources of value. The first relation is obvious but important: norms cannot be applied without stating circumstances that make their application relevant. The second relation is also important, as norms that cannot be fulfilled are deficient for guiding social practices and institutional design. The first relation is widely accepted and discussed, and I will not say much about it here. I will say more about the second relation, but not much more because I have discussed it in detail in my writings on feasibility. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3486]
69.3330 GILL, Jeff, ed. —
Forum introduced, pp. 98-100, by the editor. Articles by Marcel NEUN-HOEFFER, Sebastian STERNBERG, “How cross-validation can go wrong and what to do about it”, pp. 101-106; WANG Yu, “Comparing random forest with logistic regression for predicting class-imbalanced civil war onset data: a comment”, pp. 107-110; David Alan MUCHLINSKI, et al., “Seeing the forest through the trees” pp. 111-113; Simon HEU-BERGER, “Insufficiencies in data material: a replication analysis of Muchlinski, Siroky, He, and Kocher (2016)”, pp. 114-118; Jeffrey J. HARDEN, Anand E. SOKHEY, Hannah WILSON, “Replications in context: a framework for evaluating new methods in quantitative political science”, pp. 119-125.
69.3331 GILLI, Andrea; GILLI, Mauro —
Can countries easily imitate the US’ advanced weapon systems and thus erode its military-technological superiority? Scholarship in international relations theory generally assumes that rising states benefit from the “advantage of backwardness.” That is, by free riding on the research and technology of the most advanced countries, less developed states can allegedly close the military-technological gap with their rivals relatively easily and quickly. More recent works maintain that globalization, the emergence of dual-use components, and advances in communications have facilitated this process. This literature is built on shaky theoretical foundations, however, and its claims lack empirical support. [R,abr.]
69.3332 GOETTLICH, Kerry —
This article argues that the dominance of precise, linear borders as an ideal in the demarcation of territory is an outcome of a relatively recent and ongoing historical process, and that this process has had important effects on international politics since circa 1900. Existing accounts of the origins of territorial sovereignty are in wide disagreement largely because they fail to specify the relationship between territory and borders, often conflating the two concepts. I outline a history of the linearization of borders, which is separate from that of territorial sovereignty, having a very different timeline and featuring different actors, and offer an expla-nation for the dominance of this universalizing system of managing and demarcating space, based on the concept of rationalization. [R,abr.]
69.3333 GOGGIN, Stephen N. —
Despite enormous variation in the order, positivity, and content of information that real-world electoral campaigns present to voters, we know little about their interactive role in candidate evaluation. This study presents results from two multiwave experiments that varied the positivity of information, its order, and its personal or policy content and assessed its memorability and impact on evaluations over several days. Consistent with observational evidence, recent information is not only more memorable, but also more impactful, in candidate evaluation. However, these effects on evaluations are asymmetric by the positivity of the information, with negative information more impactful than positive information when it is recent, even though negative information fades more quickly in memory. [R,abr.]
69.3334 GOOCH, Andrew; VAVRECK, Lynn —
Technology and the decreased cost of survey research have made it possible for researchers to collect data using new and varied modes of interview. These data are often analyzed as if they were generated using similar processes, but the modes of interview may produce differences in response simply due to the presence or absence of an interviewer. We explore the differences in item non-response that result from different modes of interview and find that mode makes a difference. The data are from an experiment in which we randomly assigned an adult population to an in-person or self-completed survey after subjects agreed to participate in a short poll. For nearly every topic and format of question, we find less item non-response in the self-complete mode. [R,abr.]
69.3335 GOPLERUD, Max —
This paper creates a multinomial framework for ideal point estimation (mIRT) using recent developments in Bayesian statistics. The core model relies on a flexible multinomial specification that includes most common models in political science as “special cases.” I show that popular extensions (e.g., dynamic smoothing, inclusion of covariates, and network models) can be easily incorporated whilst maintaining the ability to estimate a model using a Gibbs Sampler or exact EM algorithm. By showing that these models can be written and estimated using a shared framework, the paper aims to reduce the proliferation of bespoke ideal point models as well as extend the ability of applied researchers to estimate models quickly using the EM algorithm. I apply this framework to a thorny question in scaling survey responses — the treatment of nonresponse. [R,abr.]
69.3336 GRAY, Harriet —
While recognizing the importance of policy designed to tackle conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, scholars have increasingly critiqued such policies for failing sufficiently to apprehend the multiple forms of this violence — from rape deployed as a weapon of war to domestic violence — as interrelated oppressions located along a continuum. I explore a connected but distinct line of critique, arguing that sexual and gender-based violence policies are also limited by a narrow understanding of how gender-based violences relate to war itself. Drawing on an analysis of the British Government's Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative, I identify a key distinction which emerges between those types of sexual and gender-based violence which are considered to be part of war, and those which are not. [R,abr.]
69.3337 GRAY, Thomas R.; JENKINS, Jeffery A. —
The Pivotal Politics model (Krehbiel) has significantly influenced the study of American politics, but its core empirical prediction — that the size of the gridlock interval is negatively related to legislative productivity — has not found strong empirical support. We argue that previous research featured a disconnect between the exclusively ideological theory and tests that relied on outcome variables that were not purely ideological. We remedy this by dividing landmark laws (Mayhew) into two counts — those that invoke ideological preferences and those that do not — and uncover results consistent with Pivotal Politics’ core prediction: the size of the gridlock interval is negatively related to the production of ideological legislation. We also find that the size of the gridlock zone is positively related to the production of nonideological legislation. [R,abr.]
69.3338 GRESSGÅRD, Randi —
Mbembe attends to the contemporary subjugation of life to the power of death — exceptional violence that exceeds the biopolitical aim of fostering life — thus alluding to a state of emergency in which law is suspended and martial rule is brought into force. However, as several commentators have suggested, exceptional politics does not need to be legitimized by a declared state of emergency, such as in cases where governmental and non-governmental actors are vested with powers to take strong measures against specific urban sub-populations in the name of security or order maintenance. Still, even these reworked and expanded approaches to death-politics revolve around sovereign exceptionality and the accompanying fabrication of undesirable ‘others'. Somewhat counter-intuitively, the present article advances an analysis of racialized security politics issuing from the breakdown of representational, topographical boundaries between ‘inside’ and ‘outside', ‘us’ and ‘others'. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Racial urbanities: toward a global cartography”. See also Abstr. 69.4380, 4423]
69.3339 GRIGORESCU, Alexandru; BASER, Çaglayan —
This article explains when governments are more likely to take an intergovernmental approach to resolving global collective problems rather than step back and encourage (or simply allow) nongovernmental actors to become the main global governors. The authors suggest that an important factor driving this choice is the domestic ideological leanings of powerful states toward greater or lesser government activism. Such ideologies lead to the establishment of domestic institutions that, in turn, facilitate the emergence of international organizations. Using these arguments, the authors develop a set of inferences regarding the likelihood that governments will establish and join intergovernmental organizations. The authors test their hypotheses through a study of global governance in the education realm, and also apply a series of statistical analyses covering developments in all issue-areas over the last century and a half. [R,abr.]
69.3340 GROVE, Nicole Sunday —
Since 2012, North American and European civilians have regularly engaged in combat operations against the Islamic State in the globalized and decentralized battlefields of Iraq and Syria. This article focuses on two aspects of this phenomenon. First, I argue that these combatants represent a different kind of fighter from both private military contractors and battlefield laborers profiled in the private security literature insofar as capital is a means rather than an end in the innovation of violence. I refer to these fighters as violence entrepreneurs. The relevance and limits of Schmitt's writings on enmity and his theory of the partisan are examined in the context of these contemporary networks of security, mobility, and killing. My second argument centers on how online platforms for the distribution of small-scale donations to these fighters. [R,abr.]
69.3341 GUASCHINO, Edoardo —
This study offers an in-depth look at the functioning of the policy-making process by analyzing a crucial phase: the process of issue definition, also called framing. The study aims at understanding what are the factors that allow a technical institution to act as a political actor. The focus is on the Italian Institute for Environmental Protection and Research (ISPRA). The results show that ISPRA is able to play a political role in the framing process only when issues are highly technical, and thanks to two strategies: adopting compromise during the formulation of its opinions, and maintaining informal links with decision makers. This contribution aims at opening a room for reflection on the importance of framing as a key element for the study and improvement of the policy process between governmental and non-governmental actors. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3323]
69.3342 GUISAN, Catherine —
Drawing from the central notion in Russian culture of resurrection, and from Hannah Arendt's concept of political “lost treasures”, this article analyzes initiatives for democratization during the Soviet Thaw (1956-1964) and perestroika (1985-1991); and current attempts to recall the legacy of medieval Pskov and Novgorod's republican institutions. Retrieving memories of civic action matters intellectually and politically because it roots Russian democratization in alternative national traditions, which, curiously, both Russian democratic activists and Putin supporters dismiss today. The empirical data come from interviews, ethnographic observations, and studies on Russian/Soviet politics and memory. [R]
69.3343 GUTTRY, Andrea de —
The paper investigates the regulation of foreigners’ political activities and their right to vote and be elected, both in the home country and the hosting country, as they derive from international law and more specifically from human rights law. After a short introduction to present the different issues at stake and a few terminological definitions, the article analyzes the obligations of the home State toward its diaspora and if the diaspora enjoys a right to vote, and to be elected in their home country while abroad. The question is examined from both a human rights and international law perspective. The study [then] analyzes the specific obligations regarding elections of the States hosting foreigners. [R,abr.]
69.3344 HASKAJ, Fatmir —
This article probes and maps a shift in both the global economy and logic of capital that posits death as a central activity of value creation. “Crisis,” then, is more than an accidental failure or inconvenient side effect of either global economy or political reality, but pivotal to both. Extending notions of biopower and necropolitics, I argue that, due to the extension of market logic, populations have been reconfigured and reconceptual-ized as “excess” — not only disposable but also fundamentally valued only in their negation. This devaluation of selected population is devalori-zation of living labor, thus creating a space for death as a generalized commodity, market and economic activity. Crucially, this shift exceeds the historic understandings of labor, value and politics, forcing a revaluation of biopower and of extant understandings of the global economic and political order. [R,abr.]
69.3345 HEGELE, Yvonne —
The core assumption of the bureaucratic politics model and a large part of public administration scholarship is that bureaucrats influence politicians and political decisions via their crucial role in preparing, coordinating and formulating policy. While this influence has been analyzed in a vertical direction, that is, how much do bureaucrats influence politicians, the horizontal perspective has been mostly neglected: which bureaucrats are most powerful and influential during the process of bureaucratic coordination and decision-making? Deducing hypotheses from bargaining theory and testing them with a novel network dataset on German Intergovernmental Relations (IGR), this contribution finds that bureaucrats indeed possess varying degrees of power. Jurisdictional and organizational power resources, such as voting, financial and institutional power, and also party politics, can best explain these variances in bureaucratic power. [R,abr.]
69.3346 HELBLING, Marc; LEBLANG, David —
The aim of this article is to investigate whether or not and how immigration policies affect immigration flows. Such policy impacts have hardly been investigated so far as the necessary data is lacking. For the first time, two new datasets are combined to systematically measure immigration policies and bilateral migration flows for 33 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) destination countries from over 170 countries of origin over the period 1982-2010. The study finds that immigration policies have an important effect on immigration flows and thus that states are able to control their borders. To some extent the control capacities depend on other factors in attracting or deterring immigrants. The article shows that the deterrence effect of restrictive immigration policies increases when unemployment rates are high. [R,abr.]
69.3347 HELLER, Jonas —
Within democratic orders, it is the declared aim of a state of exception to secure or restore the endangered foundation of democracy. The provided measures are, however, undemocratic insofar they directly affect individual rights as the principle on which democracy is based: By suspending rights, the state of exception treats individuals not as members of a democratic community (demos), but as parts of a population which has to be secured. I show in what way individual rights, too, are used as a strategy of governing the population. Referring to the history of individual rights in the early modern period, I describe a specific form of alienation of individual rights. I argue that this alienation consists in the separation of a private from the political component of individual rights. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3348 HENDRIKS, Frank —
This article investigates democratic innovations of a plebiscitary and action-oriented type that diverge from a predominantly transformative and reflective definition of democratic innovation. Conceptually, the article offers a balanced, extended framework that serves to recognize and understand a range of democratic innovations that includes non-deliberative besides deliberative models and methods. Empirically, the article offers a closer look at three exemplary cases focusing on the rebound of aggregative democracy through the (quasi-)referendum, the advent of collaborative democratic governance through concerted action, and of do-it-ourselves democracy through pragmatic activism. Ultimately, the article calls for a practice and theory of democratic innovation aware of and sensitive to the reality of democratic hybridization. [R]
69.3349 HENNE, Peter S. —
Many states have adopted policies that monitor or attempt to control religious institutions in various ways. This ranges from limiting foreign-born clerics to approving the sermons presented in these institutions. These policies are often justified as measures to limit religious strife or terrorism by minimizing extremism in the country. Are they effective? Or are they counterproductive, and promote resentment and violence? Using data from the Religion and State dataset and the Global Terrorism Database, I find that intensified government interference in religious institutions can lead to an increase in terrorism in a country. [R] [Part of a special issue on “The correlates of religion and state”, edited and introduced, pp. 2-9,by Jonathan FOX. See also Abstr. 69.3266, 3921, 3941]
69.3350 HENNE, Peter S.; KLOCEK, Jason —
Despite a robust literature on general forms of state repression, the determinants of religious repression remain unclear. This article argues that a regime's experience with religious conflict will lead it to be more repressive of religious groups within its territory for three primary reasons. Religious conflict increases the behavioral threat posed by religious groups, lowers the cost of repressing these communities, and evokes vivid memories of past religious violence that underscore the role of the state in taming religion to maintain social order. New, cross-national data on religious conflict and repression from 1990 to 2009 show that religious conflict has a significant and positive effect on the level of religious repression for the time period under investigation, expanding the types and severity of government restrictions on religion in a country. [R,abr.]
69.3351 HILLESUND, Solveig —
This article explores whom violent movements choose to target when they take to arms, by comparing civil conflicts, which target the state, to communal conflicts, which target other ethnic groups. Different types of ethnic group disadvantage relate to conflict through different mechanisms. Political exclusion is expected to promote the choice to target the central government rather than other ethnic groups, while economic disadvantages should increase the risk of both civil and communal conflicts. The different expectations stem from two important differences between political and economic horizontal inequalities: only the government has the authority to change the political distribution, while there can be many avenues to economic redistribution; and blame is more straightforwardly assigned to the government for political than for economic disadvantages. [R,abr.]
69.3352 HLAING Su Wah; KAKINAKA, Makoto —
This paper analyzes the role of financial crises in the financial policy reform process, including the liberalization of the financial system and the strengthening of prudential regulation. This study considers five types of financial crises and seven dimensions of financial policy reform to evaluate the comprehensive relationships between financial crises and financial policy reform by assuming a financial crisis as an endogenous variable. Our work confirms the crisis-begets-reform argument in the context of financial liberalization by showing that all types of financial crises promote financial liberalization even when possible endogeneity problems are addressed. However, financial policy reform following financial crises does not generally include the strengthening of prudential regulation. [R,abr.]
69.3353 HOLM, Minda; SENDING, Ole Jacob —
The symbolic structure of the international system, organized around sovereignty, is sustained by an institutional infrastructure that shapes how states seek sovereign agency. We investigate how the modern legal category of the state is an institutional expression of the idea of the state as a liberal person, dependent on a one-off recognition in establishing the sovereign state. We then discuss how this institutional rule coexists with the ongoing frustrated search for recognition in terms of sociopolitical registers. We draw on examples from two contemporary phenomena — fragile states, and assertions of non-interference and sovereignty from the populist right and non-Western great powers, to discuss the misrec-ognition processes embedded in the bifurcated symbolic structure of sovereignty, and its implications for debates about hierarchy and sovereignty in world affairs. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3307]
69.3354 HOLM PEDERSEN, Lene; PEDERSEN, Rasmus T. —
While politicians’ remuneration is a key issue in the relationship between citizens and politicians, there is still limited knowledge about the politicians’ own views on this issue. This article investigates how politicians’ attitudes regarding pay are affected by their motivation, political ideology and party position as well as institutional position. Using data from a survey among municipal politicians in Denmark (n = 838), our analyses suggest that politicians with different levels of extrinsic motivation sort into parties with different political ideologies. [R,abr.]
69.3355 HONG Sounman; KIM Nayeong —
Challenging the assumption that the internet is far more diverse than traditional forms of media, this study provides evidence that newspaper readership is more concentrated online than offline. Further, results suggest that the observed high concentration of readership on the internet is associated with the presence of search engines that benefit a small number of top news outlets. Search engines allow people to access to new information at a lower cost, but this benefit may come at a price; the traffic referred by search engines goes mostly to a small number of top national news providers. [R]
69.3356 HORN, Alexander —
Crowd-coding is a novel technique that allows for fast, affordable and reproducible online categorization of large numbers of statements. It combines judgements by multiple, paid, non-expert coders to avoid miscoding(s). It has been argued that crowd-coding could replace expert judgements, using the coding of political texts as an example in which both strategies produce similar results. Since crowd-coding yields the potential to extend the replication standard to data production and to “scale” coding schemes based on a modest number of carefully devised test questions and answers, it is important that its possibilities and limitations are better understood. While previous results for low complexity coding tasks are encouraging, this study assesses whether and under what conditions simple and complex coding tasks can be outsourced to the crowd without sacrificing content validity in return for scalability. [R,abr.]
69.3357 HOULE, Christian —
While there is a vibrant literature on the effect of economic inequality on political unrest, the recent literature has remained silent about the effect of social mobility on instability. Yet, inequality and social mobility, although related, are fundamentally distinct, and immobility is likely to be perceived as even more unfair than inequality, meaning that it may generate at least as much grievances. In this article, I argue that social immobility fuels political instability. To test this hypothesis, I develop an indicator of social mobility covering more than 100 countries worldwide. I then conduct the first large-N cross-national test of the effect of social mobility on political instability to date. I find that countries with low social mobility levels are more likely to experience riots, general strikes, an-tigovernment demonstrations, political assassinations, guerillas, revolutions, and civil wars. [R,abr.]
69.3358 HOWARD, Jeffrey W. —
Why value democracy? One familiar answer is that democracy expresses respect for citizens, whereas non-democratic modes of governance insultingly express disrespect. Recent work has subjected this view to substantial criticism, raising serious doubts about its plausibility. This article contends that prevailing objections succeed only because they target implausible interpretations of this view, according to which the wrong of political exclusion consists in some insulting disregard for the interests of excluded agents. On the revised respect-based argument defended here, however, the insult of political exclusion implicates not the interests of excluded agents, but rather their duties. On this view, democracy is uniquely respectful because it recognizes that the work of achieving a just political order is work that morality assigns not simply to a select few, but to all. [R,abr.]
69.3359 HOWLETT, Michael —
The article by É. Charbonneau, L. Bernier and N. Bautista Beauchesne [See Abstr. 69.3274] and research note by E. Zeemering [See Abstr. 69.3550] open a difficult but important conversation for Canadian scholars of public administration. For many of us, the first response to their research is to quibble with the data and analysis — which have some flaws and gaps — but the essential point still needs to be addressed: Canadian public administration scholarship seems to be underperforming. How do we elevate our presence on a world stage? The author asks “Are we really doing this poorly and can we do better”. Followed by replies by Susan D. PHILLIPS [“An uncomfortable conversation: reflections on ‘Punching below its weight’ and ‘The global relevance of Canadian public administration?’”, pp. 411-415] and by Alasdair ROBERTS [“Is this a club we want to join? reflections on ‘Punching below its weight’ and ‘The global relevance of Canadian public administration?’”, pp. 416-419]. Finally, the editor Evert A. LINDQUIST provides a few concluding observations [“From a uncomfortable conversation to a productive strategic dialogue”, pp. 420-424]. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3745]
69.3360 HUEBERT, Erin Terese; BROWN, David S. —
As democracy advances in many regions throughout the world, it is often accompanied by increasing violence. Most cross-national analyses find that an inverted U-shaped relationship exists between homicide and democracy: homicide rates are highest in hybrid regimes and lowest in authoritarian and democratic regimes. While a fairly robust empirical result, little is known about why it exists. We identify a specific institution — due process — that cuts across regime types and effectively explains homicide. Due process generates a legitimacy that encourages individuals to use the justice system to settle disputes. A more effective criminal justice system also deters crime in the first place. Using a cross-national sample of eighty-nine countries between 2009 and 2014, we find a strong negative relationship between due process and homicide. [R,abr.]
69.3361 HUELSS, Hendrik —
This article analyses post-Arab Spring EU initiatives to promote women's empowerment in the Southern Mediterranean region. Inspired by the Foucauldian concept of governmentality, it investigates empowerment as a technology of biopolitics that is central to the European neoliberal model of governance. The article argues that the EU deploys a concept of functional freedom meant to facilitate its vision of economic development. As a consequence, the alleged empowerment of women based on the self-optimisation of individuals and the statistical control of the female population is a form of biopower. Empowerment works as a governmen-tal technology of power instead of offering a measure to foster fundamental structural change in Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) societies. [R,abr.]
69.3362 IACUS, Stefano M.; KING, Gary; PORRO, Giuseppe —
Researchers who generate data often optimize efficiency and robustness by choosing stratified over simple random sampling designs. Yet, all theories of inference proposed to justify matching methods are based on simple random sampling. This is all the more troubling because, although these theories require exact matching, most matching applications resort to some form of ex post stratification (on a propensity score, distance metric, or the covariates) to find approximate matches, thus nullifying the statistical properties these theories are designed to ensure. Fortunately, the type of sampling used in a theory of inference is an axiom, rather than an assumption vulnerable to being proven wrong, and so we can replace simple with stratified sampling, so long as we can show, as we do here, that the implications of the theory are coherent and remain true. [R,abr.]
69.3363 IMGRAMS, Alex —
Government transparency continues to challenge existing frameworks for understanding organizational performance. Transparency has proven difficult to measure and results assessing its impacts are mixed. This article sets forward a model of performance-based accountability in open government initiatives. Data come from the Open Government Partnership's (OGP) database of over 1,000 transparency initiatives across 50 countries in 2013. Ordered logistic regression estimates the effect of management practices on three different measures of transparency performance, and the results broadly support the model. Expert interviews from two country cases offer insight into how performance management is used in the context of transparency reforms. [R]
69.3364 JACKSON, Joshua L.; ATKINSON, Douglas B. —
Why do states accept refugees? While there are a number of factors that influence a state's decision to accept refugees, interstate relations play an important yet understudied role in refugee flows. In this paper, we build on previous work that has suggested that states with an adversarial relationship will be more likely to accept refugees. We incorporate existing conceptualization and theory from the rivalry literature and extend this logic to state strategy of refugee acceptance to provide one of the first empirical evaluations of refugee acceptance by states. We argue that the issues rivals are contending over will change the incentives and disincentives for admitting a rival's refugees. We anticipate that rivals disputing over ideology will be more likely to accept their rival's refugees than rivals contending over other rivalry types. [R,abr.]
69.3365 JACOBY, Tim —
Since the emergence of the Islamic State, considerable debate has arisen over the relationship (or lack of therein) between its ideological discourse and broader Islamic exegeses and learning. This paper aims to connect these wider discussions to its self-defined ideological standpoint as set out in its magazine, Dabiq. All 15 of these, published between June 2014 and July 2016, amounting to more than 900 pages, are examined to assess their authors’ (1) analysis of the Qur'an (2) use of classical scholarship, and (3) engagement with contemporary readings of Islam. [R]
69.3366 JALALZAI, Farida; RINCKER, Meg —
This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives — presidents or prime ministers — with special emphasis on gender. Based on a cross-national data-set examining political chief executives from 2000-2017 in five world regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America), we test several hypotheses and present four main results. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3251]
69.3367 JEONG Jin Mun; PEKSEN, Dursun —
What effect do the domestic institutional constraints in target states have on sanction outcomes? Other than the narrow focus on political regime type, little is known about how the institutional makeup of target states might affect leaders’ ability to adjust their policies to defy sanctions. We assert that the size of veto-players in targets is a crucial yet overlooked institutional factor in explaining sanction effectiveness. We contend that political leaders subject to the approval of multiple veto players are more likely to concede as they are less likely to develop polices to counter the sanctions. We assess the empirical merits of our theoretical claims by combining data on sanctions from the Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions data-set with the veto points data from the Political Constraints data-set. [R,abr.]
69.3368 JÉRÔME, Vanessa —
Il n'y a jamais eu autant de discours sur l'écologie. Polyphoniques, parfois contradictoires, ils signent les manières actuelles de penser et d'affronter la combinaison de crises qui caractérise le présent. À l'heure où l'espace des possibles oscille entre déni, incertitude et menace d'effondrement, une question s'impose: aurons-nous le temps de l'éco-logie politique? [R]
69.3369 JOHNSON, Dominic D. P.; TIERNEY, Dominic —
A major puzzle in international relations is why states privilege negative over positive information. States tend to inflate threats, exhibit loss aversion, and learn more from failures than from successes. Rationalist accounts fail to explain this phenomenon, because systematically overweighting bad over good may in fact undermine state interests. New research in psychology, however, offers an explanation. The “negativity bias” has emerged as a fundamental principle of the human mind, in which people's response to positive and negative information is asymmetric. Negative factors have greater effects than positive factors across a wide range of psychological phenomena, including cognition, motivation, emotion, information-processing, decision-making, learning, and memory. [R,abr.]
69.3370 JONES, Calvert W. —
This article helps open the black box of authoritarian decision-making by investigating expert advisers in the Arab Gulf monarchies, where ruling elites have enlisted them from top universities and global consulting firms. Qualitative fieldwork combined with three experiments casts doubt on both the rationalization and legitimacy hypotheses and also generates new insights surrounding unintended consequences. On rationalization, the evidence suggests that experts contribute to perverse cycles of overconfidence among authoritarian ruling elites, thereby enabling a belief in state-building shortcuts. On legitimacy, the experiments demonstrate a backfire effect, with experts reducing public support for reform. The author makes theoretical contributions by suggesting important and heretofore unrecognized conflicts and trade-offs across experts’ potential for rationalizing vis-à-vis legitimizing. [R,abr.]
69.3371 JORDÁN, Javier —
This article identifies [the gray zone's] defining features based on a review of the existing literature. Secondly, the conflict in the gray zone is framed in John Mearsheimer's theory of Offensive Realism. It studies the conflictual politics between great powers politics and the strategies they use to increase their power relative to one another. Thirdly, the strategic lines of action developed in the gray zone are identified, and their pros and cons are also analyzed. This third objective complements and extends Mearsheimer's theoretical proposal, which explains the origin of the rivalry between great powers but pays less attention to the development of this rivalry. Thus, the concept of gray zone finds accommodation within the realist theory of international politics and, at the same time, enriches it. [R,abr.]
69.3372 JUNGKUNZ, Sebastian —
Previous research on left-wing extremism relied largely on measurements that are unsuitable to detect and track extreme attitudes. In the absence of a clearly defined instrument for left-wing extremism, researchers based their predictions largely on indicators like voting behav-iour or the left/right self-placement scale. The paper shows that such indicators do not serve as adequate proxies, since those labelled as “extreme” do not hold extreme attitudes in most cases. Analyzing a variety of left-wing extremist attitudes across the past two decades shows that there is indeed a core set of attitudes that seem to resemble what we would call a traditional left-wing extremist identity. The paper suggests an instrument that can serve as a starting point for further developing an index of left-wing extremism. [R,abr.]
69.3373 JURADO, Ignacio; LEÓN, Sandra —
There is a large body of research showing that the provision of social policies is higher under proportional electoral systems than under majori-tarian systems. This article helps advance this literature by showing that the geographic distribution of social recipients plays an essential role in moderating the impact of electoral institutions on social provision. Using data from twenty-two OECD countries, the results show that majoritarian systems increase the provision of social spending when recipients are concentrated in certain regions. When levels of concentration are high, social spending in majoritarian countries can surpass levels of provision in proportional representation systems. [R]
69.3374 KALYANPUR, Nikhil; NEWMAN, Abraham L. —
States with large markets routinely compete with one another to shield domestic regulatory policies from global pressure, export their rules to other jurisdictions, and provide their firms with competitive advantages. Most arguments about market power tend to operationalize the concept in economic terms. In this paper, we argue that a state's ability to leverage or block these adjustment pressures is not only conditioned by their relative economic position but also by the political institutions that govern their markets. Specifically, we expect that where a state chooses to draw jurisdictional boundaries over markets directly shapes its global influence. When a state expands its jurisdiction, harmonizing rules across otherwise distinct subnational or national markets, for example, it can curtail a rival's authority. [R,abr.]
69.3375 KANE, John V.; BARABAS, Jason —
Manipulation checks are often advisable in experimental studies, yet they rarely appear in practice. This lack of usage may stem from fears of distorting treatment effects and uncertainty regarding which type to use (e.g., instructional manipulation checks [IMCs] or assessments of whether stimuli alter a latent independent variable of interest). Here, we first categorize the main variants and argue that factual manipulation checks (FMCs) — that is, objective questions about key elements of the experiment — can identify individual-level attentiveness to experimental information and, as a consequence, better enable researchers to diagnose experimental findings. We then find, through four replication studies, little evidence that FMC placement affects treatment effects, and that placing FMCs immediately post-outcome does not attenuate FMC passage rates. [R,abr.]
69.3376 KATAGIRI, Azusa; MIN, Eric —
Crisis bargaining literature has predominantly used formal and qualitative methods to debate the relative efficacy of actions, public words, and private words. These approaches have overlooked the reality that policymakers are bombarded with information and struggle to adduce actual signals from endless noise. Material actions are therefore more effective than any diplomatic communication in shaping elites’ perceptions. Moreover, while ostensibly “costless,” private messages provide a more precise communication channel than public and “costly” pronouncements. Over 18,000 declassified documents from the Berlin Crisis of 1958-1963 reflecting private statements, public statements, and White House evaluations of Soviet resolve are digitized and processed using statistical learning techniques to assess these claims. The results indicate that material actions have greater influence on the White House than either public or private statements. [R,abr.]
69.3377 KATO, Junko; TANAKA, Seiki —
Echoing the call for “no taxation without representation”, the development of modern taxation went hand-in-hand with Western democratization. However, taxation appears to have lost its role in the third wave of democratization. Unlike early democratizers, contemporary autocracies tend to introduce a ready-made modern taxation system before democratization. With advice from international organizations, the value added tax (VAT), which mature democracies innovated, has been adopted for economic adjustment and development in globalized markets. Despite these divergences, it is argued in this article that a fundamental relationship between taxation and representation remains. Taxation inherently involves a social contract between revenue-seeking rulers and citizens, and thus involves their bargaining over representation. [R,abr.]
69.3378 KEELS, Eric; MASON, T. David —
Land reform has been depicted by some as an effective element of counterinsurgency strategy in nations experiencing peasant-based civil conflict. While some studies have argued that land reform reduces civilian support for insurgency, other research has demonstrated that these reforms are often undermined by brutal state repression. This study contributes to the current literature by looking at the efficacy of land reform as part of the post-civil war peace process. Specifically, we examine whether land reform provisions included in comprehensive peace agreements reduce the risk of renewed civil war. We find that the inclusion of land reform provisions in the post-war peace process substantially reduces the risk of renewed fighting. [R,abr.]
69.3379 KEVINS, Anthony; VAN KERSBERGEN, Kees —
This paper investigates how and why welfare state universalism can shape the integration of migrants into the national community. Universal-ism is broadly regarded as central to the integrative and solidarity-building potential of welfare states, but we argue that the traditional approach to understanding the concept is fraught with inconsistencies. Rather than comparing welfare states using the classical universal-ist/selectivist dichotomy, we suggest that they should be thought of as embodying various ‘packages’ of universalist traits — all of which are unified by their connection to a core, self-sustaining logic of solidarity. A comparison of Canadian and Danish universalism allows us to draw out how (indiscriminate/selectivist) ‘community perks’ traits and (inclusive/exclusive) ‘community scope’ ones may interact in unexpected ways. [R,abr.]
69.3380 KIM Doo-Rae; YOON Jong-Han —
This study examines how decentralization and government capacity interactively shape national environmental policy performance. Despite the extensive literature on the policy consequences of decentralization, what remains deficient is a proper understanding of the role that government capacity may play in the process. This study advances an integrative proposition that decentralization can improve policy performance if the government is equipped with capable, efficient and trustworthy administrative apparatus. Findings from a cross-national analysis on national environmental policy performance lend strong support for the general argument by revealing that such positive effects of decentralization are significantly strengthened by the quality of government capacity. [R]
69.3381 KIRKPATRICK, Ian, et al.—
Public sector organisations often make use of management consultants in policy implementation, but we know little about the outcomes. The paper reports one of the first quantitative evaluations of the impact of consulting advice on efficiency of public sector organisations. We employ an extensive dataset covering English NHS acute care hospital trusts over a four-year period. Based on PCSEs estimations, the findings show a significantly positive relationship between consulting expenditure and organisational inefficiency. These results lend support to critical accounts of management consulting, highlighting the need for organisations to be circumspect in deciding whether and how to use these services. [R]
69.3382 KLEINE, Mareike; MINAUDIER, Clément —
This article explores if (and how) national elections affect the chances of concluding an international agreement. Drawing on a literature about the informational efficiency of elections, it examines how political uncertainty in the run-up to an election impacts the dynamics of international negotiations. It finds that (1) pending national elections significantly reduce the chances of reaching an agreement at the international level (2) this effect is strongest during close elections with uncertain outcomes and (3) the effect is particularly pronounced in the case of elections in larger member states. The findings highlight the fruitfulness of further research on the dynamics between national and international politics. The article has positive and normative implications for the literature on two-level games, international negotiations and legislative bargaining in the EU. [R,abr.]
69.3383 KLINE, Reuben, et al.—
We investigate the effect of personality on prosocial behavior in a Bayes-ian multilevel meta-analysis (MLMA) of 15 published, interdisciplinary experimental studies. With data from the 15 studies constituting nearly 2500 individual observations, we find that the Big Five traits of Agreea-bleness and Openness are significantly and positively associated with prosocial behavior, while none of the other three traits are. These results are robust to a number of different model specifications and operationali-zations of prosociality, and they greatly clarify the contradictory findings in the literature on the relationship between personality and prosocial behavior. Though previous research has indicated that incentivized experiments result in reduced prosocial behavior, we find no evidence that monetary incentivization of participants affects prosocial tendencies. [R,abr.]
69.3384 KLINGEMANN, Hans-Dieter; HOFFMANN-LANGE, Ursula —
This contribution informs about an ongoing project on the development of democracy in seven countries, five “new” and two “established” democracies. The five new democracies are Chile, South Korea, Poland, South Africa and Turkey. They are compared to Sweden and Germany. The five new democracies are located in different world regions and have different cultural and historical backgrounds. The contribution provides basic economic and political information on these countries. It also describes the common data-base used by the six contributions. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3251]
69.3385 KLINKNER, Melanie —
This commentary offers some observations on the post-truth phenomenon with reference to political theorist Hannah Arendt. Her reflections on totalitarian regimes, the role propaganda and her work on Truth and Politics offer important insights into our post-truth era and frame this commentary in the following way: first, post-truth politics employing fake news risks undermining democratic societies. With this growing use of lying, parallels with Arendt's analysis of totalitarian systems become all too obvious. Where totalitarian regimes flourish, human rights abuses, often on a systematic and widespread scale and designed to quash dissent, are likely to increase. Therefore, exposed to this explosion of seemingly arbitrary digital media content and news were “right” and “wrong” to longer matters does beg the question “what kind of information society do we want to be? [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3494]
69.3386 KNOTT, Eleanor —
As researchers, when do our ethical obligations end? How should our ethical obligations respond to dynamic and unstable political contexts? Political scientists frequently work in dynamic political situations that can pose new ethical questions beyond those existing at the point of field-work. Yet, research ethics are often conceived in terms of a static, if not hermetically sealed, field site that remains frozen in time at the point we conduct fieldwork and collect data. I argue, first, that we need to consider more systematically how a dynamic field intersects with ethical obligations. Second, I argue that new and unexpected ethical questions can emerge after exiting the field, including responsibilities to research participants, dissemination, and publication, and returning to the field, which should be a part of how we conceive of ethical obligations. [R]
69.3387 KNUTSEN, Carl Henrik, et al.—
Scholars continue to debate whether economic development affects regime type. This article argues that a clear relationship exists between development and the electoral component of democracy, but not — or at least less so — between development and other components of broader understandings of democracy. This is so because development enhances the power resources of citizens and elections provide a focal point for collective action. The theory is tested with two new datasets — Varieties of Democracy and Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy — that allow us to disaggregate the concept of democracy into meso- and micro-level indicators. Results of these tests corroborate the theory: only election-centered indicators are robustly associated with economic development. This may help to account for apparent inconsistencies across extant studies and shed light on the mechanisms at work in a much-studied relationship. [R,abr.]
69.3388 KOEBELE, Elizabeth A. —
As collaborative governance processes continue to grow in popularity, practitioners and policy scholars alike can benefit from the development of methods to better analyse and evaluate them. This article develops one such method by demonstrating how collaborative governance theory can be integrated with the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) to better explain coalition dynamics, policy-oriented learning and policy change in collaborative contexts. I offer three theoretical propositions that suggest alternate relationships among ACF variables under collaborative governance arrangements and illustrate these propositions using interview data from an original case study of a collaborative governance process in Colorado, USA. The integration of collaborative governance theory with the ACF improves its application in collaborative contexts and provides new theoretical insights into the study and practice of collaborative governance. [R]
69.3389 KORNPROBST, Markus —
This article addresses the communicative processes through which leaders succeed or fail to generate public support for going to war. In order to answer this question, I rely on the framing literature's insight that cultural congruence helps make frames resonate with an audience. Yet, my argument examines this phenomenon in greater depth. There is more to cultural congruence than selecting commonplaces such as analogies and metaphors from a repertoire that the audience widely shares. Culturally congruent framing also features a genre and more general themes that are taken out of such a repertoire. My empirical analysis of T. Blair's communicative moves to sway the British public to fight over Kosovo and Iraq provides empirical evidence for this framework. [R,abr.]
69.3390 KOSTYUK, Nadiya; ZHUKOV, Yuri M. —
Recent years have seen growing concern over the use of cyber attacks in wartime, but little evidence that these new tools of coercion can change battlefield events. We present the first quantitative analysis of the relationship between cyber activities and physical violence during war. Using new event data from the armed conflict in Ukraine — and additional data from Syria's civil war — we analyze the dynamics of cyber attacks and find that such activities have had little or no impact on fighting. In Ukraine — one of the first armed conflicts where both sides deployed such tools extensively — cyber activities failed to compel discernible changes in battlefield behavior. Indeed, hackers on both sides have had difficulty responding to battlefield events, much less shaping them. An analysis of conflict dynamics in Syria produces similar results. [R,abr.]
69.3391 KREUZER, Marcus —
Explanation presumes description. Description explores the who, when, where, and how, and its answers furnish the raw material for theorizing and explaining. This connection between description and allegedly serendipitous exploration contributed to the notion that description is inherently subjective and thus incapable of being evaluated. I challenge this notion of “mere” description. I show that description has a distinct structure that consists of discreet analytical stages facing distinct inferential challenges. The quality of description thus becomes a function of how well it addresses those challenges. I explicate distinct criteria for evaluating how well a describer handles those challenges. I illustrate their utility by applying them to the controversy in the late 1990s between D. Gold-hagen and C. Browning. [R,abr.]
69.3392 KRICK, Eva —
This study explores the room for reconciliation between democratic and epistemic claims to modern policy-making. The key institutional design question it deals with is how to compose arenas of policy advice and consultation in such a way that they are able to generate both reliable, knowledge-based policy solutions and represent the perspectives of those affected — without becoming dysfunctional. After an inclusive re-conceptualization of “participation” and “expertise”, the study compares different group selection mechanisms in terms of their epistemic and democratic merits and makes the case for the “targeted selection” of policy advisors in the phase of policy development. It delineates conditions of creating “participatory expert bodies” that are primarily made up of societal stakeholders from intermediary organizations, who can assume the double role of expert and civil society representative. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4115]
69.3393 KRICK, Eva; HOLST, Cathrine —
This study questions the traditional story of the detachment and independence of expert bodies such as agencies, central banks and expert committees. It directs attention to the numerous institutional links with elected bodies and societal actors that we typify as mechanisms of stakeholder inclusion, government control and public and parliamentary scrutiny. With reference to EU examples, we illustrate that these sociopolitical ties of expert bodies are intensifying and attend to the normative implications of this “representative turn”. We first delineate a way of incorporating ideal and non-ideal concerns in normative assessment. Second, we identify the key normative challenges related to the legitimate role of experts in democracies and discuss institutional solutions to the “democratic-epistemic divide” that strike a balance both between the two norms, and between ideal requirements and feasibility constraints. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4115]
69.3394 KRITZINGER, Sylvia —
National election studies have become important data machineries for social science research in general and for electoral research in particular. I focus on the aims, consequences and challenges of national election studies by considering recent methodological developments with regards to both the data collection efforts and the type of data that is collected. I then consider some of the institutional constraints national elections studies face to date and its repercussions on funding opportunities. I highlight the Swiss national election study (Selects) and the Austrian National Election Study (AUTNES) — two election studies that collect comprehensive data on elections, provide a wide selection of data points that are freely available and can be used for single country as well as comparative research projects. [R]
69.3395 LAEGAARD, Sune —
In political theory concerned with normative evaluations and prescriptions facts can play two roles: (1) Facts can be of importance for the application of general normative principles to particular cases, and (2) facts can be of importance for the justification of normative principles as such. Political realists are critical of the first role, which they take to express a conception of political theory as ‘applied moral philosophy'. The paper investigates how interpretation of existing practices can be part of the second justificatory role, as suggested by proponents of different versions of contextualism and practice-dependence. The paper focuses on A. Sangiovanni's methodological claims about social interpretation to illustrate both how facts can be part of the justification of principles and how interpretation is also faced with a number of problems as a way of justifying normative principles. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3486]
69.3396 LAGERSPETZ, Eerik —
The All-Affected Principle has an important status in recent theoretical discussions on democracy. According to the principle, all who are affected by a decision should have a right to participate into making it. The principle is supposed to ground the right or optimal boundaries of democratic decision-making units. This paper is basically a critique of the principle. In the first parts of the paper, the All-Affected Principle is distinguished from some related principles. However, even a more precise version of the principle is still troubled by ambiguities. It is argued that R. Goodin's expansive reading is the only coherent one [R. Goodin, “Enfranchising all affected interests, and its alternatives”, Philosophy and Public Affairs 35(1),2007: 40-68]. However, if it is accepted, the principle cannot be used for its original purpose. [R,abr.]
69.3397 LAMB, Robert —
An adequate interpretation of our liberal and cosmopolitan traditions depends absolutely on an adequate understanding of the history of the idea of human rights. I argue that disagreement about the emergence of human rights is resolvable and can be explained through attention to problematic methodological commitments within exemplary historical narratives. I first consider, and reject, M. Ishay's claim that the concept of human rights can be found in the ancient world. I then move on to a detailed critical engagement with S. Moyn's contrary thesis that human rights are a radically novel political phenomenon. I argue that Moyn's analysis can only be taken seriously as an action-based account of human rights and therefore cannot sustain the dramatic conclusion he advances. I then defend an alternative, belief-based framework for the history of the idea of human rights. [R,abr.]
69.3398 LAMY, Pascal —
In the economic order, older borders are disappearing. But new obstacles to exchange are emerging which will be more difficult to reduce, while a politically-motivated step backwards remain possible, albeit unlikely. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3316]
69.3399 LANCHESTER, John —
Since the financial crisis of 2008, the austerity policy and impunity for the financial elite has further increased inequality. The monetary policy in the form of Quantitative Easing in Germany is also a driving force of the increasing inequality. The elites have shifted from a defense of capitalism for moral reasons to an appeal to the sense of reality. Now the financial crisis has transformed into a political crisis and must be resolved through the perspective that changes in an economy must benefit everyone as whole. For the government, this means pursuing a policy of education, lifelong learning and redistribution through the tax system and social system. The alternative would be to carry on as before and to continue to widen the gap — until one day societies break completely apart.
69.3400 LANDWEHR, Claudia; WOOD, Matthew —
Arguments about the legitimate role of expert bodies in Europe often center on the following question: does their independence help to make policies credible or should they be made democratically accountable to principals and stakeholders? This article claims this is a false dichotomy. It argues theoretically that credibility can be achieved through accountability processes. Then, drawing on exemplary case studies, this article identifies distinctive accountability processes for ensuring credibility: revisable competencies, deliberation over institutional design, and engagement in public justification. Credibility and accountability are thus not conflicting, but co-constitutive aims of delegation to expert bodies. The analysis provides European policy-makers and others with a guide for thinking beyond the contrast between “democratic accountability” and “independent credibility”. [R] [See Abstr. 69.4115]
69.3401 LARA, María Pía —
In this paper I want to leave behind the failed attempts to think about populism as ideology, strategy, style, or even discourse. I will focus on the “conceptual battles of politics” and their potential to influence actors to pursue and effect specific ends. Reinhart Koselleck and his ideas about conceptual history will figure prominently in my discussion, as will his concept of asymmetrical combat-concept as a means of unleashing a theoretical and political war. The goal is to demonstrate that concepts have taken the place of weapons of war among political actors. [R]
69.3402 LARA E., Bernardo; TORO M., Sergio —
Using Chile as a case study for understanding tactical distribution under extensive controls on expenditure, this paper examines whether political motives affect the allocation of funds from the central government to localities. Collecting local-level data of two infrastructure funding programs and using the voting gap percentage between the coalition candidate and opposition competitors in a Sharp Regression Discontinuity methodology, we find causal evidence in favor of three hypotheses: (1) a coalition criterion influences the funding allocation to the local level; (2) an electoral cycle exists in local funding; and (3) the degree of coalition targeting varies based on a locality's history of coalition alignment. In sum, the central government regards politically aligned mayors as valuable electoral assets, especially in municipalities historically aligned with the coalition. [R]
69.3403 LeBARON, Genevieve; PHILLIPS, Nicola —
A growing body of academic and policy research seeks to understand and address the problem of contemporary unfree labour. We argue that this literature could be strengthened by a stronger conceptualization of, and more systematic attention towards, the role of national states. In particular, we argue that there is a need to move beyond simplistic conceptualisations of states as simple agents of regulation and criminal justice enforcement who respond to the problem of unfree labour, and to recognize the causal and multifaceted role that national states play in creating the conditions in which unfree labour can flourish. We propose a framework to understand and compare the ways in which national states shape the political economy of unfree labour. [R,abr.]
69.3404 LECOUTERE, Els; JASSOGNE, Laurence —
Agricultural households face collective action dilemmas when making decisions about investments in their common household farm and the allocation of resources and benefits derived from it. We relate intra-household decisions, as measured in a lab-in-the-field experiment conducted with spouses in agricultural households in western Uganda, with actual investments and intrahousehold resource allocation. Intra-household decision-making that supports cooperation and equitable sharing is associated with greater investment in the intensification of cash and food crop production, and more equitable access and control over income. Freeriding behaviour by husbands is associated with the intensification of cash crop production, but not with equitable sharing. [R]
69.3405 LEE So Young; DÍAZ-PUENTE, José M.; MARTIN, Susana —
The study finds that open government does not only have effect on economic prosperity, but on social capital and environment through the mechanisms of Rule of Law and Control of Corruption. The role of Rule of Law and Control of Corruption are emphasized in this study, because of their significance in mediating open government and prosperity. Unless mechanisms like regulation formulation, law enforcement and control of corruption are not put into practice; open government itself will not be a driving force to a prosperous society. [R]
69.3406 LEHMANN, Todd C.; ZHUKOV, Yuri M. —
Why do armies sometimes surrender to the enemy and sometimes fight to the bitter end? Existing research has highlighted the importance of battlefield resolve for the onset, conduct, and outcome of war, but has left these life-and-death decisions mostly unexplained. We know little about why battle-level surrender occurs, and why it stops. We argue that surrender emerges from a collective-action problem: success in battle requires that soldiers choose to fight as a unit rather than flee, but individual decisions to fight depend on whether soldiers expect their comrades to do the same. Surrender becomes contagious across battles because soldiers take cues from what other soldiers did when they were in a similar position. Where no recent precedent exists, mass surrender is unlikely. [R,abr.]
69.3407 LEHRER, Roni; JUHL, Sebastian; GSCHWEND, Thomas —
Survey research on sensitive questions is challenging because respondents often answer untruthfully or completely refuse to answer. Existing indirect questioning techniques address the problem of social desirability bias at the expense of decreasing estimates’ efficiency. We suggest the Wisdom of Crowds survey design that does not pose a tradeoff between anonymity and efficiency as an alternative. We outline the conditions necessary for the technique to work and test them empirically. Moreover, we compare the Wisdom of Crowd estimate of a right-wing populist party's vote share to alternative indirect questioning techniques’ estimates as well as to the official election result in the 2017 German federal election. Provided its conditions are met, the Wisdom of Crowds design performs best in terms of both bias and efficiency. [R,abr.]
69.3408 LEMKE, Matthias —
If exception is the new normality, what is then normality? This concluding article reflects on the meaning of state of exception for contemporary democracies and how research can appropriately monitor respective developments. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3409 LEMKE, Matthias —
The introductory article first proposes a definition of the state of exception. A purely legal perspective proves to be insufficient. On the contrary, it is necessary, especially in analytical terms, to consider discursive and practical elements in order to adequately grasp the state of exception. In addition, it introduces the contributions of this volume. [R] [Introduction to a special issue on “New normality? State of exception as contemporary government technique”, edited by Oliver CAHN, Ece GÖZTEPE, and the author. See Abstr. 69.3234, 3238, 3256, 3312, 3347, 3435, 3490, 3512, 3526, 3568, 3575, 3621, 3636, 3639, 3641, 4120,and the conclusion by the author,Abstr. 69.3408]
69.3410 LEVER, Annabelle —
We can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3486]
69.3411 LINDEMANN, Thomas —
This contribution introduces a reconceptualization of misrecognition that stresses “creative agency” (gift, work, etc.) as a condition of self-consciousness. Drawing on Hegel's The Phenomenology of Spirit, I argue that recognition struggles are often less motivated by the actors’ desire to have a special status than by the desire to make a “contribution” to society, to “give” something. The content of a socially valued contribution-gift (as per Marcel Mauss) varies from one society to another but it is linked to the very ability of actors to act on their “own” and to shape their environment. I apply this perspective to the case of French jihadism, based on 13 interviews with prisoners in France suspected to belong to al-Qaeda or the Islamic State. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3307]
69.3412 LING L. H. M. —
Epistemic compassion can help to heal world politics. It mitigates almost six centuries of Eurocentric ‘epistemic violence’ and ‘epistemicide’ with a trialectical epistemology that bridges even seemingly irreconcilable opposites. Buddhists call this process Interbeing. I draw on Daoist yin/yang dynamics for epistemology and the ancient Silk Roads as an exemplar. Subsequently, I apply this analysis to a watershed development in our contemporary political economy: China's ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI). A $1 trillion investment scheme to link China with Europe and Russia through Central Asia, Africa, and the Indian Ocean, the BRI provokes charges of reproducing Europe's 19th-century's Great Game on a 21st-century scale. A trialectical epistemology offers another mode and model of global interaction for the BRI. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4244]
69.3413 LIPPERT-RASMUSSEN, Kasper —
Recently, G. A. Cohen introduced an influential distinction between fact-sensitive and fact-insensitive principles arguing that all basic normative principles are of the latter type. D. Miller rejects this claim submitting that the validity of basic normative political principles depends on some general propositions about human nature and societies; for example, that men's generosity is ‘confined’ and that nature has made ‘scanty provision’ for his wants. Miller ties this view of the nature of basic political principles to the view that political philosophy ought to guide people engaged in real-world politics and claims plausibly that in order to fulfil this purpose, political philosophy must be informed by social science. I argue that Miller neither succeeds in showing that basic principles can be fact-sensitive. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3486]
69.3414 LORENZO, David J. —
Why does democratic peace theory not appear to apply to the US? Given the number of conflicts in which the US has participated, particularly since the turn of the 20th c., it does not appear that citizens have often effectively restrained the state from entering into wars, as Kant predicted would be the case in republics. This article examines the role of pluralism and divisions within the ranks of wars’ opponents as a possible factor in these failures. [R]
69.3415 LOREY, Isabell —
How might we understand a constituent power that is thought not as constitutively juridical but nevertheless as a political power, one that issues from the heterogeneous multitude and develops its collective potentia not by its number but rather in its polyvocality? Such an alternative conception would need to leave gendered connotations, the idea of a masculinist bourgeois subject, and questions of belonging behind. It would need to issue radically from the mutual connectedness of singularities and, against the backdrop of queer-feminist and postcolonial considerations, place the necessity of care and reproduction at its center. Initial prompts for thinking a constituent power. The article further develops Negri's approach and connects it with the municipalist movements in Spain as examples of new forms of constituent and constituted power. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3442]
69.3416 LUPTON, Danielle L. —
I investigate whether student subject pools are comparable across universities by examining how respondents across three student subject pools at distinct educational institutions perform on the same survey experiment about crisis bargaining between states. I argue that, due to selection biases inherent in university matriculation and the self-selection of students into experimental protocols, respondents across these subject pools will exhibit key demographic differences. I also examine whether respondents across these subject pools think similarly about international politics and respond comparably to experimental treatments. I find that, while there are significant demographic differences across subject pools, subjects across institutions respond similarly to experimental treatments — with the key exception of information regarding the regime type of a state. Furthermore, there is little evidence that these demographic differences impact conditional average treatment effects across subgroups. [R,abr.]
69.3417 MACKINNON, Emma Stone —
This article argues that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), by claiming certain inheritances from eighteenth-century American and French rights declarations, simultaneously disavowed others, reshaping the genre of the rights declaration in ways amenable to forms of imperial and racial domination. I begin by considering the rights declaration as genre, arguing that later participants can both inherit and disavow aspects of what came before. Then, drawing on original archival research, I consider the drafting of the UDHR, using as an entry point the reception of the NAACP's Appeal to the World petition, edited by W. E. B. DuBois [An Appeal to the World, 1947]. I reconstruct conversations within the drafting committee about the right to petition, self-determination, and the right to rebellion, and the separation of the Declaration from the rights covenants. [R,abr.] [See also Abstr. 69.3587, 3591]
69.3418 MACMILLAN, Margaret; QUINTON-BROWN, Patrick —
While we explore the uses of history as a guide or teacher, we examine more specifically and at greater length the growth and persistence of newer uses: first, to bolster claims to independence and territory; and second, in demanding restitution in the form of financial reparations, apologies and other social privileges. By examining [how] history was used at the end of the WWI, [through] the Cold War and post-Cold War eras, we show continuities and differences. What specialists must appreciate is that history is used not only within the confines of the academy, but within international society itself, where it may serve as a foundation for arbitrating political disagreements. If anything, non-specialist and popular reliance on history has grown, possibly because other forms of authority have attenuated. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4088]
69.3419 MAEKAWA, Wakako —
External supporters have heterogeneous preferences over civil war outcomes depending on the issues at stake. The bargaining model and empirical study show that such preferences of external supporters need to be considered not only when analyzing the causes of support but also when analyzing how they affect a conflict. By adding an external supporter to a traditional conflict bargaining model as a strategic actor who receives a payoff from the political division, this article investigates how the preferences of external supporters influence the likelihood of a peace agreement in civil wars over a government. I demonstrate that a peace agreement is more likely to happen when the external supporters of the government side are not satisfied with the current political status quo of the supported state. [R,abr.]
69.3420 MAFFETTONE, Pietro; ULAŞ, Luke —
This paper argues that the process of deriving legitimacy criteria for political institutions ought to be sensitive to features of the political context in which that process is to occur. The paper builds on Allen Buchanan's ‘Metacoordination View’ of legitimacy, which we explicate in the first section. While sympathetic to Buchanan's practical approach, we believe the idea of a metacoordination process to be underspecified across two dimensions, which we explain in the second section: (1) constituency and (2) normativity. Both dimensions admit of differing specifications. In the third section, we suggest that how best to fill in these dimensions in any one instance depends upon the political context in which the metacoordination process is to occur. [R,abr.]
69.3421 MAGALHÃES, Pedro C.; AGUIAR-CONRARIA, Luís —
Literature in social and organizational psychology suggests that support for authorities is driven both by the outcomes they deliver to people and by the extent to which they employ fair decision-making processes. Furthermore, some of that literature describes a process-outcome interaction, through which the effect of outcome favorability is reduced as process fairness increases. However, very few studies have been conducted to determine whether such interaction is also present in the explanation of support for political authorities. Here, we analyze whether individual perceptions of the political system's procedural fairness moderate the well-known individual-level relationship between perceived economic performance and government approval. Then, we explore the implications of such process-outcome interaction to the phenomenon of “economic voting,” testing whether impartiality in governance moderates the effect of objective economic performance on aggregate incumbent parties’ support. [R,abr.]
69.3422 MAILLET, Antoine; MAYAUX, Pierre-Louis —
This article compares two research studies conducted in Latin America on changes to public policy. One study began from an inductive standpoint while the other took a deductive approach. Despite these differences, the final results — stylized historical narratives, deemed to be minimally sufficient — are essentially similar in terms of their epistemo-logical status. Comparing these two studies allows us to make two significant contributions to the discussion on qualitative and historical methods in political science. First, we highlight the important capacity process tracing has for establishing close linkages between deductive and inductive moments within a same case study, thus transcending the traditional opposition between the two approaches derived from the positivist tradition. Second, we show that this connection allows researchers to clarify the criteria they use in practice when judging whether causal narratives are sufficient. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3455]
69.3423 MALHOTRA, Neil; MONIN, Benoît; TOMZ, Michael —
Previous research has emphasized corporate lobbying as a pathway through which businesses influence government policy. This article examines a less-studied mode of influence: private regulation, defined as voluntary efforts by firms to restrain their own behavior. We argue that firms can use modest private regulations as a political strategy to preempt more stringent public regulations. Our experiments revealed how each group responded to voluntary environmental programs (VEPs) by firms. Relatively modest VEPs dissuaded all three groups from seeking more draconian government regulations, a finding with important implications for social welfare. We observed these effects most strongly when all companies within an industry joined the voluntary effort. Our study documents an understudied source of corporate power, while also exposing the limits of private regulation as a strategy for influencing government policy. [R,abr.]
69.3424 MALLARD, Grégoire; McGOEY, Linsey —
How can we account for the role of ignorance and knowledge in global governance? It is a contention of earlier scholarship in international relations and political sociology that knowledge production is tightly coupled with rational action — regardless of whether knowledge widely influences different stakeholders or not. This scholarship equally tends to assume an ignorance-knowledge binary relationship that associates ignorance with powerlessness and knowledge with power. This is a view we dispute. Calling for a new approach to the study of ignorance and knowledge in international politics, our article builds on research from ignorance studies, science and technology studies and critical race theory to derive a novel typology of epistemologies of power in which truth and ignorance are defined and combined in a plurality of ways. [R,abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Strategic ignorance and global governance”. See also Abstr. 69.4122, 4127]
69.3425 MARIEN, Sofie; WERNER, Hannah —
Obtaining citizens’ voluntary compliance with political decisions is a fundamental democratic challenge. Fair treatment by public officials plays a key role in theoretical and empirical studies on citizens’ compliance and cooperation. Yet it is unclear whether citizens within different societies react to (un)fair treatment in the same way. Using multilevel structural equation modelling and multilevel regression analysis on the European Social Survey 2010-2012 (N = 52,458), this article shows that perceptions of fair treatment by police officers are associated with higher levels of trust in political institutions and in turn stronger compliant and cooperative attitudes of citizens in 27 countries. Yet the link between perceptions of unfair treatment and institutional trust is stronger in countries in which fair behavior is more prevalent. [R,abr.]
69.3426 MARSHALL, Michael C. —
This project examines long-term viability of former rebel parties in post-conflict elections following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations and emergence, this project asks why some insurgent organizations remain politically viable as party labels in post-settlement environments while others do not, despite facing similar costs of entry. I propose that revenues from foreign patrons provide political opportunities to desperate rebel groups, easing their transition into viable political parties. However, I also propose that the connection between foreign sponsorship and rebel party development is not ironclad. Utilizing the principal-agent model and the two-level game, this piece argues that the political development of rebel clients may be constrained by the rational and institutional pressures that potential foreign patrons face. [R,abr.]
69.3427 MARTIN, Shane; MICKLER, Tim A. —
Conventional wisdom suggests that a strong legislature is built on a strong internal committee system, both in terms of committee powers and the willingness of members to engage in committee work. Committee assignments are the behavioral manifestation of legislative organization. Despite this, much remains unknown about how committee assign-ments happen and with what causes and consequences. Our focus is on providing the context for, and introducing new research on, what we call the political economy of committee assignments — which members get selected to sit on which committees, why and with what consequences. [R] [Introduction to a special section on “The politics of Committee assignments”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 69.3635, 3643, 3834, 3936, 3975, 4052]
69.3428 MATTES, Michaela; WEEKS, Jessica L. P. —
An old adage holds that “only Nixon could go to China”; that is, hawkish leaders face fewer domestic barriers than doves when it comes to pursuing reconciliation with foreign enemies. However, empirical evidence for this proposition is mixed. We clarify competing theories, elucidate their implications for public opinion, and describe the results of a series of survey experiments designed to evaluate whether and why there is a hawk's advantage. We find that hawks are indeed better positioned domestically to initiate rapprochement than doves. We also find support for two key causal mechanisms: Voters are more confident in rapprochement when it is pursued by a hawk and are more likely to view hawks who initiate conciliation as moderates. Further, the hawk's advantage persists whether conciliatory efforts end in success or failure. [R,abr.]
69.3429 McCARTY, Timothy Wyman —
Contemporary conceptions and practices regarding complicity have led to the surprising emergence of citizens who seek rather than flee complicity. The purpose of this is to gain standing to challenge controversial state practices. As in the recent Hobby Lobby decision, such attempts to demonstrate complicity are not motivated by a desire to take ownership over state actions, but to justify institutional reforms or individual opt-outs that would not be legitimized absent such a finding of complicity. This article highlights the danger posed by the proliferation of claims of this sort and works to unpack and critique the logic of such efforts to demonstrate complicity. Such claims rely upon implied political meanings of complicity, which affirm a strong connection between complicity, standing, and sovereignty. [R,abr.]
69.3430 McCLOUD, Nadine; DELGADO, Michael S.; HOLMES, Chanit'a —
The flow of FDI has increased the challenges governments face in carrying out their fiscal responsibilities. A country's system of law and order enables or constrains the implementation of government policies, and consequently influences whether the size of government responds to changes in FDI inflows and outflows. We test this hypothesis by fitting a semi-parametric model of government consumption to a panel of developed and developing countries with within-country variation. Over a short data frequency, the average compensating response of governments in developing countries to an increase in FDI inflows is larger by a factor of five than that of developed countries. These significant level effects of FDI inflows are driven by law and order and are adjusted for differences in per capita income across countries. [R,abr.]
69.3431 MEICHES, Benjamin —
This article outlines three cases of non-human actors that expand and complicate international humanitarian practices: dogs, drones, and diagrams. Drawing on new materialist and post-human literatures, the article argues that non-humans possess distinct capacities that vastly expand and transform humanitarian efforts in ranging from relief, to medicine, to conflict resolution. Highlighting non-human humanitarians thus offers a new perspective on the resources available for redressing mass violence and conflict, but also complicates existing definitions of humanitarian norms. To the contrary, the article demonstrates that non-humans often maximize humanitarian services to a degree greater than their human counterparts, but have also introduced changes into humanitarian practices that have problematic unintended consequences. Non-human humanitarians reveals previously discounted participants in international politics and the key roles they play in various international interventions. [R,abr.]
69.3432 MELERO DE LA TORRE, Mariano C. —
This paper articulates a plausible theoretical position that helps overcome the longstanding dispute between the two main conceptions in current constitutional theory: the “legal” and “political” constitutionalisms. This third position occupies an intermediate terrain of reconciliation: on the one hand, it defends the essentially legal nature of the constitution and, thus, the inevitable and irreplaceable role of judges in the interpretation of constitutional requirements; on the other hand, it vindicates the important role of the political powers in the definition of basic rights and freedoms, denying the judges’ monopoly or supremacy in constitutional interpretation. The objective is to build a democratic culture of justification where the maintenance of the rule of law (including the protection of basic rights) is assumed as a common project in which all branches fulfil their role respecting each other's independence. [R]
69.3433 MENSAH, Isaac Kofi; MI Jianing —
This article investigated the moderating role of age on the positive relationship between computer self-efficacy (CSE) and intention to use e-government services. The Technology Acceptance Model was used as the theoretical framework for this study while the data was analyzed with SPSS. The results showed that age as a demographic factor was significant and positively moderates the impact of CSE on the intention to use e-government services. Also, CSE was a significant predictor of the intention to use but age does not have a direct significant impact on the intention to use. The implications of these findings are discussed. [R]
69.3434 MINKOFF, Scott L.; LYONS, Jeffrey —
This article explores whether the places where people live — and specifically the diversity of incomes where people live — influence views about income inequality. Using a unique survey of New York City that contains geographic identifiers and questions about attitudes toward inequality, coupled with a rich array of Census data, we assess the degree to which the income diversity within spatially customized neighborhood boundaries influences beliefs about inequality. We find consistent evidence that attitudes about inequality are influenced by the places where people live — those who are exposed to more income diversity near their homes perceive larger gaps between the rich and everybody else, and are more likely to believe that the gap should be smaller. [R,abr.]
69.3435 MISCHNER, Sabine —
I argue that one should take a closer look at the temporalities the “state of exception”. In rhetoric legitimizing a state of exception, it is usually a clean-cut periodization that is implied. I show that this implicit proposition is fundamentally flawed. As a case study, I analyze the American Civil War during which the extent of presidential war powers has been vigorously tested, setting precedents whose repercussions can still be felt today. The focus is on political actors arguing for exceptional measures by pointing to their temporary nature. The impact of such war measures on the US after the war is highlighted, as well as the legal problems surrounding the question of how to define the duration of the war. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3436 MITCHELL, Joshua L.; FORD DOWE, Pearl K. —
This study demonstrates how a subterranean agenda, or attitudes toward race that manifest themselves into policy, at least partially drove public opinion regarding the Affordable Care Act (ACA). Drawing from a nationally representative sample in the 2012 Blair Center-Clinton School Poll, this study examines how various “subterranean” elements in addition to economic, demographic, sociological, ideological, regional, and conditional factors shaped attitudes toward the ACA. Testing multiple hypotheses, we found that a subterranean agenda shaped preferences for ACA along with various other factors, such as presidential approval, individuals’ perception regarding the role of the federal government, ideology, feeling toward blacks, feeling toward the Tea Party, and a conditional effect between a person's financial status and feeling toward blacks. Preference for ACA is complex and driven by a multitude of factors. [R,abr.]
69.3437 MOLEFE, Motsamai —
This article invokes the idea of personhood (which it takes to be at the heart of Afro-communitarian morality) to give an account of corrective/rectification justice. The idea of rectification justice by Robert Nozick is used heuristically to reveal the moral-theoretical resources availed by the idea of personhood to think about historical injustices and what would constitute a meaningful remedy for them. This notion of personhood has three facets: (1) a theory of moral status/dignity, (2) an account of historical conditions and (3) the achievement of moral excellence by the agent (personhood). This article argues that a just society is a function of (1) and (2), and it further argues that the aim of rectification justice is to correct these two facets of a society, which are necessary for (3) to be possible. [R,abr.]
69.3438 MOLES, Andres; PARR, Tom —
There is a deep divide among political philosophers of an egalitarian stripe. On the one hand, there are so-called distributive egalitarians, who hold that equality obtains within a political community when each of its members enjoys an equal share of the community's resources. On the other hand, there are so-called social egalitarians, who instead hold that equality obtains within a political community when each of its members stands in certain relations to other members of the community, such as non-domination and lack of oppression. Our first aim is to cast doubt on the helpfulness of characterizing the debate in this way. Our second aim is to reconstruct this debate in alternative and more precise terms. Our third aim is to advance a hybrid account that integrates element from both views. [R,abr.]
69.3439 MOUHOUB MOUHOUB, El —
Since the closure of work migration in 1974, the costs of emigration have been borne by the migrants themselves. These excessive costs together with the restrictive and selective policies of the host countries explain why, nowadays, the people who manage to migrate do not come from poor countries and are much more qualified. Yet, migrations paradoxically favor commercial exchanges and the development of the countries of origin. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3316]
69.3440 NEDERGAARD, Peter —
The interest in the theory of the state seems to be growing due to the turmoil in different parts of the world, which the state is otherwise assumed able to stabilize. This article distils the theory of the state that is inherent in the classics of ordoliberalism from the 1930s and 1940s, which is a specific German variant of liberalism. Based on structure-and-agency conceptualizations of the state, I offer an ordoliberal state theory that is constituted by some specific characteristics regarding the concepts of authority, power, and association, as well as a number of specific characteristics concerning individuals’ interests and values, the potential for influencing state employees, and regarding the factions of the state. [R,abr.]
69.3441 NEMČOK, Miroslav; ŠEDO, Jakub —
The article criticizes current conceptual frameworks focused on the evaluation of the performance of electoral systems. It offers a new tool allowing researchers to measure the size of the deviation of electoral outcomes from theoretical expectations. The index d=log[NS/(MS)1/6] is built on the Seat Product (R. Taagepera, Predicting Party Sizes: The Logic of Simple Electoral Systems, Oxford U.P., 2007) and captures the deviations of electoral outcomes from predictions solely on the basis of two institutional factors — average district magnitude (M) and size of assembly (S). The theoretical background of index d is explained, and its reliability is further supported by conventional econometric methods based on empirical data. [R]
69.3442 NIESEN, Peter —
Transnational social movements, campaigns and individual activists have described their activities in the traditional vocabularies of political dissent: as protest, opposition, contestation, dissidence or rebellion. Where strategies have involved illegal, well-publicized activities, the vocabularies of resistance and of civil disobedience have become an activist lingua franca. What all such descriptions have in common is that they paint a largely defensive picture of activist aims and self-understandings. In contrast, the emergence of the “global constitutionalist” paradigm in international law and politics has re-introduced the category of constituent power. Transnational initiatives such as the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) have begun to frame their activities in a “constitutive” and less in a “reactive” language. When countering the challenges of cross-border domination, new collectives may grasp the chance for extra-institutional self-activation. [R] [Introduction to a special issue of the same name. See also Abstr. 69.3272, 3283, 3415, 3487, 3953, 4039, 4126]
69.3443 NILI, Shmuel —
My aim in this essay is to advance discussion of how to justify the sacrifices that reforms combating global poverty might entail for the world's better-off. I begin from the assumption that we should not try to motivate such sacrifices solely through the hope that they will produce significant poverty gains. Instead, we should also explore whether the affluent actually have compelling moral claims to the goods that they might be asked to relinquish as part of certain global reforms. This alternative strategy forms the background for my discussion of two influential global reform proposals. The first proposal is to tax the natural resource wealth enjoyed by various affluent countries in order to ameliorate global poverty. The second proposal is to prohibit the resource corporations based in affluent democracies from purchasing natural resources controlled by extreme kleptocrats. [R,abr.]
69.3444 NOVOSSELOFF, Alexandra —
The multiplication of walls of separation since the end of the Cold War symbolizes fractures and resistance to globalization. As opposed to the notion of border acknowledged by both sides, walls are by their very essence unilateral acts. They are not only signs of impotence but also additional factors of destabilization. They therefore cannot represent a genuine answer to contemporary crises and threats. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3316]
69.3445 O'NEILL, Michael A.; WILKINS, John K. —
Scholarship in Canadian public administration programs takes many forms. One of these is the contribution made by practitioners. Yet very little is known about this group and, with the exception of Kenneth Kernaghan's articles, there is little Canadian literature on practitioner-scholars. Taking Kernaghan's work as a starting point, we explore the contribution of practitioner-scholars and shed light on their background and contribution to public administration scholarship. Our study finds that practitioner-scholars are well qualified and engaged public administration professionals whose contribution is much broader than that first described by Kernaghan. [R]
69.3446 OHLERS, C. Alexander —
Post-war stabilization and reconstruction efforts remain an essential function of foreign policy. These strategies, however, need to evolve with the changing character of warfare. Modern campaigns are smaller and involve outsourcing some portion of combat to local surrogates that often become empowered in the post-war phases. Accordingly, the initial conflict and the post-war stabilization project that follows should be approached not as sequential phases but, instead, as operations under an integrated long-term strategy. This article suggests such an approach with three key components: (1) the establishment of local partners that can succeed in both the conflict and post-war stabilization phases; (2) the design of an agreed upon plan for a power transition prior to the stabilization phase; and (3) the use of strategic leverage to advance the goals of stabilization. [R,abr.]
69.3447 OLIVIER, Tomás —
Collective-action problems affect the structure of stakeholder networks differently in policy settings (R. Berardo, J. Scholz, “Self-organizing policy networks: risk, partner selection, and cooperation in estuaries”, American Journal of Political Science 54(3), July 2010: 632-649; Abstr. 60.7537). However, interactions in policy settings do not usually occur in an institutional vacuum; instead, they are guided and constrained by agreed-on rules. Therefore, to better understand behavior in these settings, it is important to understand the parameters that guide and constrain it. Combining arguments from game theory and social network analysis, this paper focuses on how the nature of collective-action problems affect the design of formal institutional arrangements. The cases are two institutional arrangements for the provision of high-quality drinking water, in New York City and in Boston. [R,abr.]
69.3448 OMELICHEVA, Mariya; CARTER, Brittnee —
Is it joint democracy or state similarity that has a pacifying impact on interstate relations? This study explores the complementarity of the two propositions and demonstrates the potential of a particular kind of shared emancipative culture embracing values of autonomy, equality, choice, and voice to amplify the impact of joint democracy on interstate conflict. The data on cultural values, which comes from the World Values Survey, was integrated with the data from the Correlates of War Project to test the impact of joint democracy and cultural similarity on militarized interstate disputes (1981-2010). We find that culturally similar dyads are less likely to be involved in conflict with each other than culturally dissimilar dyads. Although, cultural similarity does not wash out the pacifying effect of democracy, it offers a complementary explanation to the democratic peace. [R,abr.]
69.3449 OSCARSSON, Henrik; OSKARSON, Maria —
This article analyzes the relative effects of a classic set of long-term and short-term determinants of party choice by treating voters’ decision processes as a two-stage heterogeneous process. Departing from a consideration set model of voting behavior (CSM), we use panel data collected in Sweden in 2014 to analyze which voters considered voting for more than one party. To evaluate the CSM approach we estimate the relative effects of long-term and short-term determinants, for different parts of the electorate and at different stages of the decision process. Results confirm that the choice process for the “considering kind” of voters is influenced by another mix of long-term and short-determinants than stable and party identified voters. Findings suggest that continued analyses of multi-stage decision making may bring new insights into electoral behavior. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3450]
69.3450 OSCARSSON, Henrik; ROSEMA, Martin —
In electoral research, decisions by voters are usually analyzed as if they choose at once from the whole set of all competing parties or candidates. Consideration Set Models (CSM) posit that voters choose differently, namely in two stages. In the first stage, they exclude certain choice options and create a consideration set of viable options, while in the second stage they choose from within this set. This paper, which serves as an introduction to a special symposium about consideration set models of electoral choice, outlines the theoretical foundations of these models and discusses three methodological issues: research design, measurement, and statistical modelling. More specifically, we recommend the use of pre-election panel surveys, direct measures of electoral consideration sets, and statistical models suitable for analyzing dichoto-mous variables and voter-party dyads. [R,abr.] [Introduction to a special section on “Consideration sets”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 69.3318, 3449, 3507, 3976, 4015]
69.3451 OWSIAK, Andrew P.; McLAUGHLIN MITCHELL, Sara —
Why do disputants favor some conflict-management strategies when managing certain territorial claim types — land, river, or maritime — but not others? We propose that state interests — defined via claim characteristics and interdependence — and transaction costs (i.e., the challenges associated with aggregating state preferences over outcomes) differ across claim types. These differences then incentivize states to cede varying levels of control over claim management, ultimately encouraging them to prioritize and institutionalize certain conflict management strategies when managing particular types of territorial claims. More specifically, we theorize and find that states pursue distinct management strategies when addressing their land (informal; bilateral negotiations and arbitration), river (more formal; third-party non-binding), and maritime claims (most formal; multilateral negotiations and legal processes). [R]
69.3452 OWSIAK, Andrew P.; VASQUEZ, John A. —
Do democratic dyads handle their disputes more peacefully than non-democratic dyads, or have they cleared the most contentious issues (that is, unsettled borders) off their foreign policy agenda before becoming democratic? This study compares the conflicting answers of the democratic peace and the territorial peace and examines the empirical record to see which is more accurate. It finds that almost all contiguous dyads settle their borders before they become joint democracies. Furthermore, the majority of non-contiguous dyad members also settle their borders with all neighboring states before their non-contiguous dyad becomes jointly democratic. Such findings are consistent with the theoretical expectations of the territorial peace, rather than the democratic peace. [R,abr.]
69.3453 ÖZSU, Umut —
In the 2004 Socialist Register, Amy Bartholomew and Jennifer Break-spear published an essay [“Human rights as swords of Empire?”, Abstr. 54.5140] on the prevalence of human rights rhetoric in what they and many others were then inclined to characterize as the “new imperialism”. “A critical cosmopolitanism”, wrote A. Bartholomew and J. Breakspear, “should develop a position that links a commitment to nonintervention to a commitment to human rights and makes an exception to the nonintervention principle to the extent that systematic human rights abusers would forfeit the right to sovereign equality”. The world today is substantially different in many ways from the one in which they wrote, and the international legal landscape to which they felt compelled to respond has also undergone significant change. This essay revisits the questions with which they were concerned. [R,abr.]
69.3454 PAETZEL, Fabian; LORENZ, Jan; TEPE, Markus —
This study analyzes whether enabling people to get informed about redistributive consequences is an effective measure to prevent equivalence framing in the domain of voting on redistribution. Utilizing the redistribution mechanism of the Meltzer-Richard model, an equivalent frame is induced by letting subjects vote on either a proportional tax rate or an outcome equivalent minimum net income. In a series of laboratory experiments, we find that framing effects both on the individually preferred and collectively agreed level of redistribution are tremendously strong if the information tool is not available (low transparency condition). Once subjects have access to the information tool (high transparency condition), the framing effect on individually preferred tax rates is significantly reduced, and after group communication, the framing effect is washed out from the collective decision. [R,abr.]
69.3455 PALIER, Bruno; TRAMPUSCH, Christine —
Many methodological publications have addressed the subject of process tracing, including its ontological and epistemological foundations, and sought to define and systematize its use. The existing literature provides many different definitions of process tracing. We review these different approaches with a view to outlining their shared features and elaborating a typology of the various uses of process tracing. Process tracing can be wielded to uncover causal mechanisms, or test out causal mechanisms that had hitherto remained purely theoretical. Two main types of uses are identified: inductive uses (which nonetheless remain “guided” by theory), and deductive uses (which may nevertheless always be used to further nuance the theories being tested). In the field of comparative political economics, process tracing studies allow researchers to better understand how interests and institutions change over time. [R] [First article of a special issue on “Process tracing: les chemins de la causalité (Process tracing: causal paths)”, introduced by Philippe BEZ-ES, Bruno PALIER and Yves SUREL, “Le process tracing: du discours de la méthode aux usages pratiques (Process tracing: From method to usage)”, pp. 961-965. See also Abstr. 69.3243, 3250, 3253, 3422, 3513]
69.3456 PAMUK, Zeynep —
Public funding for science is increasingly coming under attack. This article explores the normative force of these charges, and the arguments that are available to counter them. It examines two justifications of state support for science: Vannevar Bush's vision of the universal material benefits of scientists pursuing basic research and John Rawls's liberal justification of science funding as a voluntary public good. It argues that both accounts neglect the important political impact of scientific research and its status as the source of knowledge for the modern state. The article then traces the implications of the political role of science for the appropriate forms of democratic input into funding decisions. [R]
69.3457 PANOV, Petr; SEMENOV, Andrei —
The article introduces the Ethnic Regional Autonomies Dataset (ERAD), which describes the contemporary population of politically autonomous regions established on the basis of ethnicity. We conceptualize an ERA as a special case of accommodative policy related to decentralization/devolution of powers to relevant territorially concentrated ethnic groups. The data captures the major characteristics of ERAs across the world, including demographic, economy, and politics. We describe the process of compiling the comprehensive list of ethno-regional autonomies and discuss the issues of coding and mis-categorization. Finally, we present descriptive statistics and illustrative cases alongside exploratory analysis of the data. We conclude with the prospects for future developments. [R]
69.3458 PARK Ju Yeon —
It has been controversial whether incumbents are punished more for a bad economy than they are rewarded for a good economy due to mixed results from previous studies on one or handful number of countries. This paper makes an empirical contribution to this lingering question by conducting extensive tests on whether this asymmetry hypothesis is a cross-nationally generalizable phenomenon using all currently available modules of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems survey from 122 elections in 42 representative democracies between 1996 and 2016, as well as macro-economic indicators and individual-level economic perception. In general, this paper finds little support for the asymmetry hypothesis. [R,abr.]
69.3459 PEKSEN, Dursun —
Despite much scholarly research on a range of socio-economic and political effects of pro-market economic policies, scant research has been devoted to the gendered effects of these policies. This article advances the hypothesis that market-liberalising policies in five key areas — government size and spending, legal system and protection of property, access to sound money, freedom from excessive regulation, and economic openness — help women gain a more active role in the total labour force but do not ameliorate gendered economic discrimination. On the contrary, this article asserts that market-friendly economic reforms might contribute to the rise of women's economic rights violations. Results indicate that pro-market economic policies are associated with an increased share of female employment in the labour force but less respect for women's economic rights. [R,abr.]
69.3460 PELLEGATA, Alessandro; SPLENDORE, Sergio —
This article reverses the direction of the causal link between corruption and media, in particular, journalism, as it has been commonly investigated in communication studies. Few existing studies have explored the effects of corruption on journalists’ practices and self-conceptions. Based on a comparative survey of 1,764 journalists in 12 European countries and two Arab states, conducted in 2011 and 2012, this article investigates how perceived corruption — considered as an extra-media macro determinant — affects journalists’ perceptions of Media Accountability Instruments (MAI) impact and of governmental pressures on journalism quality. The empirical results obtained show that the more widespread corruption is in a country's public sector, the lower the journalists’ perceptions of the MAI impact and the higher their perceptions of government pressures. [R]
69.3461 PLANK, Friedrich, et al.—
After cross-site teaching in a lecture series on the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in 2016, six universities organized a seminar on the inter-relations between crises in Europe and their effects on peace in Europe in summer 2017. The seminar was conceptualized with regard to two dimensions: (1) weekly live-interaction between more than 150 students, and (2) an e-learning portal that constituted the main reference for various elements of learning and information exchange. The latter included aspects from both an academic and practical perspective. We critically reflect on this teaching experience and examine to what extent this innovative approach constitutes valuable teaching in political science with regard to the criteria developed in the Bologna process. [R,abr.]
69.3462 PLÜMPER, Thomas; TROEGER, Vera E. —
The fixed-effects estimator is biased in the presence of dynamic mis-specification and omitted within variation correlated with one of the regressors. We argue and demonstrate that fixed-effects estimates can amplify the bias from dynamic misspecification and that with omitted time-invariant variables and dynamic misspecifications, the fixed-effects estimator can be more biased than the “naïve” OLS model. We also demonstrate that the Hausman test does not reliably identify the least biased estimator when time-invariant and time-varying omitted variables or dynamic misspecifications exist. Accordingly, empirical researchers are ill-advised to rely on the Hausman test for model selection or use the fixed-effects model as default unless they can convincingly justify the assumption of correctly specified dynamics. Our findings caution applied researchers to not overlook the potential drawbacks of relying on the fixed-effects estimator as a default. [R,abr.]
69.3463 POTTER, Rachel Augustine; SHIPAN, Charles R. —
Rulemaking gives agencies significant power to change public policy, but agencies do not exercise this power in a vacuum. The separation of powers system practically guarantees that, at times, agencies will be pushed and pulled in different directions by Congress and the president. We argue that these forces critically affect the volume of rules produced by an agency. We develop an account of agency rulemaking in light of these factors and test our hypotheses on a data set of agency rules from 1995 to 2007. Our results show that even after accounting for factors specific to each agency, agencies do, in fact, adjust the quantity of rules they produce in response to separation of powers oversight. Further analysis shows that the president's influence is limited to those agencies that he has made a priority. [R]
69.3464 PRATO, Carlo; WOLTON, Stephane —
The increasing cost of political campaigns and its impact on the electoral process are issues of paramount importance in modern democracies. We propose a theory of electoral accountability in which candidates choose whether or not to commit to constituency service and whether or not to pay a campaign cost to advertise their platform. A higher campaign cost decreases voter welfare when partisan imbalance is low. However, when partisan imbalance is high, a higher campaign cost is associated with a higher expected level of constituency service. More costly campaigns can thus have a rebalancing effect that improves electoral accountability. We discuss the implications of our findings for campaign finance regulation and present empirical evidence consistent with our key predictions. [R]
69.3465 PRATO, Carlo; WOLTON, Stephane —
This paper studies how voters’ demand for economic reforms affects the probability that successful or populist reforms are adopted. We study a model of electoral competition with rationally ignorant voters in which the success of a reform is tied to a politician's unobservable competence. We show that when voters’ demand for reform is high, candidates engage in a form of populism and propose reformist agendas regardless of their ability to successfully carry them out. As voters are then faced with either risky reformers or policy inaction, the relationship between demand for reform and the probability that any (i.e., genuine or populist) policy change is implemented depends on how harmful botched reforms are. Our results suggest that the rise of populism may cause political disenchantment rather than the other way round. [R,abr.]
69.3466 PRUYSERS, Scott; BLAIS, Julie —
This paper not only considers whether encouragement can be an effective tool for increasing political ambition, but it also asks whether the source of that encouragement matters. That is, are some sources of encouragement more credible and effective than others? In addition, it explores the profiles of those individuals who are most likely to be receptive to recruitment, accounting for factors such as age, gender, income, education, political interest, knowledge, and personality. To answer these questions, we conducted two studies. The first is a survey of eligible voters. We recruited 371 Canadians from a national panel, asking a variety of questions regarding their level of political ambition. Importantly, we uncover distinct profiles for men and women who are most likely to respond positively to encouragement. In the second study, we conducted an online experiment with 443 undergraduate university students. [R,abr.]
69.3467 RAK, Joanna —
The article proposes a typological framework of myths which applies to empirical research on political thought. The framework introduces three typologies of myths distinguished by a subject criterion. Their subjects are things, people, and animals. Each typology consists of the dyads of antinomic ideal types located on continua by the extent of the valuation of the myth's subject. The tool will help researchers identify the processes for understanding the revaluation and devaluation of the myth's subject over time. Furthermore, it enables researchers to determine the extents of the diversification of mythical political thought as well as to distinguish between myths in their morphology. This research tool applies to empirical research because it encompasses the objectively identifiable and verifiable theoretical models consisting of the essential features of myths. [R]
69.3468 RAMEY, Adam J.; KLINGLER, Jonathan D.; HOLLIBAUGH, Gary E., Jr. —
We apply recent advances in machine learning to measure Congress member personality traits using floor speeches from 1996 to 2014. We also demonstrate the superiority of text-based measurement over survey-based measurement by showing that personality traits are correlated with survey response rates for members of Congress. Finally, we provide one empirical application showcasing the importance of personality on congressional behavior. [R]
69.3469 REGONINI, Gloria —
After decades of incremental policies, in many countries with solid democratic traditions, drastic U-turns are taking place on very relevant issues, such as the environment, health, immigration. How do the technicians who work in the political institutions react to the reversal of choices that they once endorsed? How can they reconcile coherence and professional responsibility with the responsiveness to their political principals? Is there a differentiation in the way distinct epistemic communities adapt to these dramatic changes? In a governmentality such as the Italian one, dominated by the legal logic and the importance of public finance problems, the (few) policy experts are the most exposed to the risk of irrelevance. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3323]
69.3470 REGUERA, Marcos —
This article explores the conceptual change of revolution concept during the American Revolution. This event happened in a historical period in which an unchanged political language suffered great and unexpected transformations. My article demonstrates how the old meaning of the concept revolution showed semantic limits during the American Revolution. While the old meaning of the concept was a useful rhetoric tool when the independence was [sought] in the north American colonies, it showed limitations when the revolutionary generation needed a notion to express their will to perform social and political changes. For that reason the Founding Fathers used the concept of experiment in order to get the political idea that the old concept of revolution can't express. [R,abr.]
69.3471 RESH, William G. —
The author takes the opportunity to review two compelling contributions to the field of Public Administration (PA) to expose how either would not ostensibly identify with the scholarly field of PA itself. Both of the works advance their theses through the integration of disciplines, though less than a self-identifying “public administration” scholar might like. Nonetheless, they do so better than PA scholarship has done beyond its own limited readership. The author argues that pathologies of managerial and political silos that largely ignore “rule of law” as a pillar of the administrative state make Public Administration — as an academic enterprise — largely silent (or incapable) in conversations about critical issues of governmental legitimacy and crisis. [R]
69.3472 RICHARDS, Barry —
What exactly does “post-truth” mean? In discussion about the causes and consequences of this phenomenon, several different meanings of it can be found: we are not always talking about the same thing. In this short essay I offer some psychology and some common-sense philosophy in an attempt to clarify what is at stake around the idea, and the actuality, of a “post-truth” era. This may involve going over some ground that is obvious to many readers, but it is sometimes useful to recap basic conceptual distinctions in order to establish important differences in the phenomenon we are studying. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69 3494]
69.3473 RICHMOND, Oliver —
The “long peace” of the last twenty-five years has linked various forms of intervention — from development to peacebuilding and humanitarian intervention — with human rights. This “interventionary system/order” model has premised its legitimate authority on expanded versions of human rights, connected to liberal frameworks of democracy, rule of law, and capitalism in order to connect peace more closely with justice. Human rights offer a tactical way forward for those interested in conflict resolution, but this has led to unintended consequences. Unless conceptions of rights are continually expanded as new power structures and inequalities are uncovered and challenged, philosophical and material matters of distributive and historical justice will remain. [R]
69.3474 RICHMOND, Oliver P. —
Contrary to most debates about state formation, this article outlines an alternative perspective on the shaping of political community — and the international peace architecture — based on the agency of actors engaged in peaceful forms of politics after war. Drawing on long-standing critical debates, it investigates the positive potential of ‘peace formation', outlining the theoretical development of this new concept as a parallel process and often in opposition to modern state formation with which it is often bound up. It also examines the limits of peace formation and its engagement with old and new types of power and conflict. This perspective on the formation of political order has implications for the international peace architecture and its evolution, including in terms of a shift from analogue to digital form of peace. [R]
69.3475 RITCHIE, Melinda N.; YOU Hye Young —
Public policy is produced by elected and unelected officials and through the interactions of branches of government. We consider how such interactions affect policy implementation and representation. We argue that legislators try to influence bureaucratic decisions through direct communication with federal agencies, and that such contact is effective and has consequences for policy outcomes. We provide empirical evidence of this argument using original data about direct communication between members of Congress and the US Department of Labor (DOL) along with decisions made by the DOL regarding trade and redistributive policies. We find that direct contacts influence DOL decisions, and the agency is more likely to reverse previous decisions when requested to do so by legislators. [R,abr.]
69.3476 ROODUIJN, Matthijs —
As a result of the steady rise of populist parties and politicians all over the world — and particularly since the Brexit referendum and the election of D. Trump — populism research has become increasingly popular and widespread. The field, however, also faces some tricky challenges. First, it is easy to confuse populism with related concepts like, for instance, “nativism” and “Euroscepticism”. This brings the risk of sloppy conceptualization, and, as a result, invalid inferences. Second, populism research remains relatively detached from adjacent fields, and fruitful fertilization across literatures is still rather uncommon. In order to deal with these challenges, populism research should become both more and less focused. How can these two seemingly conflicting recommendations be reconciled? [R,abr.]
69.3477 ROONEY, Bryan —
Scholars argue that institutions in democracies constrain leaders and prevent international conflict. However, many democracies specify rules of governance in times of emergency that divert substantial power to the head of state. The manipulation of these “emergency powers” provides a rational motivation for conflict. Using a novel data-set of emergency provisions within democracies, I test the relationship between emergency power strength and conflict propensity using several steps to achieve causal inference, including an instrumental variable analysis that exploits the specificity of the state's constitution as a plausibly exogenous determinant of emergency power strength. I find that emergency power strength is a strong predictor of conflict onset in democracies in each test and that states with strong emergency powers are substantially more likely to enact a state of emergency due to an international conflict. [R,abr.]
69.3478 ROSERT, Elvira —
This article theorizes salience as an explanatory factor for the emergence and non-emergence of norms, and shows how salience affects existing explanations such as issue adoption by norm-entrepreneurs, mobilization, social pressure, and framing. The relevance of salience is demonstrated by exploring the question of why the norm against incendiary weapons was adopted in the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) in 1980, and why the norm against cluster munitions was not, even though both weapons were deemed particularly inhumane and thus, put on the agenda when the CCW negotiations started in 1978. Drawing on secondary sources and on original data from public and institutional discourses, I study the influence of salience on the emergence of the anti-napalm norm and the non-emergence of the anti-cluster munitions norm in the period of 1945-1980. [R,abr.]
69.3479 ROTHSTEIN, Bo —
Epistemic democracy implies that in order for democratic decisions to be legitimate, it is not enough that they are taken according to established democratic procedures. In addition, epistemic democracy demands that two additional demands should be fulfilled, namely that the decisions produced by a democratic process also are “fair” and “true”. The fairness demand is in this article connected to the principle of human rights while the “true” demand related to the propensity of representative democracy to produce outcomes that increases human well-being. Empirical research shows that representative democracy without a high quality of the institutions responsible for implementing public policies do not deliver increased human well-being. A special problem is that representative democracy has not turned out to be a safe cure against endemic corruption. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4115]
69.3480 SALAM, Dara —
The article contributes to the discussion of political reasoning in general, and public reason in particular, analyzed from the vantage point of comparative political theory. It brings out the complexity and diversity of actual political reasoning, and it serves as a corrective to some oversimplified discussions of public reason, by defenders and critics alike. I argue that the notion of public reason can be extended to and is operative in non-liberal and religious societies, with the acknowledgment that it needs to undergo a methodological metamorphosis in the process. This requires what I call multiple justificatory strategy, which allows the use of different justifications in order to respond to the plurality existing in society. However, there are certain qualifications in the use of multiple justifications. [R,abr.]
69.3481 SALISBURY, Daniel —
Illicit procurement networks often target industry in developed economies to acquire materials and components of use in WMD and military programs. These procurement networks are ultimately directed by elements of the proliferating state and utilize state resources to undertake their activities: diplomats and missions, state intelligence networks, and state-connected logistical assets. These state assets have also been utilized to facilitate the export of WMD and military technologies in breach of sanctions. This article seeks to systematically contextualize state resources in proliferation networks, arguing that their use lies between state criminality and routine activity in support of national security. The article argues that nonproliferation efforts have caused states to change how they use these resources through an ongoing process of competitive adaptation. [R,abr.]
69.3482 SARPI, Francesco —
The speed of technological innovations creates new opportunities, but also fears and risks. Public authorities are involved in these transformations: on the one hand, they must encourage the creation of good ideas, while reducing the negative effects associated to them; on the other, they are called to take advantage of the opportunities that technology also offers to them. This article examines the interaction between regulation and innovation. Considering some innovations that exemplify the problems arising for regulators, possible solutions are analyzed to adapt the regulatory process. In light of the design-thinking approach, the following ingredients are discussed: defining a clear policy objective; experimenting regulatory solutions; strengthening stakeholder participation in the regulatory process; using appropriate skills; using data and artificial intelligence. [R]
69.3483 SAUERMANN, Jan —
The so-called chaos theorems imply that, under most preference configurations, majority voting in n-dimensional policy spaces is theoretically unrestricted. Empirical research, however, shows an apparent stability of democratic decisions. Recent theoretical developments have emphasized social preferences as a possible explanation for overcoming majority rule's instability problem. Hence, it is assumed that individuals not only maximize their own well-being, but also value distributional fairness. However, there is little experimental research into the influence of social preferences on majority decisions. This article presents findings from laboratory experiments on majority decisions in two-dimensional policy spaces with a systematic variation of the fairness properties of the incentive structures. The results show that distributional fairness is an important motivational factor in democratic decisions. [R]
69.3484 SAUERMANN, Jan; BECKMANN, Paul —
Voting by Veto [VBV], developed by Dennis C. Mueller, is a two-stage voting mechanism for committee decision-making. In the first stage, every member of the committee makes a proposal. The proposals are joined with the current status quo (or another fallback option). For the second stage, a random mechanism determines the order of voting and the committee members sequentially eliminate one alternative each. After every committee member has exercised her veto, a single winning alternative remains. Game theory predicts that the equality of the resulting distribution under VBV varies with group size. Hence, decisions in two-member groups should result in highly unequal distributions of benefits. With increasing group size, however, VBV should generate more equally distributed outcomes. We examine the effect of group size under VBV in a series of laboratory experiments. [R,abr.]
69.3485 SAYGILI, Aslihan —
A prominent view in the terrorism literature is that democracies make soft targets for terrorists due to their citizenry's low tolerance for civilian casualties. This study tests this claim in the context of hostage-taking terrorism, which is a unique form of violence that coerces the target state into negotiating over its citizens’ lives under public scrutiny. I argue that democratic accountability generates softer responses to hostage crises only in mature democracies, where leaders’ concern over being held accountable for the human costs of a no-concessions policy outweighs the reputational costs of conceding to terrorists’ demands. Using data on government responses to hostage incidents from 1978 to 2005, I find that regime type becomes a significant predictor of target concessions only at higher levels of regime stability. [R,abr.]
69.3486 SCAVENIUS, Theresa —
The purpose of this paper is to argue for the importance of attention to facts in normative theorising. I discuss the problems that arise from both not displaying such attention (as some idealists do) and from doing so in the wrong way (as, for example, realists do). I propose a different brand of theorising — fact-sensitive political theory, which aims to avoid these two problems by paying attention to key facts while retaining a solid normative anchoring in abstract normative principles. The merit of abstract vs. non-abstract reasoning is that the normative debate is not torn between two distinct ends of a spectrum in the way the idealist-realist debate is. By contrast, the locus of the investigations is vertical in the sense that abstract and concrete normative discussions are given equal status and can co-exist compatibly. [R,abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Facts and norms”. See also Abstr. 69.3308, 3329, 3395, 3410, 3413, 3598]
69.3487 SCHEUERMAN, William E. —
Radical democratic political theorists have used the concept of constituent power to sketch ambitious models of radical democracy, while many legal scholars deploy it to make sense of the political and legal dynamics of constitutional politics. Its growing popularity notwithstanding, I argue that the concept tends to impede a proper interpretation of civil disobedience, conceived as nonviolent, politically motivated law-breaking evincing basic respect for law. Contemporary theorists who employ it cannot distinguish between civil disobedience and other related, yet ultimately different, modes of political illegality (e.g. conscientious objection, resistance, revolution). The essay also examines J. Habermas’ recent contributions to a theory of mixed or dualistic (postnational) constituent power, conceding that Habermas avoids many theoretical and political ills plaguing competing radical democratic theoretical retrievals. Nonetheless, Habermas’ attempt to salvage the idea of constituent power as part of his reformist agenda for the European Union not only breaks with his earlier understandable skepticism about the idea but also risks trimming the admirably ambitious sails of his radical democratic interpretation of civil disobedience. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3442]
69.3488 SCHILLEMANS, Thomas; BOVENS, Mark —
For many public organisations, boards are the primary accountability mechanisms for management. Boards have a multipronged portfolio: strategic advice, employment, external linkage and critical scrutiny. The literature casts serious doubts about their capabilities. There is ‘managerial dominance'. This article reviews existing studies on public sector boards and identifies important reasons why boards are likely to fail as accountability mechanisms. This sets the stage for a new research agenda. When are boards more effective on the micro-level? How to organise effective checks and balances around organisations? And why has the board-model become so popular: is this learning or blame-shifting? [R]
69.3489 SCHMIDT, Ingo —
This article starts from the observation that recurrent economic crises, deepening social divisions, and rising levels of insecurity undermine the persuasiveness of market populism, which had accompanied, and, indeed, contributed to, the rise of neoliberal capitalism. It explains left-and right-wing populisms that draw on different aspect of liberal ideas, and can therefore be understood as transformations of market populism to some degree. Politically, right-wing populism thrives because the left is divided along several lines that make it difficult to attract much of today's discontent. The article looks at the divisions between globalists and sovereigntists, cosmopolitans and communitarians, and identity and class politics, respectively. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3751]
69.3490 SCHOTTDORF, Tobias —
The renewed scientific discussion about the state of emergency has led to many theoretical endeavors, which attempted to find appropriate descriptions of the exceptional phenomenon. However, because of this enormous diversity, their object-related connection threatens to become blurred. An essential reason for this lies in the interdisciplinary entanglement of the discourse. This article formulates a meta-theoretical regulatory proposal to compare these competing legal-philosophical and political-theoretical explanatory approaches and to prove its suitability on the basis of the dispute between Otto Kirchheimer and Carl Schmitt in the last days of the Weimar Republic. The two authors act as representatives of two mutually exclusive theoretical perspectives, leading to significant differences in the descriptive and evaluative assessments of the state of emergency. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3491 SCHULTZE, Rainer-Olaf —
Using the analytical tools of V. O. Key's “theory of critical elections” and Peter Hall's concept of paradigmatic “third-order change”, the article places democratic electoral processes in changing socio-historical contextual environments, discusses in a systematic as well as a dia-chronic perspective the parameters of both change processes in their dialectic relationship. It identifies the various contextual variables that either determine long-term stability in the electorate and party system or that cause upheaval and deeply rooted structural changes in participation forms and in voting behavior. Empirically, the analysis focuses on the case of the German electoral history, with special emphasis on the critical elections and paradigmatic policy changes in the recent electoral history. [R]
69.3492 SCHWANDER, Hanna —
Reflecting the importance of inequality for individuals’ lives, the implications of labor market inequality for core elements of democracy are crucial topics in comparative politics and comparative political economy. This article critically reviews the main findings of the emerging literature on insider-outsider divides to highlight its possible contributions to adjacent fields, in particular the research on party politics, the literatures on economic voting, political participation, and democratic representation or the study of social movements. [R,abr.]
69.3493 SCHWARTZ, Herman Mark; TRANØY, Bent Sofus —
How and why did comparative political economy (CPE) lose sight of the sources of growing macroeconomic and political instability, a problem that encompassed a growing financial bubble and then a crash in the housing market, a period of sluggish growth that plausibly constitutes secular stagnation, and a crisis of political legitimacy manifesting itself in the rise of antisystem “populist” parties? A gradual shift in CPE's research agenda from macroeconomic to microeconomic concerns, and from demand-side to supply-side explanations, diminished its ability to analyze adequately the central economic and political problems of the past twenty years. This article traces CPE's evolution through successive “supermodels” that constituted its core research foci. To understand the current crisis, CPE needs to revisit and update its original roots in Keynes, macroeconomics, and the demand side. [R,abr.]
69.3494 SCULLION, Richard; ARMON, Stuart —
In this conceptual article, we argue that contemporary notions of democracy, ontologically premised on the atomized individual as the legitimate social agent are themselves being destabilized. This disruption is due to a shift in our conception of “self” that is both corroding the core pillars of our civilizing process and altering the nature of our engagement with democratic politics. In essence a contemporary self that is characterized as having narcissistic tendencies desensitizes our sociality and thus thresholds of embarrassment and shame rise. Consequently, we see our democratic rights but not our responsibilities; we engage in democracy primarily to assert and validate our way of living, our beliefs, our existence. [R,abr.] [First article of thematic issue on “Politics in a post-truth era”, edited and introduced, pp. 277-282,by Darren G. LILLEKER. See also Abstr. 69.3247, 3289, 3385, 3472, 3829, 3915, 3969, 3988]
69.3495 SEARING, Donald D.; JACOBY, William G.; TYNER, Andrew H. —
How much do the political values of politicians endure throughout their careers? And how might the endurance be explained? This paper uses a unique longitudinal data set to examine the persistence of political values among national politicians: members of the British House of Commons, who completed Rokeach-type value ranking instruments during 1971-1973 and again 40 years later in 2012-2016. The findings show remarkable stability and provide strong support for the persistence hypothesis which predicts that politicians develop crystallized value systems by their early thirties and largely maintain those values into retirement. This is consistent with the view that rapid changes in aggregate party ideologies have more to do with new views among new waves of recruits than with conversions among old members. [R]
69.3496 SELLERS, Jefferey M. —
Long a staple in the toolkit of American politics, comparison among subnational territorial units has gained increasing currency in comparative politics. A growing portion of subnational research, especially in the monographic literature, employs comparisons of subnational territorial units within different countries. This approach to comparison, which I term transnational comparison, has the potential to build on and extend the advantages of subnational comparison. Despite the numerous added challenges it poses, transnational comparison offers a variety of ways to incorporate and leverage variations between countries as well as within them. Drawing on exemplary studies from the literature on subnational regimes and beyond, I outline a typology of successful transnational comparative strategies. [R,abr.]
69.3497 SEYLE, Conor; SPIVAK, Roberta —
Complex systems can demonstrate an interesting emergent property: coordinated strategic behavior at the level of the system as a whole that is found nowhere in the elements that make them up. This is true for biological systems such as anthills and the bodies of higher organisms (including humans), which frequently show coordinated and organized action at the collective level that allows for what looks like goal-oriented behavior and responses to challenges. This is true despite the fact that these organizations have no hegemon — despite Th. Hobbes's vision, the Leviathan of the human body has no sovereign coordinator, but is instead composed. [R]
69.3498 SHAHI, Deepshikha —
The present article aims to explore if “Sufism” — as a non-Western intellectual resource — is capable of offering a fertile ground for crafting a non-derivative and non-exceptionalist Global International Relations theory. In order to do this, the article employs the insights gained from the poetry of a 13th-century Sufi scholar, Jalal ad-Din Muhammad Rumi. The article draws the conclusion that Sufism, as an established philosophy with a grand temporal-spatial global spread, upholds a “threefold attribute” — namely, epistemological monism, ontological immaterialism, and methodological eclecticism — which gives it a unique foundational status to formulate a non-Eurocentric Global International Relations theory. [R,abr.]
69.3499 SHEFFER, Lior; LOEWEN, Peter John —
Risk management underlies almost every aspect of elite politics. However, due to the difficulty of administering assessment tasks to elites, direct evidence on the risk preferences of elected politicians scarcely exists. As a result, we do not know how consistent are politicians’ risk preferences, and under what conditions they can be changed. In this paper, we conduct a survey experiment with 440 incumbent local politicians from across the United States. Using a modified version of the Asian Disease framing experiment, we show that gain/loss frames alter the stated risk preferences of elected officials. We further show that priming democratic accountability increases the tendency to engage in risky behavior, but that this shift in preference only occurs in those politicians who are interested in seeking reelection. These results inform several political science theories that assume stable risk preferences by political elites, or that make no risk assumptions whatsoever. [R,abr.]
69.3500 SMITH, Graham M. —
What kind of a concept is friendship, and what is its connection to politics? Critics sometimes claim that friendship does not have a role to play in the study of politics. Such objections misconstrue the nature of the concept of friendship and its relation to politics. In response, this article proposes three approaches to understanding the concept of friendship: (1) as a “family resemblance” concept, (2) as an instance of an “essentially contested” concept, and (3) as a concept indicating a problé-matique. The article thus responds to the dismissal of friendship by undertaking the groundwork for understanding what kind of a concept friendship might be, and how it might serve different purposes. In doing so, it opens the way for understanding friendship's relation to politics. [R]
69.3501 SOBORSKI, Rafal —
Prefiguration is at the heart of today's anti-neoliberal activism while also having a long history in progressive politics. Prefigurative movements aim to unite their means with their aims; in other words, the process is to be harmonized with the objective. The appeal of prefiguration is related to a widespread perception that corruption and hypocrisy are all-pervasive in mainstream political space. However, the current practice of prefigurative activism has some important flaws. The problems are particularly acutely evident in large-scale mobilizations bringing together diverse ideological positions and activists with typically highly individualistic personalities. This article provides a critique of prefigurative politics by highlighting the limitations it has imposed on the recently dominant forms of anti-neoliberal resistance. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3751]
69.3502 SOLÉ-OLLÉ, Albert; SORRIBAS-NAVARRO, Pilar —
We examine whether the break-out of a corruption scandal involving the incumbent undermines trust in government, and whether this effect fades in the short term or whether it has lasting effects. We use a novel dataset with information on local corruption scandals occurring in Spain in the period 1999-2009, and data on the level of trust expressed in local politicians, obtained from a survey conducted in 2009. We find that corruption scandals have a marked effect both on levels of trust in local politicians and on perceptions of corruption. We also show that, while these perceptions gradually revert back to their pre-scandal levels, the effect on trust is more persistent. Using a mediation analysis we show that other side effects of corruption (including, government fragmentation and fiscal stress) are responsible for the persistence of the effect on trust. [R]
69.3503 SOREL, Jean-Marc —
Border law is not a uniform legal system. In a synoptic view, it can be declined in three dimensions: literally, as it is a volume and not a plane, and figuratively, because it shows a great diversity in its original meaning and its determinant, a derogatory character in relation to international common law, and a multiplicity of disputes. Far from following a sociological evolution that would attenuate its rigidity, in international law, border law remains a sign of exception. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3316]
69.3504 SPANIEL, William —
Some terrorist organizations provoke their targets into deploying massive countermeasures, allowing terrorists to mobilize a greater share of their audience. Why would a government pursue such a costly strategy if it only strengthens the opponent? I develop a signaling model of terrorism, counterterrorism, and recruitment. If a target government is unsure whether the terrorists’ audience is sympathetic to the cause, weaker groups sometimes bluff strength by attacking. To check this bluff, governments sometimes respond to attacks with large-scale operations, even though they know they might be overreacting. Comparative statics reveal that overreaction regret is most likely when the target is wealthy and large operations are more effective. Thus, a selection effect creates the false impression that provocation is most effective against geopoliti-cally privileged targets. [R]
69.3505 SPECTOR, Regine A. —
This article asks why property claimants bring their cases to court in authoritarian regimes when many perceive the system to be corrupt and coopted by more powerful political players. An in-depth case study in Kyrgyzstan shows how an elite property claimant (Azim) sought to build authority for his property claims and to facilitate their continued salience in fluid political contexts by taking cases to court. Although Azim filed and won cases, the rulings were not enforced; yet he still continued to make claims, hoping that changing political environments would at some future time lead to the creation of authoritative bureaucratic and enforcement mechanisms that would render those claims valid. My broader finding is that in weak rule-of-law societies, it is important to take seriously the interplay between aspirational motivations and political contexts. [R,abr.]
69.3506 STAVRIANAKIS, Anna —
Taking the tensions between arms-transfer control and militarism as my starting point, I argue that the negotiating process and eventual treaty text demonstrate competing modes of militarism. Expressed in terms of sovereignty, political economy, or human security, all three modes are underpinned by ongoing imperial relations: racial, gendered, and classed relations of asymmetry and hierarchy that persist despite formal sovereign equality. This means human security is a form of militarism rather than the antithesis of it. Drawing on primary sources from negotiations and participant observation with actors involved in the campaign for the ATT, the argument challenges the idea that human security has scored a victory over militarism. It also complicates our understanding of the nature of the accommodation with it, demonstrating the transformation as well as entrenchment of contemporary militarism. [R,abr.]
69.3507 STEENBERGEN, Marco R.; WILLI, Thomas —
Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity — is it being considered? — and exclusivity — is it considered on its own? — and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3450]
69.3508 STREATFEILD, Jeremy —
Sub-Saharan Africa requires US$30 billion annually for its infrastructure maintenance, with every dollar spent saving the economy about four times that. However, many governments still do not recognise the need for road maintenance, increasing vehicle operating costs — to more than 1% of GDP in some regions. Still, there are too few political economy diagnostics of this problem and policy responses aiming to ring-fence dedicated funds have had mixed results. This article proposes a diagnostic through which to understand the institutional root causes of the problem using the case of Moldova. [R]
69.3509 SUDULICH, Laura; TRUMM, Siim —
A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna, and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centered electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. [R,abr.]
69.3510 SUH Hyungjun; REYNOLDS-STENSON, Heidi —
Previous studies on the relationship between interpersonal trust and social movement participation have largely focused on the simple link, without attention to the interaction between trust and aspects of the political context. This study investigates this contingent effect of two types of interpersonal trust (in-group and out-group trust) on social movement participation. The data are drawn from the World Values Survey 6th wave and country-level Macro Indices from 41 countries. We use multilevel modeling (random coefficient model) to test the contingent effect of trust. The results reveal a positive association between out-group trust and protest participation, moderated by both functioning institutions and state repression. This contingent theory of trust could reconcile previous inconsistent empirical findings and explain why trust may have an insignificant or weaker effect on social movement participation in some contexts. [R,abr.]
69.3511 SULLIVAN, Heather —
I argue that state capacity is central to understanding why some protests are violent. In particular, this article explores two facets of state capacity — coercive capacity and state authority — arguing that where the state is treated as a relevant authority, the likelihood that protesters will employ violent tactics decreases. Using original data on Mexican protest events, I demonstrate that higher levels of state authority reduce violent protest but that increased coercive capacity, especially where state authority is weak, is associated with a greater likelihood of protest violence. This article contributes to our understanding of the influence of state capacity on protest violence and suggests that attentiveness to subnational variations in state capacity can help us better understand the violence. [R,abr.]
69.3512 SUNTRUP, Jan Christoph —
This article discusses selected examples of the state of exception's symbolic embeddedness and symbolic performances related to it. After suggesting a revision of a simplistic understanding of the term “symbolic politics”, the symbolic force of rhetoric in exceptional times is demonstrated by looking at recent examples from the French context. The article sheds light on typical rituals of community-building, reassurance, and resilience after terrorist attacks before turning to the staging of political leadership in times of emergency. Moreover, the ambivalent and controversial use of images in the course of the “War on Terror” is addressed. Last, the symbolic side of securitization animated by emergency narratives, which comes to the fore in the building of new security walls and especially in the military reconstruction of large cities, is discussed. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3513 SUREL, Yves —
This article illustrates how process tracing protocol can be used to analyze public policies. It describes the similarities that this method, which is centered on the identification and sequencing of causal mechanisms at work in a given political process, shares with certain analytical tools for policy analysis (sequential analysis, neo-institutionalism, change analyses, etc.). We then identify how this method can provide operational tools that allow for a more systematic and detailed analysis of the trajectories of public policies. In fact, causal mechanisms, which we believe to be the central elements of the process tracing research protocol, can be better deconstructed both individually and in context using the “3-Is” model: the sequencing of any public policy can indeed be described by identifying the mechanisms stemming from ideas, interests and institutions. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3455]
69.3514 SWAIN, Dan —
Prefigurative politics, the idea of “building the new world in the shell of the old”, increasingly forms part of the common sense of radical social and political movements but deserves more careful conceptual analysis. Traditionally, such ideas have been discussed in contrast to “strategic” politics, but this has been challenged by recent scholarship, which has stressed that they can and should be seen as strategic. This article agrees but points to a more fundamental tension rooted in attempting to enact the future in the present. This is discussed through two broad approaches to prefiguration: ends-guided and ends-effacing. The former leads to a practical dilemma between acting to bring about the future and acting as if it has already been achieved. [R,abr.]
69.3515 SYMONS, Jonathan —
What is a Classical Realist analysis of climate ethics and politics? Classical Realist ethical analysis differs from ideal normative theory in that it addresses state decision-makers rather than individuals, assumes highly imperfect compliance with the demands of justice, and is concerned with feasibility and transition rather than end-states. Classical Realists urge leaders to prioritize state security over private moral concerns, to assess rival policies against their likely consequences and to seek the “lesser evil” among feasible choices. The Classical Realist mode of thought suggests a response to systemic climate risks: states’ conceptions of national interest must expand to include cooperative system-preservation alongside traditional security concerns. Classical Realist arguments might then be mobilized to overcome resistance from vested interests and to support state-directed low carbon innovation, adaptation and mitigation agreements that prioritize ambition over distributional justice. [R,abr.]
69.3516 TALLERAAS, Cathrine —
The welfare state was constructed to ensure the well-being of a sedentary population, consisting of citizens living within the territorial boundaries of the nation. However, mobility patterns change, and more people lead lives that criss-cross national borders while drawing on different sources of transnational social protection — the welfare state included. Now, the daily work of bureaucrats involves delivering national social security benefits to transnationally mobile recipients. Through encounters and casework processes, these welfare state bureaucrats observe how ‘transnationals’ deal with complex regulations and make use of the social security system. This article explores bureaucrats’ perceptions of individuals’ agency and behaviour as they reconcile their transnational mobility with national social security. These bureaucratic perspectives have major implications for transnational social security delivery and how the welfare state accommodates transnational mobility. [R,abr.]
69.3517 TALLIG, Jürgen —
The current economy and way of life is an expression of a daunting indifference to the future and a misjudgment of the intrinsic value of the diversity of life on earth. For decades, the overpowering global fossil power complex in the western industrialized countries has been preventing the necessary prioritization of the environment and are determined to continue as before. The political goal of limiting global warming to between 1.5 and 1.8 degrees is becoming more and more difficult and should soon be impossible. In the face of this climate catastrophe, the prioritization of economy and growth over social, then ecology and climate change, must be reversed in order to develop a climate policy of problem-solving and to secure the safety of future generations.
69.3518 TAYLOR, Robert S. —
Contemporary republicans have adopted a less-than-charitable attitude toward private beneficence, especially when it is directed to the poor, worrying that rich patrons may be in a position to exercise arbitrary power over their impoverished clients. These concerns have led them to support impartial public provision by way of state welfare programs, including an unconditional basic income (UBI). In contrast to this administrative model of public welfare, I propose a competitive model in which the state regulates and subsidizes a decentralized and nonstatist provision of support for the poor. This model fixes the historically objectionable features of private provision by having the state prevent collusion among private charities, deliver information to recipients about alternative sources of assistance, and give substantial grants to charities as well as tax incentives and vouchers to donors. [A, abr.]
69.3519 TEORELL, Jan; LINDBERG, Staffan I. —
We attempt to integrate the literatures on authoritarian regime types and democratic forms of government. We propose a theoretical framework of five dimensions of executive appointment and dismissal that can be applied in both more democratic and more authoritarian regimes: the hereditary, military, ruling party, direct election, and confidence dimensions, respectively. Relying on the Varieties of Democracy data, we provide measures of these five dimensions for 3,937 individual heads of state and 2,874 heads of government from 192 countries across the globe from 1789 to the present. After presenting descriptive evidence of their prevalence, variation, and relationship to extant regime typologies, a set of exploratory probes gauge the extent to which the five dimensions can predict levels of repression, corruption, and executive survival, controlling for aspects of democracy. [R,abr.]
69.3520 THIES, Cameron G.; SARI, Angguntari C. —
This article provides a conceptual framework for understanding middle powers based on foreign policy role theory. It argues that role theory helps to reconcile existing approaches rooted in functional, behavioral, hierarchical and rhetorical definitions. This article defines a middle power as a type of status that is supported by auxiliary roles recognized by significant others. Roles which middle powers are expected to perform also provide a relational, social identity approach to classifying middle powers as opposed to one that is purely rhetorical or focused on self-conception of status. This article applies this roles-based framework to the case of Indonesia and finds that Southeast Asia's largest country qualifies as a middle power, suggesting it may be usefully applied to classify other middle powers. [R,abr.]
69.3521 THOMAS, Jerry —
This article cautions against the strong impulse in the #MeToo movement to desexualize politics. Informed by queer theory, the article argues that the public desexualization imperative, represented by indignation toward President Donald Trump's pussy-grabbing antics and the concomitant, albeit justified, movement to expose decades of his sexual harassment of women, casts a shadow across queer citizens that chills sexual expression in democratic discourse and public life. The public desexualization imperative presents a double bind that creates, on one hand, public spaces that are less threatening and discriminatory to women and, on the other, public spaces that — from a queer white cisgender man's perspective, one whose only “marking” is his sexuality — erase queers’ valued differences. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4379]
69.3522 TORNEY, Diarmuid —
Existing scholarship on climate governance has not sufficiently considered the relationship between climate leaders/pioneers and followers. Because of the global commons nature of climate change, unilateral leadership or pioneership by one or a small number of actors will be insufficient to combat climate change effectively. The need to take seriously the relationship between leaders and followers is all the greater in the wake of the 2015 Paris Agreement, which emphasises diffuse, bottom-up action. The relationship between leaders and followers in polycentric climate governance is unpacked in this contribution. What types of actors can be climate followers? Through what pathways can followership emerge and how can we capture the essential characteristics of leader–follower relationships? What conditions facilitate (or hinder) followership? [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4105]
69.3523 TORRES, Lourdes; YETANO, Ana; PINA, Vincente —
Performance audits allow audit institutions to contribute to the improvement of the economy, efficiency, and/or effectiveness of public sector entities through the recommendations of their reports. To assess the impact of the performance audits carried out by EU Supreme and Regional Audit Institutions, this article analyzes whether these recommendations are implemented in practice or not. The results show that there are two main ways in which the recommendations included in the performance audit reports produce an impact: the Anglo-American way, based on auditee actions and follow-up processes, and the Germanic way, based on parliamentary action. [R]
69.3524 TURNER, Ben —
This article develops a comparative and recursive approach to political ontology by drawing on the ontological turn in anthropology. It claims that if ontological commitments define reality, then the use of ontology by recent pluralist political theorists must undercut pluralism. By charting contemporary anthropology's rereading of structuralism as part of a plural understanding of ontology, it will be shown that any political ontology places limits on the political, and thus cannot exhaust political expe-rience. This position will be established through an analysis of the role of Claude Lévi-Strauss in the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe and a comparison with the political ontology represented by perspectiv-ism and potential affinity. Anthropology's lesson for political theory is that ontology cannot simply be revised and treated in the singular, but that political ontologies must be analyzed comparatively to reveal the shortcomings of, and recursively alter, one's own political frame of reference. [R,abr.]
69.3525 ULRICH, Peter —
The relationship between market economy and human rights has lately become subject of controversial debates concerning international agreements on free trade and the protection of investment as well as in the context of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. Yet, comprehensive considerations of that multifaceted relationship between the two domains are rarely made, be it due to the academic difficulties with inter- or transdisciplinary research or to the thorny public issue of an appropriate political order in general. This paper explores some conceptual foundations of the addressed relationship by proposing five basic theses. [R]
69.3526 VALIM, Rafael —
The state of exception presents itself as a requirement of the current model of neoliberal domination. It is the means by which the democratic practice is neutralized and political regimes are silently reconfigured in a universal scale. It constitutes a decisive analytical category to reveal the “invisible” connection between phenomena which at first seem disconnected, but together make the key to understand modern society. The crisis in the regulatory capacity of Law, the crisis in constitutionalism, the unbearable level of social inequality all over the planet, the depoliticization of societies, the emergency of terrorism, the resurgence of fascism and intolerance in all its forms, the crisis of parliaments’ legitimacy, among other elements, all work together to form a complex scheme whose unveiling is possible by means of the heuristic virtuality of the state of exception. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3409]
69.3527 VAN WIETMARSCHEN, Han —
The central claim of political liberalism is that the basic principles and institutions of society should be justified in terms that all reasonable citizens can reasonably be expected to accept and not in terms of citizens’ reasonably disputed religious, moral, and philosophical convictions. This article investigates the epistemic commitments of political liberalism's ideal of reasonable citizenship and argues in favor of a conciliatory view of peer disagreement, according to which peer disagreement undermines the justification of our beliefs. The author's aim is not to further defend these views, but to show how they force us to revisit political liberalism's skeptical problem. He affirms that political liberalism leaves reasonable citizens in the awkward predicament termed Justificatory Incoherence.
69.3528 VATTER, Adrian; ROUSSELOT, Bianca; MILIC, Thomas —
Based on a wide-ranging review of the existing literature, this article provides an original, state-of-the-art analysis of the field of direct democracy. Distinguishing between the ‘input’ and ‘output’ effects of direct democracy, the article identifies the main empirical insights and normative arguments regarding voter competence, turnout, the influence of special interests, agenda setting and policy change. At the same time, the article draws attention to a number of hitherto understudied issues, and makes a series of theoretical, methodological and empirical recommendations to advance the field of study. In particular, it argues that insufficient attention has been given to the link between direct democracy and policy implementation. Finally, and most ambitiously, the paper calls for a radical new theory of direct democratic voting behavior. [R,abr.]
69.3529 VERCESI, Michelangelo —
Careers are a classic subject of elite studies. Scholars have sought to understand what affects political profiles and career patterns’ formation. However, political career research is characterized by a variety of approaches and explanations, which often do not communicate each other. A framework that integrates existing contributions is lacking, and this undermines the process of accumulation of knowledge. A comprehensive assessment of the literature is necessary in view of this potentially welcomed undertaking. After a conceptual introduction, I provide here a general overview of the approaches used in political career research, classifiable into two main schools. It is stressed their theoretical arguments, methodological strategies, and deficits. The note will provide bases for developing further the research field, by underling epistemolog-ical, theoretical, and methodological lessons. [R]
69.3530 VERGERIO, Claire —
While the discipline of IR has a long tradition of celebrating ‘great thinkers’ and appropriating their ideas for contemporary theories, it has rarely accounted for how these authors came to be seen as ‘great’ in the first place. This is at least partly a corollary of the discipline's long-standing aversion to methodological reflection in its engagement with intellectual history, and it echoes IR's infamous tendency to misportray these great thinkers’ ideas more broadly. Drawing on existing attempts to import the methodological insights of historians of political thought into IR, this article puts forward a unified approach to the study of great thinkers in IR that combines the tenets of so-called ‘Cambridge School’ contextualism with those of what broadly falls under the label of reception theory. [R,abr.]
69.3531 VIS, Barbara —
It is broadly assumed that political elites rely on heuristics in their judgments or decision-making. I bring together and discuss the scattered literature on this topic. To address the current conceptual unclarity, I discuss two traditions on heuristics: (1) the heuristics and biases (H&B) tradition pioneered by D. Kahneman and A. Tversky [“Subjective probability: a judgment of representativeness”, Cognitive Psychology,3(3),1972: 430-454] and (2) the fast and frugal heuristics (F&F) tradition pioneered by G. Gigerenzer and R. Selten [“Rethinking rationality”, in R. Selten, G. Gigerenzer,eds., Bounded Rationality: The Adaptive Toolbox MIT Press, 2001: 1-12]. I propose to concentrate on two well-defined heuristics from the H&B tradition — availability and representativeness — to empirically assess when political elites rely on heuristics and thereby understand better their judgments and decisions. [R,abr.]
69.3532 WALL, Ronald, et al.—
Reducing GHG emissions and mitigating climate change would require significant investments in renewable energy technologies. Foreign direct investments (FDI) in renewable energy (RE) have increased over the last years, contributing to the diffusion of RE globally. There are multiple policy instruments aimed at attracting investments in renewable energy. This article aims to map the FDI flows globally including source and destination countries. Furthermore, the article investigates which policy instruments attract more FDI in RE sectors such as solar, wind and biomass, based on an econometric analysis of 137 OECD and non-OECD countries. The results show that Feed in Tariffs (FIT) followed by Fiscal Measures (FM) are the most significant policy instrument that attract FDI in the RE sector globally. [R,abr.]
69.3533 WALLENIUS, Tomas —
The contextual understanding of treatises of great legal thinkers has become an important focus in the historical study of international law. This article argues for an alternative approach going beyond classics of legal doctrine to study the interlinked broader global legal practices that constituted actual patterns of social order. Dead practitioners can, however, only be accessed through texts that remain under-conceptualized. I argue that literary theory provides the most helpful insights for developing a framework for studying legal texts. The historical importance of a legal text depends not only on why it was written, but also on how it was used, reinterpreted and even modified by later practitioners. The new method highlights an important alternative dynamic of legal change that first takes place through practice and is introduced to doctrine only afterwards. [R,abr.]
69.3534 WAMPLER, Brian —
Under new democratic regimes, civil society organizations (CSOs) alter their political strategies to better engage public officials and citizens as well as to influence broader political debates. In Brazil, between 1990 and 2010, CSOs gained access to a broad participatory architecture as well as a reconfigured state, inducing CSOs to employ a wider range of strategies. This article uses a political network approach to illuminate variation in CSOs’ political strategies across four policy arenas and show how the role of the state, the broader configuration of civil society, the interests of elected officials, and the rules of participatory institutions interact to produce this variation. Data for this article's analysis come from a survey of three hundred CSO leaders in the Brazilian city of Belo Horizonte. [R,abr.]
69.3535 WANG Xue; BOHN, Frank —
We model political manipulations of pension reserve funds in a modified M. Shi and J. Svensson (“Political budget cycles: do they differ across countries and why?”, Journal of Public Economics 90, 2006: 1369-1387) political budget cycle (PBC) model. Assuming that a share of voters suffers from fiscal illusion the incumbent can increase her re-election chances by prematurely spending parts of the reserve fund. We also obtain results that are counterintuitive, but only at first sight. First, it can be shown that the incumbent wants to reduce the manipulation when her ego rent increases. Second, the optimal magnitude of manipulation does not necessarily go up when the share of voters suffering from fiscal illusion rises. [R]
69.3536 WEBER, Till; FRANKLIN, Mark N. —
Why are party systems in modern democracies so essentially robust? We theorize patterns of electoral competition as the outcome of a struggle between entropy and structure. Forces of entropy entail idiosyncratic voting behavior guided by subjective evaluations, while forces of structure entail coordinated behavior emerging from objective aspects of party preference. Our model locates determinants of party preference on a continuum spanning subjective and objective concerns. Entropy is endemic but elections for nationwide executive office periodically prime objective concerns, reinstating structure in party systems. We demonstrate the cyclical pulse of national elections in a comparative analysis of pseudo-randomized survey data from the European Election Studies since 1989. We also show how feedback from differently-sized party systems consolidates different working equilibria. [R]
69.3537 WEHL, Nadja —
Typically, associations between being unemployed and policy attitudes are explained with reference to economic self-interest considerations of the unemployed. Preferences for labor market policies (LMP) and egalitarian preferences are the prime example and the focus of this study. Its aim is to challenge this causal self-interest argument: self-interest consistent associations of unemployment with policy preferences are neither necessarily driven by self-interest nor necessarily causal. To that end, this article first confronts the self-interest argument with a broader perspective on attitudes. [R,abr.]
69.3538 WIHTOL DE WENDEN, Catherine —
The issue of demarcation has served to reinforce the thesis of the sovereignty of the nation-state. Together with geographical boundaries, national identity helps to construct a history that is different within and without the borders, and to introduce a differentiated treatment for those who are considered as not being part of the common nation. Borders are being reintroduced between the states of Europe together with other factors of exclusion such as citizenship law in a context where borders are dramatized to foster identity. [R] [See Abstr. 69.3316]
69.3539 WILLOCQ, Simon —
Western democracies have witnessed an increase in the proportion of voters who make their electoral choice late in the campaign. Consequently, scholars have paid considerable attention to this phenomenon and attempted to identify the factors which influence time of vote decision. This article reviews the literature on the determinants of decision timing. Several studies suggest that women and young citizens are more likely to be late deciders. Besides, party identification has been shown to hasten the electoral decision, whereas attitudinal ambivalence and network cross-pressures have been found to delay the crystallization of vote intentions. [R,abr.]
69.3540 WIRTZ, Bernd W.; BIRKMEYER, Steven —
The development of modern information and communication technology (ICT) fundamentally impacts the way citizens and governments interact with each other. In this context, mobile ICT is an essential driver for governments around the world to provide public services to citizens and organizations. Against this background, mobile government has significantly increased in importance for practitioners and has become a fruitful field of scientific research. Given the lack of empirical research on the attractiveness of mobile government, this study examines the key determinants of mobile government attractiveness. [R]
69.3541 WURZEL, Rüdiger K. W. —
Innovative climate governance in small-to-medium-sized structurally disadvantaged cities (SDCs) are assessed. Considering their deeply ingrained severe economic and social problems it would be reasonable to assume that SDCs act primarily as climate laggards or at best as followers. However, novel empirical findings show that SDCs are capable of acting as climate pioneers. Different types and styles of climate leadership and pioneership and how they operate within multi-level and polycentric governance structures are identified and assessed. SDCs seem relatively readily willing to adopt transformational climate pioneer-ship styles to create ‘green’ jobs, for example, in the offshore wind energy sector and with the aim of improving their poor external image. However, in order to sustain transformational climate pioneership they often have to rely on support from ‘higher’ levels of governance. [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.4105]
69.3542 WUTTKE, Alexander —
Witnessing the ongoing “credibility revolutions” in other disciplines, political science should also engage in meta-scientific introspection. Theoretically, this commentary describes why scientists in academia's current incentive system work against their self-interest if they prioritize research credibility. Empirically, a comprehensive review of meta-scientific research with a focus on quantitative political science demonstrates that threats to the credibility of political science findings are systematic and real. Yet, the review also shows the discipline's recent progress toward more credible research. The commentary proposes specific institutional changes to better align individual researcher rationality with the collective good of verifiable, robust, and valid scientific results. [R]
69.3543 YAKTER, Alon —
The current consensus among comparative political scientists postulates that diverse democracies redistribute less than homogeneous ones. However, whereas homogeneous democracies redistribute more on average, diverse democracies exhibit high variation in redistributive outcomes. Why does ascriptive heterogeneity stifle redistribution in some cases but not in others? It is argued that diversity undermines redistributive outcomes when identity groups differ more starkly in their income levels. More importantly, under these conditions, the policy outcomes are not uniform: rather than general cutbacks, richer groups selectively under-prioritize benefits and access for poorer, minority-heavy groups while keeping their own redistributive interests protected. [R,abr.]
69.3544 YAZICI, Emir —
Do nationalist political parties violate human rights more than others or are they the protectors of their people's rights when they are in power? I argue that nationalist political actors have the duty of protecting national unity at any cost and prioritizing national interests over any other concerns. These goals jeopardize certain types of human rights. In contrast to the view that civic nationalism can be more benign compared with ethnic nationalism, I argue that they both have similar effects on human rights. However, democratic institutions can tame nationalism and limit its effects on human rights. I test my theory by using a large-N sample including forty-nine countries between 1981 and 2011, and supplement my findings with a short case study. The findings show that nationalism has negative effects on certain types of human rights only in partial democracies. [R,abr.]
69.3545 YODER, Brandon K. —
Both advocates and opponents of retrenchment have treated it as an undesirable, last-ditch strategy for states that have already experienced severe decline. This article presents a formal model that identifies an unrecognized benefit of retrenchment: It can provide declining states with valuable information about rising states’ future intentions. By removing constraints over the behavior of rising states in a particular region, a declining state can induce hostile risers to attempt revision of the regional order. This, in turn, makes a riser's cooperative behavior more credible as a signal of benign intentions, allowing the decliner to oppose hostile types while accommodating benign ones. This article suggests that the informational benefits of retrenchment are greatest when it is undertaken early, from a position of strength. [R,abr.]
69.3546 YOUDE, Jeremy —
Global philanthropy is a significant source of financial resources in contemporary international relations, and it has provoked intense debates about the appropriateness of involving private foundations in global policymaking. Despite these facts, IR as a discipline has shown remarkably little reference to philanthropy as an important and relevant actor in global politics. I make the case for explicitly incorporating philanthropy into international relations analyses. Drawing on both historical examples and contemporary cases from the global health space, I show how philanthropy exerts a unique and independent influence within international society and that it needs to be understood holistically rather than focusing solely on individual philanthropic organizations. I also discuss how this expanding influence raises serious questions about accountability and legitimacy. [R,abr.]
69.3547 YUE Xie; KANG Dai —
The competitive paradigms between structuralism and agentialism sustained in the second half of the 20th c. while social science tries to explain social change and conflicts. The structuralist paradigm focused on the structural relations of society, politics and economy to answer the question on why great social change like social revolution would take place, while the agentialist one paid a central attention to actors to account for why men lodged collective action to change the reality making them grieved. During competition, structuralist or agentialist students criticized each other and defended their theoretical advantages over the other. However, this long-lasting debate promotes several leading scholars to recognize more about what the flaws exist in the current paradigms so that they could not do as well as they should in explaining social change. [R,abr.]
69.3548 ZANOCCO, Chad M.; JONES, Michael D. —
Cultural theory (CT) is often leveraged to explain policy preferences and risk-perceptions. While scholars often make claims regarding CT's relationship with political process preferences, these remain largely untested. This study explores the relationship between CT and individual preferences toward the process in which political decisions are made. Using national survey data (n = 900), we identify two political process preference dimensions in exploratory factor analysis: compromise and expediency. To operationalize CT, survey items from cultural cognition theory are formed into cultural measures. We use bivariate and multivar-iate analysis to explore key relationships. We find no relationship between expediency and cultural worldviews. This research suggests that CT is useful for understanding some, but not all, dimensions of political process preferences. [R,abr.]
69.3549 ZARAKOL, Ayse —
I argue that social hierarchies (as in the Hegelian master-slave dynamic) are very stable. They nevertheless allow for the simulation of recognition for “the master”, and also trap “the slave” in that role through stigmatization. Second, I make a historical argument about the state and its role in recognition struggles. The modern state is relatively unique in being tasked with solving the recognition problems of its citizens. At the same time, the modern state has to derive its own sovereignty from the recognition of those same citizens. There is an inherent tension between these two facts, which forces the modern state to turn increasingly outward for its own recognition. This is why “the master-slave dynamic” was increasingly projected onto the international stage from 19th c. onwards (along with the diffusion of the modern state model). [R,abr.] [See Abstr. 69.3307]
69.3550 ZEEMERING, Eric S. —
Citation data from the Web of Science database is used to assess the reach of the Canadian public administration literature outside Canada. The research analyzes citations of the journal Canadian Public Administration by calculating an external citation ratio to explore articles cited heavily domestically and abroad. Scholars around the globe look to Canada for insights on topics including accountability and the performance of various government reforms; but, the global public administration community can benefit from a more careful reading of what Canada can tell us about federalism, capacity for policy analysis, and government reform. The inquiry advances our understanding of how scholarship in Canadian public administration is influencing the global dialogue on governance and public management. [R,abr.] [[See Abstr. 69.3745]
69.3551 ZELIZER, Adam —
Theories of legislative committees, lobbying, and cue-taking assume information affects legislators’ support for policy alternatives. However, there is little direct, empirical evidence to support this foundational assumption about legislative behavior. This article reports results from a field experiment in which state legislators were randomly assigned to receive policy research about pending proposals. Results show that policy information increased aggregate co-sponsorship by 60% above baseline rates. For one bill covered critically, information diminished co-sponsorship and roll-call voting support. Results are broadly consistent with information-signaling models’ predictions about the importance of information to position-taking. [R]
69.3552 ZINGHER, Joshua N.; FLYNN, Michael E. —
We focus on how individuals’ level of political sophistication conditions how they respond to growing elite polarization. The party coalitions in the electorate have become increasingly ideologically sorted. We assess whether all citizens have sorted into the ideologically “correct” partisan camp or whether this phenomenon is limited only to the highly sophisticated. Using a combination of ANES and DW-NOMINATE data we show that individuals of all sophistication levels have become more likely to identify with and vote for the party that best matches their policy orientations as a function of increasing elite-level polarization. Our findings suggest that the effects of increasing polarization are felt throughout the electorate. [R]
69.3553 ZUAZU, Izaskun —
The theoretical and empirical sides of democracy-growth literature fail to offer a consensus on the impact of democracy on growth. This paper provides a disaggregated manufacturing approach that reveals different effects of democracy across industries within countries. I surmise that the interplay between democracy and technological development is crucial to the economic performance of industries. A panel dataset of 61 manufacturing industries from 72 countries between 1990 and 2010 is employed, along with a wide variety of democracy measures. The results point to a technologically-conditioned effect of democracy. [R,abr.]
69.3554
Articles by Michael D. JONES, “Advancing the narrative policy framework? The musings of a potentially unreliable narrator”, pp. 724-746; Melissa K. MERRY, “Narrative strategies in the gun policy debate: exploring proximity and social construction”, pp. 747-770; Claire McMORRIS, Chad ZANOCCO, Michael JONES, “Policy narratives and policy outcomes: an NPF examination of Oregon's ballot measure 97”, pp. 771-797; Madeline GOTTLIEB, Ernst BERTONE OEHNINGER, Gwen ARNOLD, “‘No fracking way’ vs. ‘drill baby drill': a reconstruction of who is pitted against whom in the narrative policy framework”, pp. 798-827; Holly L. PETERSON, “Political information has bright colors: narrative attention theory”, pp. 828-842; Andrea LAWLOR, “Risk-based policy narratives”, pp. 843-867; Mark K. McBETH, Donna L. LYBECKER, “The narrative policy framework, agendas, and sanctuary cities: the construction of public problem”, pp. 868-893; Aaron SMITH-WALTER, “Victims of health-care reform: Hirschman's rhetoric of reaction in the shadow of federalism”, pp. 894-921; Elizabeth A. SHANAHAN, Kate A. FRENCH, Jaimie McEVOY, “Bounded stories”, pp. 922-948; Kellee J. KIRKPAT-RICK, James W. STOUTENBOROUGH, “Strategy, narratives, and reading the public: developing a micro-level theory of political strategies within the narrative policy framework”, pp. 949-977; Chad ZANOCCO, Geoboo SONG, Michael JONES, “Fracking bad guys: the role of narrative character affect in shaping hydraulic fracturing policy preferences”, pp. 978-999.
69.3555
Articles by Pol BARGUÉS-PEDRENY, “From critique to affirmation in International Relations”, pp. 1-11; Gideon BAKER, “Critique, use and world in Giorgio Agamben's genealogy of government”, pp. 12-25; David CHANDLER, “The transvaluation of critique in the Anthropocene”, pp. 26-44; Pol BARGUÉS-PEDRENY, Jessica SCHMIDT, “Learning to be postmodern in an all too modern world: ‘whatever action’ in international climate change imaginaries”, pp. 45-65; Mario SCHMIDT, Kai KODDENBROCK, “Against understanding: the techniques of shock and awe in Jesuit theology neoliberal thought and Timothy Morton's philosophy of hyperobjects”, pp. 66-81; Doerthe ROSENOW, “Decolonising the decolonisers? Of ontological encounters in the GMO controversy and beyond”, pp. 82-99; Joe HOOVER, “Developing a Situationist Global Justice Theory: From an Architectonic to a consummatory approach”, pp. 100-120; Peter FINKENBUSCH, “On the road to affirmation: facilitating urban resilience in the Americas”, pp. 121-136. Conclusion by Suvi ALT, “Critique and the politics of affirmation in International Relations”, pp. 137-145.
69.3556
Articles by Simon GEWÖLB; Tilman PAPESCH; Felix VOLKMAR; Kristin HUBER; Rabea NIGGEMEYER.
69.3557
Articles by Paul Dragos ALIGICA, “Institutional design, social norms, and the feasibility issue”, pp. 1-22; Cristina BICCHIERI, Peter McNALLY, “Shrieking sirens: schemata, scripts, and social norms. how change occurs”, pp. 23-53; Daniel KELLY, Taylor DAVIES, “Social norms and human normative psychology”, pp. 54-76; Gerry MACKIE, “Social norms of coordination and cooperation”, pp. 77-100; Adam MORRIS, Fiery CUSHMAN, “A common framework for theories of norm compliance”, pp. 101-127; Ryan MULDOON, “Understanding norms and changing them”, pp. 128-148; Carol M. ROSE, “The equality norm meets the evolution of property in the law of ‘takings’”, pp. 149-172; David SHOEMAKER, “Cruel jokes and normative competence”, pp. 173-195; John THRASHER, “Evaluating bad norms”, pp. 196-216; Chad VAN SCHOELANDT, “Moral accountability and social norms”, pp. 217-236; Peter VANDERSCHRAAF, “Learning bargaining conventions”, pp. 237-263.