Abstract
70.1071 ABADA, Ifeanychukwu Michael ; NGWU, Elias Chukwuemeka —
The interface between corruption and governance has been widely discussed, with corruption generally acknowledged as leading to poor governance outcomes. The inter-section between the two is also generally believed to be a key driver of insecurity. This paper demonstrates that not only do corruption and bad governance drive conflict and insecurity, but that the latter often provide the cloaking for the perpetuation of corrupt and unaccountable governance. Using the Niger Delta militancy and the Boko Haran insurgency in South and Northeast Nigeria respectively as its units of analysis, the paper demonstrates the specific ways in which the activities of these uncivil society groupings led to the perpetration of large scale corruption and irresponsive governance in Nigeria during the period under study. [R]
70.1072 AFONSO, Alexandre —
South European labor markets have gone through a substantial level of downward adjustment in wages (internal devaluation) and liberalization in the aftermath of the Eurozone crisis. Yet, there have been differences in the extent of change between Greece, Portugal, Spain and Italy. These differences cannot be explained by the size of the economic crisis alone. While existing analyses focus on the extent of external pressure or party ideologies, this article focuses on the pre-existing level of regulation by the state as opposed to regulation by social partners. It shows that devaluation and liberalization were the most extensive in countries where governments possessed more tools to force down wages (statutory job protection, state regulations of collective bargaining, minimum wages), sometimes even against the will of employers. [R, abr.]
70.1073 AHLBURG, Dennis A. —
The British government is encouraging the growth of for-profit alternative providers of higher education (HE). While it is true that for-profits have opened HE access to previously under-served groups and have been more agile in reacting to market demand, they have done so at a considerable cost to students and the taxpayer because they do not share in the cost of the failure of HE to ensure a payoff for many of their students. The US experience with for-profits should be a cautionary tale for those supporting their expansion in Britain. Policy is needed to craft a regulatory framework that produces the benefits that for-profits can provide, but minimizes the costs that often accompany them. At present, it is far from clear that expanding alternative providers — that is, for-profits — would “work better”‘ for students. [R]
70.1074 AHMED, Bilal —
This paper examines how human security is being threatened by climate change in Pakistan. A continuous decline of natural resources and agricultural products is affecting our national security by disturbing our relationship with neighboring countries and augmenting ethnonationalism. The marginalization of masses amidst economic disparity will adversely affect Pakistan as climate change will inhibit the state’s capability to govern. This study of urbanization and agricultural disputes under elitist control over natural resources reveals how the marginalization of masses is threatening the legitimacy of the state. Climate change threatens to widen the disparity between rural and urban life and agricultural and industrial sectors. [R, abr.]
70.1075 AHONEN, Talvikki —
This article examines the relation of political and religious spheres in the Finnish society in the light of media coverage of the Finnish church asylum movement. Church asylum is a practice that Christian parishes have utilized to prevent inhumane or possibly illegal deportations. The data of article consists of media articles from two different periods. A comparative research design allows the investigation of the different societal contexts and possible changes in the church-state-relations within the researched time spans. The data was analyzed using argumentation analysis, and it was divided into four argumentative categories. The observed categories were arguments on (1) relations among authorities, (2) law and ethics, (3) security, and (4) religion. [R, abr.]
70.1076 ALJUKOV, Maksim —
The ease with which the anti-Maidan rebels succeeded in proclaiming the “People’s Republic of Donetsk” in 2014 is impossible to explain without taking into account the previous collapse of the Party of the Regions. As a result, the state structures in the Donbas region had become paralyzed. Building up new quasi-state structures proved more difficult. Ultimately, the “People’s Republic” regime was able to survive only by being propped up militarily, politically and economically by Russia. As a result, the “People’s Republic of Donetsk” is by now entirely subservient to the Kremlin. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1148]
70.1077 ALUEDE, Jackson A. —
The article interrogates the nexus between geography, Islamic fundamentalism and borders, in an analysis of the terrorist activities of Boko Haram in the Lake Chad region. The paper establishes that geography has influenced the history of the peoples in the borderlands since the pre-colonial period and continues to do so. Furthermore, it affirms that the spread of Islamic fundamentalism from North Africa, which is partly due to the geographical propinquity and the porous nature of the borders of the states that share a boundary with Nigeria, has contributed to the expansion of terrorism in the borderlands. The findings reveal that the precarious nature of the borders of states in the Lake Chad region enables the Boko Haram terrorist organization to receive arms, ammunition and financial support from North Africa. [R, abr.]
70.1078 AMERY, Fran —
Over the past decade, resilience has emerged as a key priority linking disparate areas of British policy. Yet research to date has focused heavily on resilience as a dimension of international development and security agendas. This article maps the movement of resilience into British social policy. It finds that, as in other areas of policy, resilience in social policy functions to depoliticize, placing the structural determinants of gender, racial, and other inequalities beyond the reach of policymakers. Yet, in a departure from academic accounts of resilience, in social policy, resilience appears to play another role: that of regulating social deviance. [R]
70.1079 AMPARO ALVES, Jaime —
What is the role of policing within urban contexts marked by economic dispossession, crime, and gang violence? This article grapples with this question by examining both policing practices and the strategies of resistance embraced by residents of El Guayacán, a predominantly black neighborhood in the outskirts of Cali, Colombia. I argue that policing is not only about repression but also about enforcing spatial-racial boundaries and administering social death. On the one hand, targeting black bodies and black places as the problem of urban security provides police a spatial fix (to borrow from critical geographers) for broad anxieties around crime. On the other hand, the discursive and material production of unruly bodies and ungovernable spaces justifies state disinvestment, social abandonment, and police aggression against racialized others. [R]
70.1080 ANDERSON, Sarah E., et al. —
Central governments face compliance problems when they rely on local governments to implement policy. In a national-scale, randomized field experiment in China, we test whether a public, non-governmental rating of municipal governments’ compliance with central mandates to disclose information about the management of pollution increased compliance. We find significant and positive treatment effects on compliance after only one year that persist with reinforcement into a second posttreatment year. The public rating appears to decrease the costs of monitoring compliance for the central government without increasing public and media attention to pollution, highlighting when this mode of governance is likely to emerge. These results reveal important roles that nonstate actors can play in enhancing the accountability of local governments in authoritarian political systems. [R, abr.]
70.1081 ARÉVALO BENCARDINO, Julián ; ORTIZ ESCOBAR, David A. ; GARCÍA ALBARRACÍN, Andrea —
Despite the ambitious reforms executed from the 1980s aimed at increasing the political, fiscal and administrative independence of Colombia’s sub-national entities (municipalities and departments), there has been a reversal in the decentralization process in the country that manifests itself most clearly in the fiscal area. In addition to redesign the fiscal structure in order to empower municipalities and departments, the country can address this decentralization crisis by considering two sets of policy actions: (1) the implementation of the notion of “territorial peace”, emphasizing bottom-up initiatives as well as citizen’s participation in the development of the reforms and policies. The second relates to the rethinking of the territorial organization of Colombia, as it requires a differentiated approach according to the conditions and realities of the territorial entities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.354]
70.1082 BALF, Noa —
The Oslo peace process has effectively stalled and failed. I show that by positioning the Oslo process and any political and civic forces involved with it as tainted by irrational and emotional weakness, neo-conservative figures and institutions within Israel have successfully argued for a hyper-masculinized Israeli security paradigm. In this configuration, the process of cooperation and the acknowledgement of Palestinian claims are viewed as weak and reprehensible, while aggressive military strategies, deterrence, and the demand for unequivocal Palestinian acceptance of Israel’s terms are perceived as rational and responsible actions that protect Israeli interests. By conflating security with the state, Israeli political leaders perpetuate the conflict rather than resolve it. [R]
70.1083 BARGSTED, Matías Andrés ; DE LA CERDA, Nicolás —
This article analyzes how religious orientations and ideological preferences have coevolved in Chilean society between 1998 and 2014. On the basis of the premise that people experience religion heterogeneously, we develop four hypotheses that describe possible changes in the association between these two variables. Using data from yearly national probability surveys and multinomial regression models, we observe a general process of political “dealignment,” whereby the proportion of the population, religious and irreligious, that ceases to identify with ideological positions strongly increases. Second, the magnitude of this dealignment is moderated by religious denomination and frequency of church attendance. Irreligious people have ceased to identify with ideological positions at higher rates than Evangelicals and Catholics, whereas frequently attending Catholics have become more reluctant than nonattending Catholics to abandon their traditional right-wing preferences. [R, abr.]
70.1084 BASTIAENS, Ida ; TIRONE, Daniel C. —
How do remittances affect democratization in developing countries? We reconcile divergent findings in the literature by examining the effect of remittances on procedural and liberal democracy in developing countries at various stages of their democratic development. Remittances are primarily sent to middle-class individuals and bypass government control. Yet, governments in countries receiving remittances want to tax this remittance income. Government officials therefore need to incentivize participation of the middle class in the formal economy by reducing the threat of expropriation. Improving procedural democracy, which assures citizens of improved property and rule of law protections, is one way to accomplish this. We argue that this relationship should only be present in mixed regime types, with the democratizing effect of remittances waning as the country’s level of democracy or autocracy strengthens. [R, abr.]
70.1085 BAUER, Michael W. ; BECKER, Stefan —
What is the discipline of Public Administration (PA) ultimately for? The German community has recently entered new deliberations on this recurrent question, with several papers and workshops addressing the present and future of their national discipline. This article uses original survey data to introduce the views of the German community at large and analyzes intellectual commonalities against a background of institutional fragmentation. It scrutinizes preferences for epistemological positions, research aims, and publication strategies, while also investigating potentials for cooperation through interdisciplinary exchange and theoretical or thematic concordance. [R, abr.]
70.1086 BILLING, Trey —
Although countries throughout the developing world continue to increase their number of subnational administrative units, the consequences of administrative unit creation remain poorly understood. This paper argues that newly created administrative units face relative difficulty generating resources and staffing a full and competent bureaucracy, and as a result, are less capable of providing public goods to their constituencies. These challenges to administrative capacity are less consequential within mother units that were carved apart to create new splinter units and are entirely absent in nonsplitting units. Proxying the local provision of public goods with a measure of nighttime light intensity in Burkina Faso, the findings indicate that the public goods provision in newly created splinter provinces dropped significantly relative to prefragmentation levels, while other administrative units remained largely unaffected. [R]
70.1087 BLOUIN, Arthur ; MUKAND, Sharun W. —
This paper examines whether propaganda broadcast over radio helped to change interethnic attitudes in post-genocide Rwanda. We exploit variation in exposure to the government’s radio propaganda due to the mountainous topography of Rwanda. Results of lab-in-the-field experiments show that individuals exposed to government propaganda have lower salience of ethnicity, have increased interethnic trust, and show more willingness to interact face-to-face with members of another ethnic group. Our results suggest that the observed improvement in interethnic behavior is not cosmetic and reflects a deeper change in interethnic attitudes. [R, abr.]
70.1088 BOONE, Catherine, et al. —
The article argues that implementing Kenya’s land law reforms in the 2012-2016 period illustrates [the dilemma of] “institutional fix” strategies, [when] new institutions are embedded in existing state structures and power relations. In Kenya, democratic structures and the 2010 constitutional devolution of power to county governments created a complex institutional playing field, the contours of which shaped the course of reform. Diverse actors in both administrative and representative institutions of the state, at both the national and county levels, were empowered as “veto-players” whose consent and cooperation was required to realize the reform mandate. An analysis of land administration reform in eight Kenyan counties shows how veto-players were able to slow or curtail the implementation of the new land laws. [R, abr.]
70.1089 BÖRZEL, Tanja A. ; RISSE, Thomas —
This contribution re-engages grand theories of integration that have been developed with the European experience in mind. We ask to what extent these theories travel beyond Europe. Standard integration theories, such as neo-functionalism or liberal intergovernmentalism, privilege economic interdependence as a key driver of regional integration. We map intraregional trade as a proxy of economic interdependence against the density and strength of regionalism in major world regions demonstrating that there is little correlation. We then develop our own comparative regionalist account encompassing three building blocks: first, functional demands for regionalism stemming mainly from security interdependence and the quest for regime stability; second, the supply of regional integration through elite efforts at regional identity construction resonating with mass public opinion; and, last not least, the diffusion of institutional designs across regions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.825]
70.1090 BOWNAS, Richard ; BISHOKARMA, Ratna —
This article examines the aftermath of the Nepal earthquakes of 2015 with special reference to their impact on marginalized communities, in particular Dalit or “Untouchable” communities in Sindhupalchok District, one of the worst affected districts of Nepal. The earthquakes not only took thousands of lives and destroyed property and livelihoods, but their aftermath has revealed the webs of power that shape and limit the opportunities of different communities. Referencing the theoretical approach to access pioneered by [J. Ribot, N. Peluso. “A theory of access”, Rural Sociology 68(2), 2003: 153-181] the article proceeds to analyze the relative “winners and losers” from the reconstruction process, finding a mixed picture of opportunities and barriers facing the most marginalized communities in the district. [R]
70.1091 BRADLEY, Samantha —
This article investigates why some states in the Asia Pacific have retained capital punishment, while others have abolished it, either de facto or de jure. In contrast to existing theories, it is theorized that governments conduct cost-benefit calculations considering both domestic support and international pressure for abolition, then formulate their death penalty policy based on the lowest cost scenario. This theory is tested by applying controlled comparison and process tracing analysis to three cases: Cambodia, South Korea, and Indonesia. These case studies demonstrate that pressures from domestic and international political audiences are determinative in states’ decision-making processes regarding capital punishment. [R]
70.1092 BRAVIN, Hélène —
La Libye post-Kadhafi est à nouveau en crise avec l’offensive du maréchal Haftar vers Tripoli. Le pays est divisé entre des acteurs préférant des solutions militaires à des discussions politiques. De fait, l’impasse est totale tant que les protagonistes s’affronteront pour défendre leurs propres intérêts, au détriment d’une négociation globale. [R]
70.1093 CAGLIERO, Sara ; BIGLIA, Barbara —
University campus is not a violence-free space; therefore, how do universities deal with this problem? This research note presents the results of a critical analysis of prevention and action protocols against sexual violence in Catalan public universities. Particular attention is given to the potentialities and shortcomings of such measures. The first section introduces the research that serves as a framework of this study. namely the European project “Universities Supporting Victims of Sexual Violence: Training for Sustainable Services (USVReact)”, as well as the methodology used. Next, we focus our attention on the legislation in which university policies on sexual and gender violence are grounded. Finally, we present the results of our analysis of the protocols. [R, abr.]
70.1094 CAIRO, Heriberto ; RÍOS, Jerónimo —
One of the reflections that best characterizes the Peace Agreement signed between the Colombian Government and the FARC guerrilla group in November 2016 is perhaps that peace must be given a territorial approach in order to make it stable and long-lasting it. However, what does territorial peace mean? Through the analysis of the discourse of some protagonists directly involved in the Agreement, this work shows that there are different ways of understanding the scope and meaning of territorial peace in Colombia, depending on the actor that interprets it. Accordingly, territorial peace spans from an approach close to the most radical and comprehensive democracy, to one according to which the Agreement entails a free transfer of power for the FARC. [R, abr.]
70.1095 CANTÚ, Francisco —
This paper investigates the opportunities for non-democratic regimes to rely on fraud by documenting the alteration of vote tallies during the 1988 presidential election in Mexico. In particular, I study how the alteration of vote returns came after an electoral reform that centralized the votecounting process. Using an original image database of the vote-tally sheets for that election and applying Convolutional Neural Networks (CNN) to analyze the sheets, I find evidence of blatant alterations in about a third of the tallies in the country. This empirical analysis shows that altered tallies were more prevalent in polling stations where the opposition was not present and in states controlled by governors with grassroots experience of managing the electoral operation. [R, abr.]
70.1096 CAREY, John Michael —
Conspiracy theories are central to political discourse in Venezuela and are widely supported. In the Americas Barometer Venezuela survey from 2016 to 2017, 54 percent of respondents expressed agreement for at least one of three political conspiracy narratives unsupported by evidence. Political loyalties to Chavismo or to the anti-Chavista opposition drive much conspiracy theory belief, but not all. Politically motivated reasoning pushes some citizens toward a given conspiracy narrative but others away. Other factors that are distinct from political loyalties, including low education levels, predispositions toward Manichaeanism and fatalism, and belief in the supernatural are associated with conspiracism. This article presents new data on conspiracy theory beliefs in Venezuela as well as analysis of its individual-level correlates, then discusses how the current Venezuelan political environment fosters conspiracy and what changes might mitigate this phenomenon. [R]
70.1097 CASADO, Pablo —
Política exterior 189, May-June 2019 : online.
This article argues that the populist threat challenges the consolidation of the EU as a space of coexistence based on freedom, safety and prosperity, and that Spain is called to be protagonist in this process. This article highlights the success of the project in terms of what it has meant to the development of the individual and the progress of the nations but also investigates the current critical moment in which the EU finds itself; the author focuses on its political dimension, defined by the surge in populist movements. He suggests ways to provide certainties to the population so that each individual can lead his own life, all the while maintaining Spain’s presence in this process.
70.1098 ĆETKOVIĆ, Stefan ; SKJAERSETH, Jon Birger —
Recent scholarship has argued that effective and credible national climate policy mixes should encompass measures that promote new lowcarbon technologies alongside those instruments aimed at constraining and phasing out support for existing polluting industries. The creative and disruptive policy measures in Norway´s climate policy mix are analyzed by focusing on both national and international climate mitigation efforts. Norway´s climate policy mix at home has been more ambitious in the transport sector with a growing electric vehicle market than in the energy sector where niche support and disruptive policies have remained weak. Abroad, Norway has been increasingly active in supporting new low-carbon technologies and disrupting the fossil-fuel industry, especially coal. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.529]
70.1099 CETRÀ, Daniel ; HARVEY, Malcolm —
This article examines why the UK Government accepted the 2014 Scottish independence referendum while the Spanish Government opposes a similar referendum in Catalonia. Adopting a most similar research design, we argue that the variation is best explained by perceived political opportunities by the two ruling parties. These are embedded in different conceptions of the state and constitutional designs, mostly mononational in Spain and mostly plurinational in the UK but multiple and contested in both cases. In Spain, vote-seeking calculations incentivize the Popular Party to oppose a referendum, while its mononational conception of the state and the Spanish constitutional design provide a further constraint and a discursive justification for their position. In the UK, David Cameron’s accommodating position was based on the view that the Scottish referendum was low risk — as support for independence was minimal — with a high reward: the annihilation of the independence demand. [R, abr.]
70.1100 CHALLBORN, Margot R. ; HARDER, Lois —
Drawing on the marriage and migration literature, theorizations of sexual citizenship, and critical multiculturalism, we explore recent judicial considerations of consummation in Canadian family sponsorship adjudications. We searched the CanLII database (a Canadian database of legislation and judicial records) for the keywords “non-consummation” and “genuine marriage” and identified 68 cases. Of these cases, three primary themes emerged: the use of consummation as a “technology of love” — a requirement for assessing the authenticity of the spousal relationship and hence the worthiness of sponsorship; the discursive construction of sexual and gendered norms in expectations around marital intimacy, and the articulation of liberal tolerance and the cultural other in the assessments of genuine marriages among primarily racialized Canadians or permanent residents and their foreign spouses. [R, abr.]
70.1101 CHISADZA, Carolyn ; BITTENCOURT, Manoel —
Previous empirical literature focuses on income per capita as a measure for economic development. Using S. M. Lipset’s modernization hypothesis [“Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy”, American Political Science Review 53(1), March 1959: 69-105; Abstr. 9.744] as our theoretical framework, we contend that this measure does not capture the fundamental quality of economic development and as such may disadvantage low income regions when conducting empirical analysis. Our initial results using income per capita highlight this, showing a negative relationship between income per capita and democracy for sub-Saharan Africa between 1960 and 2010. However when we create a composite measure for economic development by employing the principle component analysis on the indicators that are suggested by Lipset, we obtain positive and significant results for democracy. [R, abr.]
70.1102 CHMELAR, Kristina —
Within Europe, the Czechs are among those holding the most negative attitudes towards immigration. In the context of the so-called refugee crisis, these negative attitudes have often developed into outright hostility. Such stances have not only been part of public discourse, but they have also been put forward by political elites. This paper analyses the following: on the one hand, it discusses the conditions of the Czech antiimmigration attitudes. On the other hand, it studies the functional logics of the main parts of the country’s migration discourse. The central argument is that Czech hostility towards immigration is conditioned by the hegemony of a "closed regime of culturalization" (Reckwitz). [R, abr.]
70.1103 CHRISTOPHER, A. J. —
In the 19th c., censuses were instituted throughout the British Empire, obtaining an inventory of the characteristics and skills of the population. They generally included a question on nationality. During the 20th c., a common British nationality gave way to individual national state citizenships. Some attempts were made to maintain a Commonwealth link, but by the 21st c. any sense of an overarching Commonwealth identity had been lost. Furthermore, even in the remaining overseas territories and dependencies local residency status replaced a common British citizenship. The introduction of a national identity question further indicated the decline in identification as “British”. [R]
70.1104 COGGIO, Tessa ; GUSTAFSON, Thane —
This article considers Germany’s contentious exit from brown coal (lignite), now set for 2038. While greener alternatives, such as wind, solar, or natural gas have been reducing coal’s standing in Germany’s energy mix for years, coal proponents, backed by special interests, have pushed back at all levels of government. With a focus on the politics of coal during the 2017 parliamentary elections, the tedious months of coalition negotiations and the work of the coal committee since summer 2018, we explore how policymakers try to reconcile competing interests at the federal state, local, as well as international levels. [R]
70.1105 COGLEY, Nathaniel Terence ; DOCES, John Andrew ; WHITAKER, Beth Elise —
Experimental studies on immigration attitudes have been conducted overwhelmingly in Western countries and have focused on immigrant admission and naturalization, neglecting deportation as a possible outcome. In a survey experiment in Côte d’Ivoire, where immigrants represent more than one-tenth of the population, we randomized attributes of hypothetical immigrants to determine which factors influenced respondents’ support for naturalization or deportation compared with staying in the country without citizenship. Support for naturalization was shaped by several expected economic and social attributes, while deportation preferences were influenced primarily by the immigrant’s legal status and level of savings. Cultural proximity produced mixed results, with respondents less likely to support the naturalization of immigrants from neighboring African countries but also less likely to deport immigrants with whom they shared a religious faith. [R, abr.]
70.1106 COLOMINA, Carme —
Two opposing visions of Europe will confront one another between the 23rd and the 26th of May to impose their rationales: those who want a reform to guarantee a better political integration and those who defend the renationalization of competencies in favor of a Union that serves the capitals and national interests. This article argues that the EU is experiencing an internal democratic involution characterized by social and political cohesion; the two ideological families that defined the European political and social model (the Christian and social democracies) are currently in the midst of identity crises, and the EU still doesn’t know how to combat this issue. However, the author argues that the European elections should not appear solely as a divider between Euroskeptics and Europhiles.
70.1107 CRENZEL, Emilio —
The last military dictatorship in Argentina was characterized by gross and systematic human rights violations. After the restoration of democracy in 1983, President Raúl Alfonsín put the military juntas on trial. Criminal prosecution of the abuses was later halted through laws and decrees. In 2003, under the Néstor Kirchner administration, the trials were resumed and some of the sentences incorporated the idea that the crimes had been committed in the framework of genocide. This article reconstructs the history of the uses and re-significations, furthered by local and transnational actors, of the category of genocide and the ways in which it was incorporated to characterize the crimes committed by the Argentine dictatorship. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.1166]
70.1108 DARGENT, Eduardo ; URTEAGA, Madai —
Regulation concerning GM crops around the world range from total prohibition to full openness and state-wide promotion. The Andean countries in Latin America provide an interesting setting to analyze the possible causes for this variation. Despite having similar conditions to plant GM crops, Colombia and Bolivia allow GM crop cultivation, while Ecuador and Peru do not. Interestingly, Evo Morales, Bolivia’s leftist president, could not ban GM crop production, and Alan Garcia (2006-2011) in Peru, despite his pro-GM stance, failed to adopt a permissive regulation. We argue that two factors explain these divergent outcomes regarding GM seed sowing and reform efforts in Andean countries: (1) the time in which regulatory measures were attempted, and (2) the quick structural change that GM seeds generate once introduced into a country. [R]
70.1109 DAZI-HÉNI, Fatiha —
Les pays du Golfe sont présents et actifs dans certains États du pourtour méditerranéen. Cette pénétration s’appuie sur l’Islam et les financements. Mais les efforts se font de façon dispersée, répondant à des objectifs nationaux et s’inscrivant dans un contexte de rivalité entre États du Golfe voulant se constituer une clientèle. [R]
70.1110 DE VISSER, Maartje ; BUI Ngoc Son —
How have Asian nations conducted, or how are they conducting, constitution-making in the face of pressures associated with globalization, and how do they balance those forces with domestic interests and realities? This article develops an analytical framework that can capture this global-local interplay. It introduces the concept of “glocalized constitution-making” to denote the co-existence and relationship between the two governance levels as manifested in the forces, actors and norms pertaining to the process of drafting a new constitution as well as its substance. Glocalization permeates the entirety of a constitution-making episode, from the impetus to initiate the process, to its design and inclusiveness of interests featured, and the scope of topics considered. The effects of glocalized constitution-making for domestic drafters are arranged along a continuum with approbation and aversion as the polar opposites. [R, abr.]
70.1111 DE VRIES, Lotje ; MEHLER, Andreas —
Assumptions about the political economy of African states predominantly center on a dominant elite’s ability to stabilize power. A key assertion is that elites maintain clientelist networks of rents and redistribution and in turn extend their control over their respective territories by instrumentalizing disorder. We challenge the assumption that disorder plays such a functional role. Largely drawing on data and fieldwork from the Central African Republic, we demonstrate the profoundly unproductive consequences of disorder that tend to be overlooked through current approaches to the political economy of African countries. We investigate how disorder impacts three dimensions of effective politics of domination: a set of elite groups that structure power in society, a political economy that redistributes its benefits through formal and informal networks, and the existence of functional center-periphery ties across a territory. [R, abr.]
70.1112 DONKER, Teije H. —
How are the characteristics of state-religion relations defined? The following paper provides a critical response to the competition perspective in studies on secularization, secularism, and mobilized religion. It argues that actors differ in how religion and state should relate to public life, not the extent that they should be integral or separate from each other. This paper substantiates its argument by exploring how in Tunisia — in a context of revolutionary, social and political instability — a variety of positions were articulated regarding the preferred position of Islam in relation to, first, national identity and, second, state authority. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.1147]
70.1113 DRAPER, John, et al. —
This article quantitatively investigates racial “othering” in Thailand by using available World Values Survey proxies. We review racial “othering” in Thailand through inter-group threat theory. We investigate the proportion of Thais who are racially and/or ethnically prejudiced, the number of Thais who are racially and/or ethnically prejudiced compared with other countries’ citizens, whether Thais have become more racially and/or ethnically prejudiced from 2007 to 2013, the extent to which Thais are religiously discriminatory compared with other countries’ citizens, and whether Thais became more religiously discriminatory from 2007 to 2013. We find relatively high levels of racial prejudice by Thais. [R]
70.1114 DREIER, Sarah K. ; LAKE, Milli —
How do personal encounters with legal institutions shape citizens’ confidence in those institutions throughout sub-Saharan Africa? Using Afrobarometer’s cross-national citizen survey, we show that negative first-hand experiences with government courts and police erode citizens’ trust in those state institutions but do not tend to disrupt citizens’ perceptions of their authority to arbitrate or enforce the law. Individuals from diverse demographic backgrounds imbue state institutions with the right to perform their governance and law-enforcement duties, even after experiencing institutional incompetence or injustice. This article advances existing comparative research on legal institutions, which tends to conflate trust and legitimacy and overlooks the distinction between de facto performance and de jure authority. [R, abr.]
70.1115 DUFOURCQ, Jean —
Le Maghreb est complexe et fracturé, alors qu’il dispose d’un potentiel remarquable constituant un atout pour l’espace méditerranéen, tant pour le Sud que le Nord avec la France comme un partenaire privilégié et respectueux des dynamiques en cours. [R]
70.1116 DURKOT, Juri, et al. —
The election of Volodymyr Zelensky as the new president of Ukraine marks a watershed. Not only the margin of his victory over the incumbent President Petro Poroshenko on 21 April 2019, but also the circumstances in which it occurred, are striking. The newly elected president conducted his campaign almost solely via social media. As a “man without qualities”, Zelensky offered the perfect projection screen for a wide range of voters’ wishes. At the same time, traditional elements of political culture and institutional peculiarities in Ukraine continue to have an impact. The implications of Zelensky’s presidency for domestic and foreign policy, the question of whether he can develop his own room for maneuver in order to bring an end to the war in eastern Ukraine, and the extent of progress with regard to Ukrainian nation-building are analyzed. [R, abr.]
70.1117 DUROCHER, Dominic —
Nous examinons le rôle des partis politiques de gauche sur la fixation du salaire minimum. Comme prédit par la théorie des ressources du pouvoir, les partis de gauche devraient encourager l’augmentation du salaire minimum. Nous postulons toutefois que cet effet diffère selon le niveau de corporatisme. Plus particulièrement, nous pensons que l’effet des partis politiques de gauche devrait être plus faible sous des niveaux de corporatisme élevés puisque les partenaires sociaux sont davantage consultés et que les gouvernements ont tendance à leur déléguer la régulation des salaires. Nos résultats confirment ces hypothèses. Ils indiquent que le salaire minimum tend à augmenter lorsque les gouvernements sont davantage à gauche idéologiquement et que cette relation est plus forte lorsque le degré de corporatisme est faible. [R, abr.]
70.1118 EASTON, Malcolm R. ; SIVERSON, Randolph M. —
Drawing upon earlier research on the post failed coup survival of political leaders, we offer an ex ante in sample estimate of the likely political survival of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan following the fail coup of 2016. Depending on the assumption made about when he entered office, we conclude that his tenure is likely to endure until 2026, a result that was reached before his recent call for a snap election and its implications. We conclude with a brief discussion of the policy implications of President Erdogan’s likely length of tenure. [R]
70.1119 ENGLERT, Franziska ; SCHAUB-ENGLER, Jonathan —
The revolutionary Bolivian Constitution of 2009 is among the first to offer ways of establishing indigenous territorial autonomies as a form of substate territorial authority. Given the legal framework and the fact that three indigenous territorial autonomies (AIOCs) were officially created, Bolivia can be seen as the country with the most advanced conceptualization of indigenous territorial autonomies in Latin America. A closer look at the legal, cultural and administrative realities in Bolivia, however, reveals a different picture. We argue that the Bolivian States’ selfimposed objective of overcoming colonialism and establishing plurinationality through AIOCs is not fulfilled. While some of the perplexities identified in Bolivia are clearly related to the MAS’ political party interests, others have a conceptual and more abstract nature rooted in the contradiction of overcoming colonialism through the State. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.354]
70.1120 EPPERLY, Brad ; SIEVERT, Jacqueline —
Many argue that during conflict, executive power expands at the expense of the judiciary and civil liberties. Although this is a common conjecture, no systematic study of conflict and judicial independence exists. We argue that conflict, rather than strictly inhibiting independence, is instead a critical juncture that increases the possibility of institutional change, either positive or negative. We assess this claim in three ways: crossnational analyses of (1) de facto and (2) de jure judicial independence after the onset of conflict, and (3) a case study of statutory and jurisdictional changes to the federal judiciary after the outbreak of the US Civil War. [R, abr.]
70.1121 ETCHEMENDY, Sebastián —
Argentina and Uruguay are the only democracies in Latin America (among few in the world) that have developed sustained, state-oriented national and sectoral wage-bargaining between employers and unions after 2005. The article defines “segmented neo-corporatism” as a new form of centralized incomes policy in the region that applies to a substantial portion (i.e., registered workers), though not to all the labor force. Drawing on neo-corporatist theory, I explain, first, why only Argentina and Uruguay could consolidate a centralized, national wage policy in the context of the Latin American Left-Turn. Second, I test empirically the degree of state-oriented wage coordination. The study argues that monetary policy deterrence and higher levels of bargaining centralization largely explain the greater capacity of Uruguayan neo-corporatism to govern wage-setting compared with its Argentine counterpart. [R, abr.]
70.1122 FARAZMAND, Ali, et al. —
This study aims to examine the trends of public administration research in Iran during 2004-2017. A total of 520 articles from three databases have been reviewed and analyzed using content analysis. Results are reported based on research themes, purposes, orientations, methods, and authorship. Comparisons are made across two time spans and by journal type. Findings indicate that the focus of public administration research has been on issues of public administration, Islam and public administration, administrative performance, and organizational behavior in the public sector. Observations reveal that recent Iranian research studies have more explanatory purposes and often apply qualitative methods. [R, abr.]
70.1123 FAROOQ, Omar ; AKTARUZZAMAN, Khondker —
Using the data from Arab countries, this article shows that the odds of considering democracy to be consistent with Islam are higher for more religious respondents than that for less religious respondents. This article also shows that this result may be driven by two characteristics of religiosity: frequently reading the Holy Quran (the source of religion) and regularly praying. Our results show that the odds of considering democracy to be consistent with Islam are higher for respondents that read the Holy Quran frequently and for respondents that pray frequently. Our results also show that respondents with high trust in religious leadership or high preference for religious political parties do not show a negative attitude toward democracy. [R]
70.1124 FERRING, David ; HAUSERMANN, Heidi —
Following the 2008 global financial crisis, small-scale gold mining operations proliferated worldwide. Along Ghana’s Offin River, the landscape has been radically transformed by mining, including disruptions to agriculture and surface hydrology, with adverse health outcomes. Yet, health research on small-scale mining tends to focus on miners’ mercury exposure. Further, studies on the relationships between disease and landscape change typically examine disease clustering and risk factor identification, rather than complex nature-society dynamics shaping infection and uneven vulnerability. Combining ethnographic, remote sensing, and quantitative methodological approaches, we detail how the socioecological outcomes of mining — from food insecurity and water-logged pits to profound anxiety and mercury contamination — combine to increase local malaria incidence. We argue that these changes interact with existing socio-structural conditions and Plasmodium falciparum’s unique biological capacities to render women and children most vulnerable to the disease. [R, abr.]
70.1125 FLESKEN, Anaïd ; KUHN, Annegret —
Studies of public contentious action in response to mineral resourceextraction have rarely employed quantitative methods. In a highly disaggregated statistical analysis we examine local protest dynamics in Bolivia and argue for a political conditioning of the so-called resource curse. We find that mineral gas resources spark disputes over both extraction and rent redistribution at the local level, and that this relationship is especially pronounced where the population has highly heterogeneous political values and interests. In contrast, where the population is relatively united in their political views, significantly fewer protests occur. [R]
70.1126 FOX, Jonathan —
Political secularism is defined as “an ideology or set of beliefs advocating that religion ought to be separate from all or some aspects of politics or public life (or both)”. I argue that political secularists compete with religious political actors to influence government policy around the world. Yet this competition is complicated by many factors. The contributions to this symposium demonstrate that this is the case in their examination of secular-religious tensions and state-religion relations in Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Turkey, and Tunisia. These cases show that government religion policy evolves over time and is deeply influenced by secular-religious competition but that this competition is a complex one involving many other factors and influences. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1147]
70.1127 FÜNFGELD, Anna —
Large-scale infrastructural development schemes are currently experiencing a worldwide political revival. Beyond establishing physical connections over distance, enhancing trade relations, and enabling service delivery, such schemes also play a central role in the construction of political entities. For ASEAN, infrastructure development is crucial for the advancement of regional connectivity. Its Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity includes large-scale projects such as the trans-ASEAN highway, trans-regional power grids, and a regional gas pipeline network. Linking Henri Lefebvre’s conceptualization on the production of space with recent literature on the role of infrastructure imaginaries, this paper explores how the region’s future is envisioned in the Southeast Asian dream of connectivity. [R, abr.]
70.1128 GAILMARD, Sean —
In the colonial period of American history, the British Crown reviewed, and sometimes nullified, acts of colonial assemblies for “repugnancy to the laws of England.” In this way, Crown review established external, legal constraints on American legislatures. I present a formal model to argue that Crown legislative review counteracted political pressure on imperial governors from colonial assemblies, to approve laws contrary to the empire’s interests. Optimal review in the model combines both legal and substantive considerations. This gives governors the strongest incentive to avoid royal reprisal by vetoing laws the Crown considered undesirable. Thus, review of legislation for consistency with higher law helped the Crown to grapple with agency problems in imperial governance, and ultimately achieve more (but still incomplete) centralized control over policy. [R, abr.]
70.1129 GAUS, Nurdiana —
This article examines the oxymoronic issues regarding the role of the state in higher education under the implementation of New Public Management (NPM) advocated by neoliberal ideology. According to its proponents, NPM can increase success and productivity and, thus, foster more democratic governance. In this NPM-driven web of relationships, the central issue always lies in whether the state should play minimal or maximal roles via a set of performative measurements. This article analyzes this interaction and relationship between the state and higher education, taking Indonesia as an object of analysis. It contributes to a better understanding of the theory and practice of public administration and public policy on education, particularly regarding the role of state in a particular context, like that of Indonesia, in which NPM and the neoliberal agenda are taking root. [R]
70.1130 GEBREHIWOT, Tagel ; CASTILLA, Carolina —
In this paper we examine the impact of the Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP) on household dietary diversity and child nutrition using both waves of the Ethiopian Socioeconomic Survey. For identification, we use various methodologies. Results indicate consistently that PSNP has not had the desired effect on household dietary diversity or child nutrition regardless of model specification or methodology, suggesting that perhaps the transfers need to be paired with additional interventions such as information about nutrition. [R]
70.1131 GEHA, Carmen —
This article focuses on how the Lebanese government and political establishment reacted to two waves of protest movements that used slogans decrying the country’s sectarian system of government. Much of the literature on Lebanon’s power-sharing regime has focused on internal schisms and the challenges of mobilization against it, but little has been done to understand how it responds to anti-sectarian mobilization. I argue that the government and sectarian establishment employ cooptation, counter-narratives, and repression to demobilize protests that challenge the core pillars of sectarian representation. [R]
70.1132 GLAS, Saskia, et al. —
We formulate a context-dependent agentic-socialization framework, which acknowledges religiosity’s and gender equality’s multidimensionality along with the MENA’s political-institutional diversity. We expect that religious service attendance and devotion decrease support for gender equality in politics but not in education. Moreover, we theorize that open political structures allow citizens to express agency and dissociate from dominant patriarchal patterns. We test these expectations using WVS and AB data covering 50,000 respondents in 39 MENA country-years. Our results show religious service attendance indeed reduces support for gender equality. [R, abr.]
70.1133 GOODWIN, Dawn —
If inquiries are about learning the lessons of the past, why do they appear to find the same failings time and again? Bristol, Mid Staffordshire, Morecambe Bay, Liverpool Community Health are all examples of where culture went wrong. The lack of learning from inquiries is a prominent concern and one raised elsewhere in this issue. In this article, I explore why it might be that culture is repeatedly found to be the cause of healthcare failures. I start by reviewing perspectives on what culture is and the degree to which it is possible change it. I examine how culture was described in the Bristol, Mid Staffordshire, Morecambe Bay and Liverpool inquiries and question whether these are the same cultures, with the same problems, or whether they are different. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.1151]
70.1134 GRAMA, Emanuela —
In 1948, immediately after the Communist Party came to power in Romania, state officials commissioned a group of art experts to radically transform the existing public and private art collections into a national system of museums. These professionals became the new regime’s arbiters of value: the ultimate authority in assessing the cultural and financial value of artwork, and thus deciding their fate and final location. Newly available archival evidence reveals the specific strategies that they employed, and the particular political needs of the state they were able to capitalize on in order to survive and even thrive under a regime that, in principle, should have disavowed them. The art experts managed to make themselves indispensable to the new state. [R, abr.]
70.1135 GRANDE, Edgar ; SCHWARZBÖZL, Tobias ; FATKE, Matthias —
Immigration has become a hot topic in West European politics. The factors responsible for the intensification of political conflict on this issue are a matter of considerable controversy. This holds in particular for the role of socio-economic factors and of radical right populist parties. This article explores the politicization of immigration issues and its driving forces in the electoral arena. It is based on a comparative study using both media and manifesto data covering six West European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, and the UK) for a period from the early 1990s until 2017. We find no association between socio-economic factors and levels of politicization. Political conflict over immigration follows a political logic and must be attributed to parties and party competition rather than to “objective pressures”. [R, abr.]
70.1136 GREWAL, Sharan ; MONROE, Steve L. —
Which electoral losers become the most disillusioned with democracy following the first free and fair elections? Exploiting surveys before and after founding elections in post-Arab Spring Egypt and Tunisia, we find that the most disillusioned losers were those residing in areas where the losing parties were strongest. We argue that expectations matter. Losers whose parties are strong locally tend to overestimate their popularity nationally and thus become more disillusioned after the first elections. Beyond these attitudinal results, we find that these areas witnessed a greater increase in support for candidates from former autocratic regimes in subsequent elections. These findings clarify subnational variation in electoral losers’ attitudes towards democracy. They suggest that decentralization may keep otherwise disillusioned losers invested in democracy. [R]
70.1137 GRIGERA, Juan ; WEBBER, Jeffery R., eds. —
The coming to office of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil has brought to the fore the need to understand the rise of the far right and to come to terms with the conflicted legacies of more than a decade of rule under the Workers’ Party. This forum brings together six leading intellectuals from different traditions on the left and introduces their reflections on the contradictions and complexities of the Workers’ Party, the 2008 crisis, the June 2013 protests, the weakness of the Brazilian left, corruption, and on how to characterize Bolsonaro’s regime. Their interventions offer crucial insights that are relevant today not just to Brazil, or even Latin America, but to the politics of the left worldwide. [R]
70.1138 GRISHIN, Igor V. —
The article examines results of the Swedish general election in September 2018, grave consequences of which have affected the ability of the Parliament to form a government and hereby to ensure continuity of exercising of the legislative and executive powers. The main outcome of the election was a relapse of a hung parliament with the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats holding the balance of power, while neither the center-left nor the center-right bloc is willing to do a deal with them. Compared to the results of the previous election of 2014, in 2018, the situation was aggravated by strengthening of the Sweden Democrats’ position in the Riksdag and the establishment of equilibrium between the blocks that made it difficult to resolve the issue of a legitimate contender for the government formation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.946]
70.1139 GRONOW, Antti, et al. —
Previous research has suggested that corporatist polities tend to enact more ambitious environmental policies than others. Here it is argued that the macro concept of corporatism can be dissected into three components: inclusiveness, consensualism and strength of tripartite organizations. These components of corporatism can be measured at the mesolevel of policy networks. It is proposed that inclusiveness and consensualism are related to ambitious climate policy but exclusive tripartite coalitions can be detrimental for the ambitiousness of climate policy. This argument is backed by evidence from policy network surveys in two similar corporatist countries where climate change policies diverge: Sweden, where policies are ambitious, and Finland, where they are less so. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.529]
70.1140 GUILFOYLE, Douglas —
Does the rule of law matter to maritime security? The proposition is thus not only that international law matters to maritime security, but legal argument does too. These claims will be explored in relation to the South China Sea dispute. The dispute involves Chinese claims to enjoy special rights within the “nine-dash line” on official maps which appears to lay claim to much of the South China Sea. Within this area sovereignty remains disputed over numerous islands and other maritime features. Many of the claimant states have engaged in island-building activities, although none on the scale of China. The article places the relevant Chinese legal arguments in the context of China’s historic engagement with the Law of the Sea. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.901]
70.1141 GUO Dingping ; HU Shujia —
It is argued that the root cause of the democratic crisis lies in the Western democracy itself. Modern liberal democracy has encouraged the upsurge of active groups based primarily on their distinctive collective identities. With the rise of identity politics, antagonistic groups have struggled for recognition and expanded social divisions among the people, which has led to a representation crisis. Both Muslim and non-Muslim citizens, immigrants and non-immigrant citizens have expressed discontent and dissatisfaction with the democratic governments in almost all Western European countries, which has led to a legitimacy crisis. Political parties and local governments based on regional or religious identities have mobilized mass support for their independence proposals and posed serious challenges to national unity and solidarity, which has led to a governance crisis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.220]
70.1142 HALL, Amanda —
From 2000 to 2014, the British government engaged in a secret scheme aimed at allowing Republican paramilitaries “On the Run” to return to the United Kingdom without risk of penalty. When this scheme came into public view in 2013, those responsible in the British government justified it as “necessary” to maintaining peace following the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, as a failure to address IRA demands on the topic would have risked a return to active fighting. This research compares the success of the preceding Early Release Scheme in Northern Ireland with the experiences and potential of the On the Runs (OTR) Scheme, evaluating British governmental officials’ testimony on the OTR Scheme to determine the degree to which the potential for paramilitary spoilers drove the development of a clandestine program designed to encourage IRA support. [R, abr.]
70.1143 HALL, Andrew B. ; HUFF, Connor ; KURIWAKI, Shiro —
How did personal wealth and slave-ownership affect the likelihood Southerners fought for the Confederate Army in the American Civil War? On the one hand, wealthy Southerners had incentives to free-ride on poorer Southerners and avoid fighting; on the other hand, wealthy Southerners were disproportionately slave-owners, and thus had more at stake in the outcome of the war. We assemble a dataset on roughly 3.9 million free citizens in the Confederacy and show that slave-owners were more likely to fight than non-slave-owners. We then exploit a randomized land lottery held in 1832 in Georgia. Households of lottery winners owned more slaves in 1850 and were more likely to have sons who fought in the Confederate Army. We conclude that slave-ownership compelled Southerners to fight despite free-rider incentives because it raised their stakes in the war’s outcome. [R, abr.]
70.1144 HANANIA, Richard —
Among both elites and the mass public, conservatives and liberal differ in their foreign policy preferences. Relatively little effort, however, has been put toward showing that, beyond the use of force, these differences affect the day-to-day outputs and processes of foreign policy. This article uses UN voting data from 1946 to 2008 of the five major Anglophone democracies of the US, the UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand to show that each of these countries votes more in line with the rest of the world when liberals are in power. This can be explained by ideological differences between conservatives and liberals and the ways in which the socializing power of international institutions interact with preexisting ideologies. [R, abr.]
70.1145 HARBERS, Imke ; BARTMAN, Jos ; VAN WINGERDEN, Enrike —
India is often credited for its success as the world’s largest democracy, but variation in subnational democracy across its states has not been systematically incorporated into scholarship on subnational regimes. This paper develops a conceptualization of subnational democracy based on four constitutive dimensions — turnover, contestation, autonomy and clean elections — and introduces a comprehensive dataset to measure each of the dimensions between 1985 and 2013. The inclusion of India — an older parliamentary democracy with a centralized federal system — broadens the universe of cases for the study of subnational regimes, and reveals variation across constitutive dimensions that has not yet been theorized. The paper shows that threats to subnational democracy come from multiple directions. [R, abr.]
70.1146 HAY, Colin —
Pour comprendre les débats autour du Brexit, il faut connaître le fonctionnement de la vie politique britannique, le rôle des partis et la fonction du Parlement. Il faut se rappeler aussi que l’entrée dans le "Marché commun" était guidée par des considérations économiques et non politiques. Le Royaume-Uni reste majoritairement solidaire du monde anglo-saxon libéral. [R]
70.1147 HAYNES, Jeffrey ; WILSON, Erin —
The introductory paper of this symposium compares the impact of “political secular” governing regimes in the countries of both the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and Western Europe. The overall objective is to assess the impact of political secularism in both regions, as a key component of inter-religious and cultural discord and contention with significant political ramifications. The concept of “political secularism,” a contentious term, often lacking in analytical clarity, is briefly assessed. That is, what does “political secularism” mean and what does it look like both within and across Europe and the MENA? Opinions differ from scholar to scholar. A core contribution of this introduction is to examine what the term means analytically in the contexts of the MENA and Western Europe. [R] [Introduction to a symposium of the same title. See also Abstr. 70.686, 1112, 1126, 1163, 1203]
70.1148 HEINEMANN-GRÜDER, Andreas —
In the spring of 2014, numerous irregular battalions were created in Ukraine. They went to the Donbas, where the police and the army had failed to defeat the separatist movement and the intervention of Russia. These battalions have rather different histories, but they have all been supported by the government. Now, most of them are subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense. However, some militias of a more right-wing origin remain opposed to these ministries even today. While the extremist parties with which they are associated are being met with little political support, the battalions hit the headlines on a regular basis. [R] [First article of a special section on “Schlachtfeld Ukraine. Studien zur Soziologie des Krieges (Battlefield Ukraine. Studies in the sociology of war)”. See also Abstr. 70.530, 531, 610, 721, 974, 1076, 1162, 1227, 1259]
70.1149 HELLEINER, Eric ; WANG Hongying —
Financial nationalism has received little attention in the literature on Chinese nationalism. Nor has China been a focus of the emerging literature on comparative financial nationalism. This is surprising as financial matters were central to modern Chinese nationalism when it began to take shape in the 19th and the 20th c. and financial nationalism remains an influential ideology in contemporary China, which has undoubtedly become a major actor in the international financial system today. Our exploration of Chinese financial nationalism seeks to begin to fill this gap in both sets of literature. This article examines three areas of concern shared by Chinese financial nationalists past and present — currency, foreign financial institutions in China, and international borrowing/lending. [R, abr.]
70.1150 HERATH, Dhammika ; LINDBERG, Jonas ; ORJUELA, Camilla —
Corruption is endemic, pervasive and embedded in the very fabric in social life in some societies, although its degree varies case to case. Previous academic research and anti-corruption watchdogs have examined corruption in Sri Lanka, where corruption is perceived to be pervasive and endemic but, existing studies are inadequate to explain why corruption occurs and anti-corruption continues to fail in Sri Lanka. In our study, we use the contrasting perspectives of “collective action problem” and the “principal-agent” framework to analyze the dynamics that cause and maintain corruption in Sri Lanka as well as the obstacles and possibilities that people fighting corruption are experiencing. We address this aim in a novel way: our observations and fieldwork in Sri Lanka got us in contact with individuals who made concerted efforts to reveal and oppose corruption at different levels; we call them “corruption fighters”. [R, abr.]
70.1151 HILTON, Claire —
The government acknowledged scandalously poor care of long-stay patients in National Health Service (NHS) hospitals in 1969. This followed the Ely Hospital inquiry, which emerged in the aftermath of revelations of abuse at seven hospitals described in Barbara Robb’s book Sans Everything: A Case to Answer (1967). Allegations in Sans Everything and at Ely were similar. However, the inquiry committees which investigated, “disproved” those in Sans Everything and upheld those at Ely. The Ely inquiry became pivotal to NHS policy reform for long-stay mental illness and mental handicap hospitals, and for giving patients and their families a greater voice if they had concerns about inadequacies. [R, abr.] [First article of a special issue on “50 years of inquiries in the National Health Service”, introduced, pp. 180-184, by Martin POWELL. See also Abstr. 70.217, 251, 411, 488, 1133, 1212, 1242]
70.1152 HOEFTE, Rosemarijn ; VEENENDAAL, Wouter —
This analysis of nation-building and nation-branding in post-colonial, multi-ethnic Suriname builds on the notion that such policies are promising but also difficult to achieve in culturally divided societies. We zoom in on three episodes of nation-building and nation branding in the country and explain why and in what respects they succeeded or failed. We posit that in Suriname’s case, nation-building and nation branding are intertwined, because the latter cannot be seen in isolation from nationbuilding. In the Conclusion, we discuss the effects of colonial legacies in multi-ethnic societies on nation-building and nation branding. [R]
70.1153 HOULE, Christian ; MILLER, Michael K. —
How does intergenerational social mobility affect support for democracy? We employ individual-level data from the Afrobarometer and Latinobarometer, covering 33 democracies and nondemocracies, to provide the first analysis of how personal experiences of intergenerational mobility influence support for democracy. We find that mobility predicts democratic attitudes, even controlling for education and current economic situation. We also show that the effect does not run through preferences for redistribution. We instead propose two alternative mechanisms. First, individuals living in democracies credit (or blame) the regime when they experience mobility. Second, upward mobility transforms a range of values, such as personal autonomy and trust, that render individuals more supportive of democracy. Our results present a warning for democracies facing steadily declining social mobility, including the US. [R, abr.]
70.1154 HUANG, David K. C. ; LI, Nigel N. T. —
This article explores the Chinese cognition of democracy in accordance with ancient Chinese political philosophy and modern constitutional jurisprudence. It argues that the classical Chinese cognition of democracy, i.e., demo-orientation, does not consist of any sense of equality and procedure, by which the Chinese people easily confuse democracy by the people with democracy for the people, thinking that China’s democracy subsists when the Chinese Government decides in favor of their interests. Moreover, the lack of sense of procedure produces inadequate means against tyranny, that the Chinese people can either admonish the ruler when he or she is still tolerable, or rebel when he or she is unbearable. Neither means serves institutionally. [R]
70.1155 JABKO, Nicolas ; LUHMAN, Meghan —
The Eurozone and migration crises have reconfigured sovereignty in the European Union. The Eurozone has moved from an outright prohibition to a conditional acceptance of bailouts, and the Schengen regime has extended into the long sacrosanct national turf of border control. Building on recent scholarship on sovereignty practices, we argue that EU leaders worked out crisis responses that shifted broad understandings of how sovereignty was practiced. Our main claim is that politicization, in situations of crisis, can accelerate the reconfiguration of fragile sovereignty practices. After a crisis reveals the vulnerability of existing sovereignty practices, EU leaders search for integrationist remedies, incorporate sovereignty concerns as key reform ingredients, and coalesce to marginalize sovereignty claims that threaten integration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.873]
70.1156 JENAN RILEY, Emily —
This article examines the complex and contested praxis of “doing politics,” both publicly and privately, among female politicians in Senegal. It explores women’s political practices comprising myriad gendered performances of femininity, generosity, and hospitality — elements of what I deem the terànga (hospitality) ethos. This article contributes to the existing literature focusing on hospitality and exchange in conversation with theories of gender and political action from an African perspective. Through a contrastive lens, I explore how women in politics not only engage in the practice of terànga as an obligation and performance of gendered norms for doing politics but also as a means of subverting existing limitations for political and personal opportunity. [R]
70.1157 JONES, Erik —
Trust in democratic institutions to resolve conflicts fairly is at odds with the populist notion of democracy as the expression of the unified will of the one true people. [R]
70.1158 KALICKI, Konrad —
To remain competitive in the global marketplace, states have increasingly been forced to supplement their domestic labor resources with foreign manpower. However, their admission policies for low-skilled workers exhibit puzzling cross-national variation. What determines this policy divergence among advanced economies that share many structural and institutional properties? This article offers a statist explanation. It argues that this variation is, at base, caused by two interrelated factors: the state’s perception of security risks involved in admitting particular ethnonational groups of labor migrants and inter-ministerial bargaining over policy authority within the state apparatus. This argument is developed through a comparison of the contrasting and empirically underexplored cases of foreign labor policy formation in Japan and Taiwan. [R]
70.1159 KASSIMERIS, George —
2019 marks 100 years since the birth of Andreas Papandreou, Greece’s first socialist prime minister and an extraordinary figure of twentieth century European politics. Looking back, the central purpose of this article is to answer pivotal questions about Papandreou and his career. What have been the major turning points in his life? What were his main beliefs? What motivated him and his politics? What were his political priorities and methods? What did he want to achieve as prime minister? Why did he become so involved in foreign policy issues? What were his assets as prime minister? Did they outweigh his shortcomings as a politician and leader? Did power change him and how? What will be Papandreou’s place in history? [R]
70.1160 KENNEDY, Loraine —
This article examines how economic reforms in India over the past three decades are redefining the spatial dimension of state action and thus changing the economic geographies and internal geopolitics of federal governance. While tensions between New Delhi and the States are by no means recent, this relationship must now deal with two major parameters: strong but highly uneven economic growth across regions and fragmentation of the political system at all levels, accelerated by ever more intense electoral competition. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.1215]
70.1161 KHISA, Moses —
Previously considered a reforming and promising African country, economically and politically, Uganda has in recent years suffered substantial shrinkage of democratic space. This article argues that two factors have been crucial: the gradual breakdown of minimum political consensus forged under a “broad-based” government which climaxed in a relatively progressive constitution in 1995 and, second, the security imperative accentuated by the war on terror. These two are compounded by the exigencies of incumbent president Museveni’s determination to rule for life, the result being erosion of basic democratic institutions, securitization of politics, criminalization of political competition and upsurge in contentious politics. [R]
70.1162 KLYMENKO, Elena —
They are the weakest links in human society. War, the worst form of disruption of this society, causes more suffering among young children than anyone else. In Ukraine, more than 200 children have died in the Donbas as a result of military activity, while 200,000 are living in direct proximity to the front, where shooting still continues five years after the outbreak of the war. There, the supply situation is extremely precarious. The 1.5 million refugees from the region also include a large number of children. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1148]
70.1163 KORTMANN, Matthias —
This paper deals in a qualitative discourse analysis with the role of Islamic organizations in welfare delivery in Germany and the Netherlands. Referring to Jonathan Fox’s “secular-religious competition perspective” [See Abstr. 70.1126]the paper argues that similar trends of exclusion of Islamic organizations from public social service delivery can be explained with discourses on Islam in these two countries. The analysis, first, shows that in the national competitions between religious and secular ideologies on the public role of religion, different views are dominant which can be traced back to the respective regimes of religious governance. However, and second, when it comes to Islam in particular, in the Netherlands, the perspective of restricting all religions from public sphere prevails which leads to the rather exclusivist view on Islamic welfare that dominates in Germany, too. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1147]
70.1164 KOVACEVIC, Filip —
This article analyzes the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) intervention in the process of popular culture production in Russia. After briefly discussing the KGB precedent, I focus on the FSB annual art awards established in 2006. Although these awards include six categories and three prizes per each category plus honorable mentions, due to the length limitations, I focus only on the first prize winners of the literature award (awarded for fiction, nonfiction, and journalism). The key questions I investigate are, first, what kinds of literary works the FSB deems worthy of the first prize and, secondly, what the FSB literary taste conveys about the self-image that it has sought to construct for domestic and international audiences as well as about its strategic orientation. I conclude that the FSB has a predilection for spy fiction based on real historical events and personalities. [R, abr.]
70.1165 KRAUSE, Jana —
Peacebuilding is more likely to succeed in countries with higher levels of gender equality, but few studies have examined the link between subnational gender relations and local peace and, more generally, peacebuilding after communal conflict. This article addresses this gap. I examine gender relations and (non)violence in ethno-religious conflict in the city of Jos in central Nigeria. Jos and its rural surroundings have repeatedly suffered communal clashes that have killed thousands, sometimes within only days. Drawing on qualitative data collected during fieldwork, I analyze the gender dimensions of violence, nonviolence, and postviolence prevention. I argue that civilian agency is gendered. Gender relations and distinct notions of masculinity can facilitate or constrain people’s mobilization for fighting. Hence, a nuanced understanding of the gender dimensions of (non)violence has important implications for conflict prevention and local peacebuilding. [R]
70.1166 KRESSEL, Daniel Gunnar —
The article explains how the Spanish transition from dictatorship to democracy, as a “model” for a political reform devoid of transitional justice, informed the Argentine and Chilean democratic transition of the 1980s. It indicates that during the mid-1980s, Spanish figures promoted Spain’s “pacted transition” in Latin America within particular intellectual networks. While ultimately failing to impact the Argentine democratization, the Spanish discourse of “consensus” made a more salient impact in Chile during the late 1980s. The goal of this article is ultimately to suggest that while Chilean reformers designed their transitional model building on both the Spanish and Argentine precedents, their discourse bore a strong consistency with the core principles of the Spanish political reform, a fact that should be attributed to a decade of Chilean-Spanish dialogue. [R] [First article of a special issue on “Justice, memory and transnational networks. European and South American entanglements”, introduced by Raluca GROSESCU, Sophie BABY and Laure NEUMAYER, pp. 307-315. See also Abstr. 70.283, 647, 886, 1014, 1107]
70.1167 KRUK, Sergei ; CHAKARS, Janis —
Despite successes, democracy in the Baltic states has plenty of challenges to resolve; population decline, integration issues, low rates of civic participation. This article explores this situation and whether Latvia, as a former-Soviet country, is facing a distinctive post-communist crisis of democracy or not. While it focuses on Latvia, it also assesses the rates of civic participation in Lithuania and Estonia. The author answers two questions: is there something in particular about the Baltic states, or any one of the Baltic states, to account for low civic engagement? What does weak civic participation suggest for the future of the Baltic states and the West? The author concludes with a discussion of the role of media to assess the health of democracy in the Baltic states.
70.1168 KUBICEK, Paul —
There is a widespread fear that Islamist and “extremist” orientations are gaining strength in Central Asia, particularly among younger people. This article, examining data from a 2011-2012 survey in the region, finds little evidence to support this proposition. While there is sizeable support for some Islamist beliefs, age is not a strong predictor of such orientations. Interestingly, assertions that Central Asian youth are more likely to feel marginalized or dissatisfied with current socio-economic conditions also do not appear to hold. Overall, rural residence and low education stand out as better predictors, with various socio-economic and political assessments having mixed effects. [R]
70.1169 KUHN, Theresa ; KAMM, Aaron —
Amidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the EU, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and proimmigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad. [R]
70.1170 KUIJPERS, Dieuwertje —
Studies analyzing the popularity of American presidents consistently find that even though casualties drag down approval rates over time, there is a temporarily positive effect in the beginning of the mission (also known as the rally effect). Are these findings generalizable to other advanced industrial Western democracies? This latter question has not yet been answered convincingly because of two issues: studies are either (1) limited to high profile cases (such as the Iraq War) or (2) based on US data only. I examine the effect of rising or falling military casualties on the change in the popularity of governing parties for ten OECD countries using a novel dataset that comprises monthly polling and economic data for these ten countries in the post-Cold War period. [R, abr.]
70.1171 KUO, Didi —
Is America in a period of democratic decline? I argue that there is an urgent need to consider the US in comparative perspective, and that doing so is necessary to contextualize and understand the quality of American democracy. I describe two approaches to comparing the US: the first shows how the United States stacks up to other countries, while the second uses the theories and tools of comparative politics to examine relationships between institutions, actors, and democratic outcomes. I then draw on research in three literatures — clientelism and corruption, capitalism and redistribution, and race and ethnic politics and American Political Development — to lay out a research agenda for closing the gap between the subfields of American and comparative politics. [R]
70.1172 LALTHAPERSAD-PILLAY, Pinky —
Good governance has been identified as a key component of improved development outcomes and human well-being. The aim of the paper is to determine whether a link exists between good governance and improved gender and socio-economic outcomes for girls and women in selected African countries. The study found that government effectiveness had statistically significant and positive effects for girls and women in respect of health, education, labor, market outcomes and political representation. However, government effectiveness had no influence on child marriage and the share of the population aged 15 upwards living with HIV, which is a concern as these are major challenges confronting young women on the African continent. [R]
70.1173 LANG, Michael Kpughe —
This article analyzes the role of the Justice and Peace Commission (JPC) of the Archdiocese of Bamenda in the management and prevention of inter-ethnic conflicts in the Northwest Region of Cameroon. It demonstrates that the active participation of this institution in peacebuilding is marked by partial success. There is much belief in the capacity of faith-based institutions to manage conflicts. However, evidence on the role of this Catholic Commission in terms of engagement and mediation in peace-building among warring ethnic communities is not encouraging. While its dialogue approach has significantly checked violence, its Peace Education Program has failed to build an entrenched culture of peace. It operates in a context of significant obstacles and direly needs to beef up its operations. [R]
70.1174 LAUBENTHAL, Barbara —
This article focuses on the asylum policies of the third government of Angela Merkel. Chancellor Merkel’s decision in the autumn of 2015 to open German borders for a large number of refugees can undoubtedly be viewed as a bold and humanitarian decision. However, this article argues that Merkel’s choice was also part of an ongoing transformation of Germany into a modern immigration country. Using the concept of a spillover effect as its theoretical lens, the article shows that the asylum policies of the third Merkel government were heavily influenced by former decisions in the fields of integration and labor migration. Together, these represented a liberal re-orientation of German immigration policies. Part of this process was a diffusion of guiding principles, key terms, policy instruments and political activities between the various subfields of German immigration policies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.368]
70.1175 LEWIS, Blane D. ; HENDRAWAN, Adrianus —
This study examines the impact of majority coalitions on local government spending, service delivery, and corruption in Indonesia. The investigation finds that majority coalitions, i.e., those coalitions for which participating political parties control greater than half of council seats, cause a shift in local government spending towards health sector activities and induce improvements in citizen health service access — but only for a year or two, after which the positive effects disappear. The study shows that budget fraud starts to become problematic in the last two years of the coalition’s life. Majority coalition support for the local health spending and service agenda dissipates quickly as attention turns to corrupting the budget, via increased infrastructure outlays and associated rent-seeking. We hypothesize that budget fraud serves, in part, to finance subsequent rounds of local parliamentary and executive elections. [R]
70.1176 LIU, Cheol ; MIKESELL, John L. —
We examine the extent to which public corruption influences the tax structure of American states. After controlling for other tax structure influences, we find that states with greater measured public corruption have more complex tax systems, have higher tax burdens, rely more heavily on regressive indirect taxes, and have smaller shares of their tax burdens with initial impact on business. These are significant structural impacts on the tax systems. [R]
70.1177 LOBÃO, Julio ; GUIMARÃES, Pedro —
This paper examines the impact on political risk of having a divided government in the US. We consider almost 60 years of data and use stock market return volatility as a measure of risk. Results show a positive and statistically significant relationship between periods of divided government and higher volatility. Divided governments are associated with an increase of 2.8 percentage points in annual volatility. Divided branch governments are found to lead to an increase of 4.1 percentage points in volatility, whereas a divided legislative government is linked to an increase in volatility of 5.8 percentage points. The President’s party does not seem to be, in itself, a driver for market volatility. [R, abr.]
70.1178 LÖCSE, Noel —
Since the Treaty of Lisbon, at the latest, the European project appears to have entered a phase of self-obstruction. The Euro crisis and the refugee crisis paralyse the integration process without any convincing solutions in sight. This lack of suitable remedy measures is partially connected with a crisis analysis in deficit. Instead of describing the Euro crisis exclusively through economic terms or one-dimensionally interpreting the refugee crisis as an overstrain of the national asylum systems, both should be identified as symptoms of a deeper cause. The historic-sociological analysis-model of Stein Rokkan permits this by linking the contemporary crises of the EU to the historic development and path-dependency of its structural qualities. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 70.320]
70.1179 LOMBARDI, Roland —
L’Égypte du président Sissi retrouve peu à peu une place centrale dans l’échiquier régional avec une volonté de dialogue — souvent discret — envers la plupart des États voisins. La lutte contre le terrorisme islamiste y est relativement efficace, sachant que le redressement économique est l’autre grand défi du régime. [R]
70.1180 LORD, Ceren —
This article examines the growth of sectarianism in Turkish politics since the 2011 Arab uprisings, particularly when it comes to the government’s portrayal of the Alevi community as a security threat. Comparable to elsewhere in the Middle East, this "sectarianized securitization" of domestic politics was catalyzed by the overlap of external geopolitical competition and internal challenges to the government. These dynamics are situated within the context of longer-term processes of nationbuilding, the nature of Islamic authority, and the increasing prominence of Islamists. [R]
70.1181 LÜTZ, Susanne ; HILGERS, Sven ; SCHNEIDER, Sebastian —
Research on the Economic Adjustment Programs (EAPs) for Eurozone crisis countries has so far acknowledged the role of creditor countries and Troika institutions or has examined the economic effects or structural determinants of domestic implementation processes. The role of borrower governments as strategic actors within the “Troika complex” has been neglected. Taking Cyprus and Portugal as cases in point, the article shows how reform-oriented borrower governments used the interaction with the Troika to overcome veto player opposition to program implementation. Drawing on the two-level game and on negotiation theory, the study discusses borrower strategies in response to opposition from the court or parliament, and the costs of no agreement. Reformoriented governments mostly used commitments to the international level or Troika pressure to pursue coercive strategies vis-à-vis domestic opponents. [R, abr.]
70.1182 MABON, Simon —
Since protests shook Bahrain in 2011, the Saudi-backed regime there has embarked on a series of strategic moves, crushing dissent both at home and abroad. This article explores the methods the regime used to ensure its survival. It argues that by framing Bahrain’s Shi’i majority as a security threat within broader regional challenges, the regime was able to solidify its core bases of support. [R]
70.1183 MADRID, Raúl L. —
Many studies view democratization as the product of a class struggle over economic redistribution, pitting the landed elites against the masses or the bourgeoisie. This article, by contrast, argues that the initial emergence of democracy in South America stemmed from a struggle between elite parties or factions that pursued (or opposed) democratic reform to gain (or maintain) political power. Democratization occurred when a split within the ruling party or coalition led dissident factions to side with the opposition and push through reforms that expanded the franchise and leveled the electoral playing field. I explore these arguments by examining the origins of democracy in four Latin American countries: Argentina, Chile, Colombia, and Uruguay. Historical process-tracing and a quantitative analysis of the vote on a key democratic reform measure in Argentina in 1912 provide support for these arguments. [R, abr.]
70.1184 MAHANT, Edelgard —
Constructivists have coined the phrase “ontological security”, implying that a state’s sense of national identity is as or more important than its physical characteristics in shaping its foreign policy. But what happens to foreign policy when that sense of identity changes as the result of a revolution or regime-change so extreme that the previous national identity no longer holds? Using the example of South Africa after the end of apartheid, this article examines the attempts by the leaders of postapartheid governments to create a new national identity, based on South Africa’s new status as a democratic country and as a country whose destiny is in Africa. The article finds that the governments succeeded in establishing the beginnings of the second but not the first of these new identities. [R]
70.1185 MANCEBO, Ainara —
At the beginning of the 1990s, South Africa initiated its political transition with the transformation of the electoral system being one of the key items on the negotiation agenda. Transition in these regimes is less a struggle over the right of political actors to hold diverse political beliefs than over the extension of the franchise to previously excluded sections of the population. Following the literature on party motivations, I analyze the various motivations of the political actors engaged in the process of institutional design for electoral change. In this case study, I identify explanations based on office-seeking and policy-seeking preferences in the strategies of the political parties that participated in the negotiation of the institutional change during the democratic transition. [R, abr.]
70.1186 MANNEVUO, Mona —
This article considers the entanglements of neuroscience, economics and behaviorism in a two-year experiment (2017-2018) with basic income in Finland. The participants in this mandatory, state-led experiment are unemployed individuals (25-58 years old) recruited by the National Social Insurance Institution. The experiment is a randomized controlled trial intended to provide useful information about the impacts of basic income on employment and well-being. Focusing on the epistemological foundations of the experiment, this analysis suggests that the Finnish trial with basic income should be considered to be an example of the neuroliberal movement in policy-making as it uses behavioral economics and popularized neuroscience to optimize the cognitive abilities of the unemployed. The paper raises concerns about how neuroliberalism reconfigures citizenship by obscuring the limits between freedom and control. [R, abr.]
70.1187 MARCEL, Valerie —
Guyana has struck oil but intends to stick to its low-carbon path.
70.1188 McCANN, James A. ; ESCOBAR, Cristina ; ARANA, Renelinda —
Although a large number of democracies have extended political rights to expatriates, relatively little is known about the depths of transnational political engagement. How attentive are expatriates to politics in the country of origin? When expatriates judge leaders “back home,” are their evaluations based on the same ideological considerations as those of citizens in the country of origin? Drawing from original surveys conducted during presidential elections in Mexico (2006) and Colombia (2010), in which both emigrants and citizens within the country were sampled, this study addresses these questions. The results indicate that for each nationality group, living abroad is not associated with a drop in political attentiveness, and time abroad does not in and of itself depress attention to politics from a distance. [R, abr.]
70.1189 MEMOLI, Vincenzo ; QUARANTA, Mario —
This article assesses the relationship between democratic satisfaction and micro and macroeconomic factors in Africa. Studies have shown that economic factors represent a cornerstone of the democratic process. However, research has rarely accounted for the effect of economic freedom on satisfaction with democracy, and its conditional role on the effect of citizens’ economic evaluations, particularly in the context of Africa where democracy is still developing. Using various rounds of the Afrobarometer, the article analyses the link between citizens’ evaluations of the economy and economic freedom with their satisfaction with democracy in 32 African countries between 2002 and 2013. First, the findings show that the openness of the economic context and positive economic evaluations are associated with an increase in democratic satisfaction. Second, economic freedom and economic evaluations appear to have a conditional association with democratic satisfaction. [R, abr.]
70.1190 MENSHAWY, Mustafa —
The article argues that sovereignty claims and counterclaims are still very much at work in international and civil conflicts involving state actors. Focusing on the case of the Syrian conflict, the article engages in methodological triangulation using Critical Discourse Analysis and international relations theories. It finds that the sovereignty-first narrative adopted by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, and its external allies such as Russia, has built an “effective” discourse that has been adopted in a coherent, consistent, and resonant manner, as well as a “credible” discourse which combined words with actions (i.e. performatives and constatives of sovereignty). The effectiveness and credibility of the sovereignty-first narrative is also judged by the absence of effective and credible contending narratives demonstrated by the tepid application of concepts like the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) by the United States and its European allies. [R, abr.]
70.1191 MONK, Ellis P. —
Public debate and scholarly research has largely concentrated on the vast array of disparities between blacks and whites in their treatment by and experiences with the criminal justice system. Nevertheless, a growing body of research shows that African Americans’ life chances are internally stratified by gradational differences in their skin tone. This study brings together research on race, color, and the criminal justice system by using nationally-representative data to examine whether (and to what extent) skin tone is associated with policing and punishment among African Americans. I find that skin tone is significantly associated with the probability of having been arrested and/or incarcerated, net of relevant controls. [R, abr.]
70.1192 MOON Chungshik —
Why do some autocratic countries attract more foreign direct investment (FDI) than others? Surprisingly, few studies have explored the considerable variation in FDI inflows to non-democratic countries. I argue that non-democratic countries with seemingly democratic political institutions, such as elected legislatures, attract more FDI inflow than others. This is because these institutions can (1) reduce the transaction costs of investment activities due to the relative transparency of the policy-making process, and (2) act as veto players, making the existing market-friendly policy changes difficult, and thus, promising a more stable investment environment. My empirical results support the main expectation that autocratic countries with legislatures attract more FDI than other autocratic countries, and the institutions’ effects are conditionally modified by the quality of market protecting institutions. [R]
70.1193 MOSES, Joel —
From Khrushchev to Putin, Soviet and Russian political leaders have determined who governs the Russian regions. A comparison of all 791 regional leaders who led the current 83 Russian regions between 1957 and 2018 finds that locals, through their origins and prior careers, have made the major difference in center-periphery relations in Russia since 1991. Currently, these local regional leaders are the political legacy of the Boris Yeltsin presidency. A significant decline in the number of locals serving as regional leaders is also the most likely change to be sought by President Putin in his efforts to eradicate the Yeltsin legacy and attain even greater political dominance over Russia in his fourth term (2018-2024). [R]
70.1194 MOURAD, Hicham —
Les découvertes d’hydrocarbures en Méditerranée orientale bouleversent les équilibres avec de nouvelles perspectives de discussions, voire de coopération régionale. La manne gazière devrait améliorer les ressources de certains pays de la zone. Par contre, la Turquie semble marginalisée dans cette réorganisation géopolitique. [R]
70.1195 MOYO, Theresa ; DHLIWAYO, Rogers —
Despite the progress that has been made towards achieving gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), evidence shows that gender disparities remain persistent in most countries. The aim of the article is to identify lessons from the experiences of those countries which have made considerable progress in bridging the gender gap. More specifically, the article seeks to identify strategies that will enable SSA countries to achieve the gender equality goal in the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. [R] [See Abstr. 70.967]
70.1196 MUJANOVIĆ, Jasmin —
From an ideological perspective, Russia’s activities in Southeast Europe, and especially in the Western Balkans, are geared towards creating alternative frameworks of political legitimacy for Moscow’s partner governments in the region. Though such efforts Russia seeks to entice these and other local actors to shift their political, economic, and security allegiances towards Moscow, and away from Brussels and Washington. Even if Russia does not — and cannot — offer the kinds of cohesive institutional linkages and socio-economic benefits the EU (and the Atlantic community more broadly) can, the strategy is nevertheless effective because it concentrates on the venal and personal interests of local elites, not the well-being of citizens in the countries. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on "Russia and Southeast Europe". See also Abstr. 70.922, 1020, 1039, 1043]
70.1197 MYLONAS, Harris —
Are post-Ottoman nation-building policies in the Balkans a legacy of the millet system? Some contend that the discriminatory nation-building policies along religious lines employed by Balkan nations ruling elites are a legacy of the Ottoman era millet system (administration by religious affiliation); others argue that the Ottoman legacy is palpable in the millet-like features preserved in the minority rights protection system resulting from World War I, and yet other scholars see the millet system as a critical antecedent. Studying closely the policies towards non-core groups in the post-Ottoman Balkans, one finds that the “Ottoman legacy” is much more differentiated than is commonly assumed and that effects vary widely from place to place. [R, abr.]
70.1198 NASEEMULLAH, Adnan —
Why have growth rates diverged between India and Pakistan since the 1990s? This article argues that differences in perceptions of political instability through the locations of political violence in the two countries have impacted growth through investment decisions. In Pakistan, kidnapping and terrorism in major cities has led to the domination of rentimplicated investment, thus limiting growth. In India, by contrast, political violence in the periphery or targeting minorities remains socially distant to the perspectives of investors, leading to more productive investments, and thus higher growth. The article provides a new set of explanations for differences in growth among middle-income countries by highlighting political instability and the salience of violence, the demand for rents as investments, and the limits of institutional explanations for growth outcomes. [R]
70.1199 NESADURAI, Helen E. S. —
This paper explores why and how voluntary private sustainability governance initiated by corporations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) extends its regulatory purview to incorporate developmental strategies aimed at upgrading smallholder practices. Using the case of palm oil in Indonesia and Malaysia and by extending insights from club theory, global production networks, and developmental states, the paper identifies the conditions under which private regulatory standards catalyze private developmental interventions that are nevertheless analogous to the industrial policies, financial incentives, and institutions of the classic developmental states. [R, abr.]
70.1200 NZAU, Mumo ; EDGELL, Amanda B. —
This article examines how the independence of the judiciary influences the development of civil liberties. Using data on 130 countries between 1981 and 2010, there is a significant positive relationship between judicial independence and adherence to civil liberties. These findings extend the scope of previous research by including new measures, cases, and time periods. Using qualitative content analysis and historical perspectives, the article then assesses the development of civil liberties before and after the advent of multiparty politics in Kenya. The results suggest that judiciaries in transitional democracies like Kenya hold the potential to catalyze the development of civil liberties law given certain legal, constitutional, and institutional dynamics. As such changes unfold, precedence-setting or groundbreaking judicial decisions, or both, with regard to civil liberties become more likely. [R]
70.1201 O’FLYNN, Ian, et al. —
The “youth bulge” in developing countries means that we need to pay close attention to how young people want to be governed. That need is particularly great in developing countries that are also deeply divided. But in divided societies, conventional opinion polls often do not suffice, yielding shallow opinions hostage to elite machinations and mutual mistrust. To shed light on what young people would want if they had a chance to learn and deliberate about the issues, we follow a survey with an intensive deliberative field experiment in one such society — Kirkuk. Contrary to widespread concerns about the predominance of ethnic interests, young educated Kirkukis support the view that different ethnic groups should have an equal say. There is also broad support for an institutional arrangement that may provide space for instituting “equal say”. And deliberating with balanced information broadens support for that arrangement. [R]
70.1202 ORAKZAI, Saira Bano —
Countering violent extremism (CVE) is one of the central focuses of the government of Pakistan. This article examines the current CVE policy framework and questions the existing paradigm of CVE policies in Pakistan. The article employs R. Kim Cragin’s model [“Resisting violent extremism: a conceptual model of non-radicalization”, Terrorism and Political Violence 22(2), 2014: 339-353] to suggest the need for a paradigm-change in Pakistan’s CVE policy framework, especially after the launch of another military operation in 2017. After a decade of securitycentric counterterrorism policies, such a change requires balancing security-, development-, and prevention-centric policies in order to redefine Pakistan’s policy framework. [R]
70.1203 OZZANO, Luca ; MARITATO, Chiara —
For centuries, Rome and Istanbul have been representing and epitomizing two empires and two entities with both significant spiritual and temporal power: the Papacy and the Caliphate. During the 19th and the 20th centuries, these institutions underwent significant changes in a context of state secularization: in the case of the Papacy, there was a loss of temporal power and its “reduction” to a mainly moral authority; the Caliphate, on the other hand, was abolished after World War I, succeeded by the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), a bureaucratic body under state control, founded in the era of Kemalist secularism. Despite these changes, today both institutions still play a significant role in the public life and public policies of the Italian and the Turkish republics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.1147]
70.1204 PAINE, Jack —
What explains differential rates of ethnic violence in post-colonial Africa? I argue that ethnic groups organized as a precolonial state (PCS) exacerbated interethnic tensions in their post-colonial country. Insecure leaders in these countries traded off between inclusive coalitions that risked insider coups and excluding other ethnic groups at the possible expense of outsider rebellions. My main hypotheses posit that PCS groups should associate with coups because their historically rooted advantages often enabled accessing power at the center, whereas other ethnic groups in their countries — given strategic incentives for ethnopolitical exclusion — should fight civil wars more frequently than ethnic groups in countries without a PCS group. Analyzing originally compiled data on precolonial African states provides statistical evidence for these implications about civil wars and coups between independence and 2013 across various model specifications. [R, abr.]
70.1205 PARKER, Charles F. ; PERSSON, Thomas ; WIDMALM, Sten —
A number of high profile crises and disasters have driven the EU to increase cooperation among its member states in the area of civil protection and to enhance its capacity to conduct civil protection operations in Europe and around the world. However, in the light of recent transboundary crises in the EU, manifested by the refugee crisis, terrorist attacks, and natural disasters, it is far from clear how effective such cooperative EU arrangements can be due to differences in the way national civil protection has been organized and due to the question of whether sufficient trust exists within and between the involved organizations. We shed light on the factors that promote national and EU-level effectiveness in civil protection and crisis management. [R, abr.]
70.1206 PARKER, Christopher Sebastian ; TOWLER, Christopher C. —
This review offers a framework for understanding authoritarianism in the American past, as well as the American present. Starting in the early 20th c., this analysis provides a better understanding of how authoritarianism once existed in enclaves in the Jim Crow South, where it was intended to dominate blacks in the wake of emancipation. Confining the definition of authoritarianism to regime rule, however, leaves little room for a discussion of more contemporary authoritarianism, at the micro level. This review shifts focus to an assessment of political psychology’s concept of authoritarianism and how it ultimately drives racism. Ultimately, we believe a tangible connection exists between racism and authoritarianism. Even so, we question the mechanism. We also discuss [how] communities of color, often the targets of authoritarianism, resist the intolerance to which they have been exposed. [R, abr.]
70.1207 PATTERSON, Amy S. ; GILL, Elizabeth —
African states have been slow to pass and implement tobacco control policies like regulations on sales, smoke-free environments and taxes. This article examines how the ineffectiveness of local tobacco-control advocacy contributes to this suboptimal outcome. It asserts that the disconnect between the global tobacco-control advocacy network and local advocates shapes this ineffectiveness. With funding and direction predominately from the Bloomberg Initiative, local advocates emulate the funders’ goal of achieving quick, measurable policy results. Based on key informant interviews with African advocates, media-analysis and the case-studies of Ghana and Tanzania, the article broadens the study of philanthropy in global health, it adds an African perspective to the literature on global health advocacy, and it deepens knowledge on power dynamics between external funders and local actors in the realms of health and development. [R, abr.]
70.1208 PETERKE, Sven —
During carnival 2018, Brazilian mass media reported about a dramatic increase of crime and violence in Rio de Janeiro. Former President Michel Temer thereupon signed a decree that announced a federal intervention into Rio de Janeiro´s competence for public security. Being an historic precedent since Brazil´s return to democracy, the decree subordinated this competence under the command of a general. The present analysis shows that the constitutionality of this extraordinary measure was not properly analyzed by the organs responsible for its control and that this failure can be attributed to media pressure from which the President and his supporters aptly knew to take advantage of. The federal intervention is therefore both an example for modern power politics under the conditions of a media democracy and another evidence for the country´s institutional and political crisis. [R, abr.]
70.1209 PIERRE, Jean-Philippe —
Les Balkans constituent une charnière stratégique trop négligée par l’UE et instrumentalisée par les acteurs régionaux comme les mafias, les partis nationalistes ou la Turquie. Les haines ancestrales n’ont pas disparu malgré la suspension des guerres. Seule une politique cohérente de développement pourrait éviter le retour des tensions. [R]
70.1210 PINYOL-JIMÉNEZ, Gemma —
What kind of immigration policy does the EU want? This article argues that partiality, mistrust and slowness are what complicate the discussion on migration and what impede on the discovery of an answer to this essential question. In the EU, the politics of immigration has become a reason for tension between the state logic and the supranational dynamic. This article asks: “What was the intention of this policy on immigration and common refuge at its origin?” “What are the priorities and preoccupations of said policy today?”. The article argues that deconstructing the European immigration policy is problematic in terms of public management.
70.1211 POLGA-HECIMOVICH, John —
Which factors determine support for the armed forces? What is the effect of agency politicization on confidence? Existing studies, which draw largely from bureaucratically neutral militaries, find that interpersonal trust and demographic variables play significant roles in determining public confidence in the armed forces. I argue that this is different for a politicized agency. A loss of bureaucratic neutrality activates voters’ partisan attachments, inducing individuals to judge the agency on the basis of their ties to the governing party or leader. Using survey data from Venezuela, I show that government evaluation has a salient and bifurcated effect on respondents’ perceptions of their armed forces. Respondents sympathetic to the governing leader are more likely to have a favorable view of the military while those identifying as opposition are more likely to have a negative view. [R, abr.]
70.1212 POWELL, Martin —
If one of the key reasons for an inquiry is to learn lessons and prevent similar events from reoccurring, recommendations must be implementable and implemented, but it is clear that lessons have not been learned and recommendations not implemented. This paper compares the “implementability” of recommendations from the three inquiries of Ely, Bristol and Mid Staffordshire to stress the importance of learning lessons. It examines two broad issues of “who?” and “what?”. First, some 80 per cent of the Ely recommendations were aimed at the institution, while 72 per cent of the Bristol and Mid Staffordshire recommendations were aimed at the system. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 70.1151]
70.1213 PROEDROU, Filippos —
Three main drivers underlie states’ intent to expand gas supply: energy security, geopolitics and climate goals. Such considerations also drive Greece’s expansive gas policy, but come with significant caveats. First, pipeline politics entails geopolitical costs and inflated anticipated gains. Second, while gas supply has yielded energy security for Greece, its cost-effectiveness is contentious. Third, the gas option obscures the transition to smart, clean energy sources and systems. A rational actor model within a rationalist-weak cognitivist framework can account for Greece’s gas policy. Yet, its limited success points to the need for a clean energy policy promising higher climate, energy and geopolitical gains. [R]
70.1214 RAABE, Thomas —
It is a popular belief that co-operation between several countries in defense projects would reduce costs and contribute to "standardization" and "interoperability" within NATO and the EU. "Smart Defense" and "Pooling & Sharing" would also ensure that Allies received more value for money in their military capabilities through collusion and joint planning. The aim is always to provide the soldiers with the best possible equipment so that they could fulfill their mission. At the same time, federal governments have been propagating the goal of promoting the European industrial defense base for many years, emphasizing — as in the 2016 White Paper — the value of "own technological sovereignty through the preservation of national key technologies" so that "military capabilities and security of supply" be guaranteed. [R, abr.]
70.1215 RACINE, Jean-Luc —
Days before the general elections of April-May 2019, it is time to assess the scorecard of Narendra Modi’s government, as far as its foreign policy is concerned, on two accounts. On the one hand, attention will be paid to the main patterns of the policy conducted since 2014, first in the South Asian neighborhood, where tensions with Pakistan have remained strong and, second, on the global chessboard, where multipolarity has gained over multilateralism. On the second hand, we address the ideological foundations of Hindu nationalism, and ask if this ideology has left or not a decisive impact on India’s geopolitics under Modi’s government. For many analysts, beyond the rhetoric and soft power initiatives, continuity with the previous government remains strong. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Géopolitique de l’Inde (Geopolitics of India)". See also Abstr. 70.584, 892, 895, 939, 994, 1017, 1037, 1160]
70.1216 RAMSTEDT, Martin —
The article discusses the politics of taxonomy that drive the entangled dynamics of religionization and secularization of ethnic traditions in postcolonial Indonesia, and the associated sociopolitical context. Defined in accordance with both emic notions of agamasasi (religionization) and the concept of religion-making originally advanced by A. S. Mandair and M. Dressler in 2011, “religionization” relates to three interrelated processes that have had distinct ramifications in the different periods of postcolonial Indonesian history: (1) the way in which the Indonesian state has reified and institutionalized “religion” as a monotheistic, revealed, and scriptural world religion; (2) the state-sanctioned positioning of “religion” as distinct from local forms of spiritual belief, resulting in the desacralization and secularization of the latter; and (3) the way in which adherents of ethnic spiritualities have reframed and transformed their respective traditions. [R] [Part of a special issue on “Islamicate secularities in past and present”, edited and introduced by Markus DRESSLER, “Islamicate secularities: new perspectives on a contested concept”, Armando SALVATORE and Monika WOHLRAB-SAHR, pp. 7-34.]
70.1217 RESTA, Valeria —
Although the failed democratic transition in Egypt following the Arab Spring is unanimously held as a poster child for the stubbornness of authoritarianism in the MENA region, its determinants remain disputed. Contributing to this debate, this article focuses on the noxious effects of past electoral authoritarianism on the transitional party system. More specifically, through quantitative text analysis, the article demonstrates that transitional parties’ agency is largely the by-product of the way in which political competition was structured under the previous electoral autocracy. On the one hand, the uneven structure of opportunity upholding previous rule is central to the lack of pluralism. On the other hand, the previous regime’s practice of playing opposition actors against each other through identity politics is at the root of the absence of common ground among the aforementioned parties during the transition. [R] [See Abstr. 70.53]
70.1218 RICKS, Jacob I. —
In contrast to the veneer of a homogenous state-approved Thai ethnicity, Thailand is home to a heterogeneous population. Only about one-third of Thailand’s inhabitants speak the national language as their mother tongue; multiple alternate ethnolinguistic groups comprise the remainder of the population, with the Lao in the northeast, often called Isan people, being the largest at 28 percent of the population. Ethnic divisions closely align with areas of political party strength. Despite this confluence of ethnicity and political party support, we see very little mobilization along ethnic cleavages. Why? I argue that ethnic mobilization remains minimal because of the large-scale public acceptance and embrace of the government-approved Thai identity. [R, abr.]
70.1219 RODRÍGUEZ PALOP, María Eugenia —
This article explains the origins and goals of Unidas Podemos [United We Can] — a sociopolitical movement that has set itself against the current nature and course of the construction of the European project. It seeks to transform the politics of the EU, to improve the lives of citizens through the public management of common goods and services, to eliminate socio-economic and gender inequalities and to overcome the “austerity-ending” treaties that govern the EU. Its aim is an Europeanist focus, far from either dreams of euro-reformism and chauvinistic branches. The author considers the idea of another Europe, with a new correlation of forces and all its States, both in and out of its institutions.
70.1220 RUTHERFORD, Blair —
The “non-coup” coup in Zimbabwe in November 2017 brought focused international and national attention on the imbrication of familial practices with electoral politics in the country. Much commentary has focused on the actions of Grace Mugabe, wife of then-President Robert Mugabe, as precipitating the military replacement of Mugabe with his erstwhile comrade Emmerson Mnangagwa. I deepen the analysis through placing these events within three dimensions of patriarchal familial logics that tend to be common in political economies in Africa and elsewhere: the forging of networks of access and patronage; the metaphorical grafting of “the family” onto the imagination of the nation; and the performance of heteronormative, patriarchal, and marital propriety. I argue that these familial logics should be contextualized within the particular affective mobilizations and demobilizations associated with electoral politics in Zimbabwe. [R]
70.1221 RUZZA, Stefano ; GABUSI, Giuseppe ; PELLEGRINO, Davide —
Starting from the imperfect nature of Myanmar’s democracy, this paper aims to answer two questions. First, can Myanmar’s transition be defined as a case of democratization, or is it, rather, a case of authoritarian resilience? Second, if the balance leans towards the latter instead of the former, how did authoritarian resilience work in Myanmar? The transition is analyzed from a long-term perspective, moving from the 1988 prodemocracy uprising up to the most recent events. Data were collected from available published sources and from three fieldworks conducted by the authors in Myanmar. The paper concludes that Myanmar’s transition is better understood as a case of authoritarian resilience than as democratization and highlights three core traits of Myanmar’s authoritarian resilience. [R] [See Abstr. 70.53]
70.1222 SACHWEH, Patrick —
What motivates welfare attitudes during economic crises? While existing research highlights self-interest, this conclusion rests on a predominant conceptualization of citizens’ crisis experiences as personal job loss. However, during economic downturns, people are likely to also witness colleagues or distant others being laid off, which might affect welfare attitudes for reasons beyond self-interest. This article analyzes how personal job loss as well as that of colleagues and acquaintances during the Great Recession is related to welfare attitudes in the UK, Germany and Sweden, where welfare regimes and crisis policies differ systematically. Based on Eurobarometer data from 2010, the findings reveal that the importance of personal job loss as well as that of colleagues and acquaintances varies cross-nationally. [R, abr.]
70.1223 SADEGHI, Sahar —
The 2015 refugee crisis is at the center of public and political discourse across Europe, especially among nations that have accepted refugees. Utilizing ethnographic fieldwork and 48 in-depth interviews conducted in 2011 and 2016 with Iranians in Hamburg, Germany, this paper considers how the refugee crisis impacts the racial boundaries between Germans and immigrant communities. It details how the crisis has made ethnic nationalism, Islamophobia, anti-foreigner prejudice and racism more pronounced and salient throughout Germany. The interviews demonstrate that this climate affects Iranians in several ways: they cite feeling more threat and stigma, as well as experiences of marginality, perpetual foreignness, and discrimination. [R, abr.]
70.1224 SADER, Nuha Al ; KLEINHANS, Reinout ; VAN HAM, Maarten —
In the Netherlands, active citizenship in the context of urban regeneration of deprived neighborhoods seems to have evolved into “entrepreneurial citizenship”. The concept of entrepreneurial citizenship combines topdown and bottom-up elements. National and/or local governments promote an ideal citizen with entrepreneurship skills and competencies to create more responsible and entrepreneurial citizens’ participation in government-initiated arrangements. At the same time, bottom-up behavioral practices from citizens who demand more opportunities to innovatively apply assets, entrepreneurial skills, strategies and collaboration with other stakeholders are initiated to achieve their goals and create societal-added value. The aim of this paper is to better understand the origins of “entrepreneurial citizenship”, and its meaning in the Dutch context of urban regeneration. [R, abr.]
70.1225 SAGILD, Rebekka Åsnes ; AHLERS, Anna Lisa —
English version: see Abstr. 70.1226.
70.1226 SAGILD, Rebekka Åsnes ; AHLERS, Anna Lisa —
The Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) system is a curious institution: often ridiculed as a decorative “flower vase” for the one-Party regime, or, at best, a networking club meant to appease elite groups, it does not attract much scholarly attention. The Communist Party leadership, however, clings adamantly to what it says is a “broadly representative” intermediary body helping with policy reform and United Front work. We investigate the validity of this original logic with the help of fresh empirical data. We look at the CPPCC’s institutional history, principles of member selection, delegates’ selfconceptualization, and their modes of operation.. [R] [First article of a special issue on “Mediating the party-state, serving the people: mass and grassroots organisations in XXIst century China”, edited and introduced by Judith AUDIN and Jérôme DOYON, “Intermediary political bodies of the party-state: a sociology of mass and grassroots organisations in contemporary China”, pp. 3-8. See also Abstr. 70.434, 542, 587, 789]
70.1227 SAVEL’EVA, Natalʼja —
During the summer of 2014, numerous militias fought against the Ukrainian army in eastern Ukraine. They consisted mainly of volunteers, some of whom came from the Donbas itself. Meanwhile, others streamed into Ukraine from Russia. However, the establishment of the militias would not have been possible without the support of experienced fighters from both countries. Many of them were supplied with weapons, ammunition and food from Russia — with the approval of the state. The situation changed entirely when the Ukrainian army succeeded in pushing them back. From then on, Russia sent regular troops, centralized the reinforcements for the militias and ensured that they were integrated into a “People’s Militia” controlled by Moscow. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1148]
70.1228 SCAMBARY, James —
This article examines the adverse impact of clientelist relations between political parties and campaign donors on parties’ relations with voters. Clientelism is generally conceptualized as a vertical, pyramid structure, whereby resources are distributed from politicians to voters at the base through brokers or programmatic politics. As Gherghina and Volintiru [“A New Model of Clientelism: political parties, public resources, and private contributors” (European Political Science Review, 9 (1) 2017: 115-137; Abstr. 67.2014)] contend, what is often overlooked is that in tandem with this vertical relationship with voters there is a complementary horizontal relationship with party donors. Parties with a weak organizational base focus on relations with party donors, such as private contractors, at the expense of their relationship with voters. I argue that a bi-dimensional approach is integral to understanding both electoral outcomes and economic trajectories in developing country contexts. [R, abr.]
70.1229 SCHÄFER, Saskia —
The Council of Indonesian Islamic Scholars (MUI) has exerted increased political influence in Indonesian politics since the fall of Suharto. Constituted by representatives from various Muslim civil society organizations, the Council was originally intended by Suharto to serve as a political representative for Indonesia’s two largest civil society organizations, the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama. This article argues that in addition to its own non-democratic structures and its fatwas opposing democratic values, the MUI has contributed to Indonesia’s democratic stagnation and decline in two ways: by undermining the authority of elected state representatives through its anti-pluralist stance and its epistocratic claims, and by imperiling the fragile but functioning balance of religion and the state through its undermining of the long-established religious civil society organizations. [R]
70.1230 SCHNEE, Christian —
This paper investigates levels of rigidity and flexibility in Angela Merkel’s decision-making during her first three governments from 2005 to 2017. The study is a contribution to understanding German politics in the era of Merkel who has regularly been criticized for allegedly lacking a transformative agenda and ideological consistency. Methodologically this study draws on Jonathan Keller’s framework that differentiates between internally and externally validated leaders, with the latter seeking to appease and curry favor with stakeholders and the former committed to their personal believes. The study assesses Merkel’s decisions on fiscal and economic policies, zooms in on her U-turn on nuclear energy, touches upon her dithering during the Euro-crisis and discusses at some length her protracted coming to terms with the refugee crisis. [R, abr.]
70.1231 SCHRAFF, Dominik ; SCHIMMELFENNIG, Frank —
How did the Eurozone bailouts affect national democracies? Recent research indicates strong citizen detachment due to the external constraints imposed by bailout programs on national autonomy. This paper re-examines the detachment thesis by broadening the view toward multiple dimensions of democracy and effect heterogeneity across time and space. Using the generalized synthetic control method, we find a negative effect of bailouts on satisfaction with democracy and turnout but show that effects vanish after several years and vary strongly across bailout cases. In addition, we find resilient attitudes and behaviors in spite of national democratic institutions that continue to deteriorate. These findings indicate that economic policy outcomes have a stronger influence on satisfaction with democracy and electoral turnout than the quality of the democratic process. [R]
70.1232 SELTH, Andrew —
As Myanmar’s Chief of Intelligence from 1983 until 2004, General Khin Nyunt presided over the development of a large and powerful security apparatus that underpinned military rule and played a major role in the country’s international relations. So influential did the key military intelligence organization become, however, that it was seen as a threat by other parts of the armed forces, including the ruling State Peace and Development Council. In 2004, Khin Nyunt was arrested and his intelligence empire largely dismantled. The purge seriously weakened the regime’s capabilities, but was considered necessary to maintain its position as the supreme arbiter of power in Myanmar. [R]
70.1233 SENOU, Jean Innocent —
This article argues that the figures of the separation of powers in Africa extend to multiple practical manifestations of theory in the African States — facets that it conceals, and mutations that it undergoes as a result of the political governance in these African States. The author argues that we can find the same figures of separation of powers in most of these states. He studies these common aspects and investigates the necessary conditions for the vitality and good exercise of democracy in these states, as well as the possible causes of its “ineluctable suicide”; the absence of local counter-powers, the neglect of democratic institutions and the impossibility for the population to achieve instruction and economic well-being.
70.1234 SHAMSIE, Yasmine —
This article offers some observations regarding Haiti’s democratization journey by examining how the government introduced a massive industrial park that required the displacement of a large number of farmers. In a departure from historical practice, when faced with opposition, the government deployed its security forces sparingly. Also, the levels of transparency and civil society engagement were not terrible. Although it is insufficient and superficial, movement is in the right direction. In contrast, local government officials may have lost status and legitimacy during the process, which could hinder future democratization. Finally, the footprint of outsiders in this project was massive, confirming how profoundly Haiti’s democratization is transnationalized. This makes tracking its democratic development extremely challenging and yet necessary given the country is not alone in this predicament. [R, abr.]
70.1235 SHARMA, Chetna —
This article is an attempt to unpack how the Citizenship Amendment Bill 2016 that proposed citizenship on the basis of religious affiliation trace its past from narrative rooted in partition and idea of religious identity in determination of citizenship status in India. The act proposes, persons belonging to minority community namely Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Parsi and Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who have either entered into India without valid travel documents or the validity of their documents have expired are eligible to apply for Indian citizenship by naturalization in 7 years instead of existing 12 years. Building on existing scholarship, field experience and media reports this article argues proposed citizenship amendment bill that favors citizenship status for persecuted minorities defined primarily as Hindus leaving Muslims is not an attempt to redefine citizenship but reinforce logic that favors narrative of India for Hindus. [R]
70.1236 SHARMA, Shalendra D. —
An assessment of Modi’s economic policies (“Modinomics”) shows that the gap between intentions and outcomes remains wide because Modinomics has been too cautious and contradictory to overcome the unusual structural challenges facing India’s economy. Moreover, the contradictions of Modinomics, which privileges trade protectionism and selective financial-sector liberalization, limits the potential gains from deeper global economic integration. This article argues that deepening economic reforms, including integration into the global economy, can help mitigate the structural impediments facing the Indian economy. [R]
70.1237 SHELL, Jacob —
This article examines the dependency of British teak logging and shipbuilding on elephant-based labor in Burma (Myanmar) and India during the nineteenth century. Asian elephants were essential as a means of commodity extraction, offering irreplaceable forms of mobility across difficult forest terrain. At the same time, from the standpoint of colonial control, a frustrating feature of the elephants was their unwillingness to mate when in captivity, raising the issue of how to replenish this animal workforce. Practices of elephant stewardship in Burma, where trained elephants were released into the forest on a nightly basis to roam and mate, became of great interest to the very technics of empire. [R, abr.]
70.1238 SHIM, Jaemin —
The article mainly seeks to explain the legislature’s preferences in social welfare before and after democratization using South Korea as a case study. Based on an original dataset that consists of all executive and of legislative branch-submitted bills between 1948 and 2016 — roughly 60,000 — legislative priority on social welfare is compared over time, and tested using logistic regressions. The key focus of analysis is whether and how the level of democracy affected the degree and universality of social welfare priority. The findings show that the promotion of social welfare is positively related to higher levels of democracy in a continuous fashion, which clearly points to the need to avoid applying a simple regime dichotomy — authoritarian or democratic — when seeking to understand social welfare development. Going further, the article examines the legislature’s priority in welfare issues within a presidential structure and under majoritarian electoral rule, at different levels of democracy. [R, abr.]
70.1239 SHOAIB, Shandana ; MUJTABA, Bahaudin G. ; AWAN, Hassan Mustafa —
Stress impacts all employees in the private and public sectors. This study was conducted with public sector organizations to measure the stress perception of employees due to task overload. Data were collected from 595 employees and their overload stress perception was assessed using demographic variables. The results confirm that employees of a collectivist culture experience a moderate level of stress, and there is no difference in the stress perception of male and female employees. However, older employees and those possessing more qualification experience a slightly higher level of stress. Implications and recommendations for effective stress management are provided. [R]
70.1240 SJÖSTEDT, Roxanna ; SÖDERBERG KOVACS, Mimmi ; THEMNÉR, Anders —
How are threat images framed and constructed by the so-called warlord democrats (WDs)? Societies that have suffered from large-scale civil wars are commonly permeated by inter-group fear and hate. In these contexts, former military or political leaders of armed groups sometimes become involved in post-war politics. These WDs can act as reconciliation spoilers by making securitizing moves, i.e. they construct threat images that are potentially very costly for fragile post-conflict democratization processes. It is therefore crucial to explore WDs’ speech acts. Yet, the literature on post-war politics has largely overlooked these individual aspects. This article argues that the central components of securitization theory can be useful in understanding this phenomenon if adjusted to the contextual circumstances of post-war societies. [We] analyze speech acts by seven WDs in post-war Liberia and Sierra Leone. [R, abr.]
70.1241 SLOMAN, Peter —
The expansion of cash benefits to low-paid workers has been one of the most significant developments in recent UK public policy. Since 1979, transfer payments to working-age households have trebled in real terms, helping to offset increases in wage inequality. Adopting a discursive institutionalist approach, this article argues that the growth of transfer payments partly reflects the influence of what John Kay has called “Redistributive Market Liberalism” — the belief that poverty and inequality are best alleviated through income transfers outside the market. Although its roots can be traced back to the 1940s, Redistributive Market Liberalism came to the fore after 1979 in the context of a reaction against trade union power and renewed confidence in neoclassical microeconomics, and reached its apogee in New Labour’s child poverty strategy. [R, abr.]
70.1242 SMITH, Judith ; CHAMBERS, Naomi —
The public inquiry chaired by Robert Francis QC into failings of care at the Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust made 290 recommendations about matters including: standards of patient care in the National Health Service (NHS); organizational culture and leadership; the use of data and information; the need for greater openness; and compassionate and committed nursing. In this paper, we argue that Mid Staffordshire represented a profound failure of governance and leadership. We use findings from a national research study to analyze the response made by the boards and leadership of NHS hospitals to the inquiry recommendations, setting out the repertoire of board roles and behaviors required for the governance of safe and effective care. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1151]
70.1243 STEYN, Melissa ; McEWEN, Haley ; TSEKW, Jennie —
Dynamics of race in South Africa are deeply entangled within a world system that continues to enable hegemonic white privilege. Prevalent views and behaviors towards “interracial” relationships reveal a rebellion against the non-racial philosophies and policies of the new government and are an indicator of the ongoing salience of race in shaping lived experience. Drawing on interviews with couples in so-called “interracial” relationships, this article argues that unequal power dynamics continue to hyperracialize and regulate these relationships through “privatized” racial boundary policing, even though such relationships are no longer stigmatized and criminalized by the state as in apartheid South Africa. Their experiences of racism show up in two distinct ways: aggressive policing and covert policing; these in turn can lead to self-policing, and perpetuate racial social organization. [R]
70.1244 STORM, Karli —
Although the state and its constituent bodies have expended greater effort to make room for Georgia’s national minorities in official identity narratives since the Rose Revolution of 2003, subsequent changes to Tbilisi’s built environment embody an incoherent conception of "Georgian-ness" — one that, despite evidencing certain civic elements, is still predominantly primordialist in nature. This article identifies the dominant national identity narratives propagated by Georgian state leaders since independence and examines the ways in which leaders have imprinted these narratives upon the physical landscape of Tbilisi. [R, abr.]
70.1245 SU Fubing, et al. —
This article explains the regional variation in the electoral rules governing village election in China. We argue that China’s fast urbanization and land development have undermined the quality of rural democracy because local government officials faced pressure to ensure “right” cadres elected, and therefore had motivation to manipulate election rules. A panel dataset covering two rounds of elections in 2005 and 2008 is utilized to test the hypothesized relationship. Our findings are robust to various refinements in measurement and model specification. These findings contribute to the general literature on land and democratization as well as the recent debate about competitive elections in authoritarian countries. [R]
70.1246 SULEYMANOV, Alim V. —
The article analyzes the Cyprus problem, which belongs to the most complicated unresolved international conflicts of the 20th and 21st c. The specifics are seen through the prism of existing ethnic contradictions between Turkish and Greek populations of the island, as well as of a political struggle between Turkey, Greece and Britain in the Mediterranean in the second half of the 20th c. In this regard, the author makes a comparative historical analysis of the relationship between Turkish and Greek communities on the island. Special attention is also paid to the proposed plans and opinions of Turkish, Greek, Cypriot and UN officials (e.g., Annan Plan) concerning a significant reduction of tension between the Turks and the Greeks in Cyprus and transition of the conflict to the legal and financial spheres. [R, abr.]
70.1247 SWIMELAR, Safia —
LGBT rights have come to be seen as allied with the idea of “Europe” and a European identity, particularly in the process of EU enlargement to the East. Scholars have examined [how] external norms interact with more local, often “traditional” norms and identities. In this process, nationalism and conceptions of national identity and gender/sexuality norms can be seen as important factors that influence the domestic adoption of LGBT rights, particularly in the post-war Balkans. Croatia and Serbia (from approximately 2000 to 2014) present two interesting and different cases to analyze how discourses and dynamics of national and state identity construction, nationalism, and LGBT rights relate to discourses of “Europeanness” and European identity and how these affect the political dynamics of LGBT rights. [R, abr.]
70.1248 TALANI, Leila Simona —
A number of studies show the importance of the underground economy in defining the dynamics of migratory flows to southern European countries. A very high number of foreign-born workers are employed in the underground economy in Italy. However, by no means has the informal economy in the country been created by migrants. Instead, the opposite is true. Research demonstrates that it is precisely because the underground economy provides a wealth of employment opportunities that there is a strong incentive for migrants to access southern European countries, especially Italy, despite the difficulties in gaining regular migration status. [R]
70.1249 TOMÉ, Luís —
The purpose of this article is to understand and analyze the current geopolitics of the Russian Federation, arguing that although it is not the USSR, in a sense it would like to be in terms of space and power. Focusing on the discourse and practice of Vladimir Putin, we begin by analyzing the geography, demography, and borders of post-Soviet Russia and then deepen Putin’s view of Russia, post-Soviet space, and the world order. Subsequently, we assess the main factors of power in Russia and its use under Putin’s leadership: on the one hand, relative economic power, geo-economics and the geopolitics of energy; on the other hand, military power and Putin’s Russia geostrategy. [R] [See Abstr. 70.911]
70.1250 TORNEY, Diarmuid —
The past decade has seen the introduction of framework climate change laws in several countries. The development of climate laws in two small European states, Ireland and Finland, both of which introduced national climate laws in 2015, are examined. Two questions are addressed. First, to what extent do later adopters of climate policy instruments draw on the examples of pioneering legislation? Second, how and why are pioneering climate policy instruments modified by later adopters? In both cases, the 2008 UK Climate Change Act was a source of inspiration in the early stages, particularly for civil society campaigns. Thereafter, domestic interests mobilized to remove from legislative proposals the most pioneering and ambitious parts of the UK model. The result, in both cases, was enactment of climate laws that resembled only very loosely the UK Climate Change Act. [R] [See Abstr. 70.529]
70.1251 TURGEON, Luc —
Proponents of restrictions on the wearing of religious symbols in public institutions in Quebec have often framed their support in the language of liberalism, with references to “gender equality”, “state neutrality” and “freedom of conscience”. However, efforts to account for support for restrictions on minority religious symbols rarely mention liberalism. We test the hypothesis that holding liberal values might have different attitudinal consequences in Quebec and the rest of Canada. Our findings demonstrate that holding liberal values is associated with support for restrictions on the wearing of minority religious symbols in Quebec, but it is associated with opposition to such restrictions in the rest of Canada. [R, abr.]
70.1252 TUSCHHOFF, Christian —
In their startling book on How Democracies Die [Crown, 2018] S. Levitsky and D. show from a comparative perspective that even consolidated democracies like the United States might erode. They identify the deliberate destruction of democratic norms as the key cause of erosion and thus triggered a vigorous debate within political science that is recounted here. Moreover, this literature report adds arguments that the US moves towards an oligarchy as well as policy analysis research demonstrating how asymmetrical balance of power relations within the American society undermine the democratic system. Social inequality and injustice are viewed as consequences of asymmetrical opportunities of political participation. Acting strategically certain elites pursue their interests uninhibitedly and ultimately at the expense of democratic principles. [R, abr.]
70.1253 ULEŽIĆ, Sanjin —
This article aims to explain how informal institutions that emerge as part of rebel governance regimes during periods of conflict survive the transition to peace, with a particular focus on the continued presence of informal justice institutions in select communities in contemporary Northern Ireland. The development of this particular form of controlling political violence is explored as part of a broader republican rebel governance regime and a model of development is proposed which focuses on the protracted isolated development thereof. This approach demonstrates that such development produces more resilient institutions, which are able to survive both the transitions to peace and a post-conflict context which sees increased challenges from the state. [R, abr.]
70.1254 VOROŽEJKINA, Tat’jana —
Russia seems to be unable to leave the trajectory of its historical development as a patrimonial power. Once again, an autocratic regime is in power. The state is the fixed point of all political activity. However, the ability to the centralist state to control politics and modernize the economy is highly limited. The supposedly strong state is in fact weak, and is repressive and despotic precisely for this reason. Society is powerless, and the economy is dysfunctional. Under President Putin, power and property have merged to a degree never seen before, while the political process is intransparent and hardly institutionalized at all. The state development model has run into the sand. Unlike under Gorbachev, reform from above is unlikely to occur. [R, abr.]
70.1255 WENZELL LETSA, Natalie —
In electoral autocracies, why do some citizens view the state as autocratic, while others see it as democratic and legitimate? Traditionally, indicators such as income and education have been the most important factors to explaining how different types of citizens understand politics. This article argues that in electoral autocracies, we must also take into account the role of political geography. In these types of regimes, opposition parties are often one of the only actors that provide information about the authoritarian nature the government, but their message tends to get quarantined within their strongholds. I argue that regardless of income, education, ethnicity, access to government spending, or even partisanship, citizens living in opposition strongholds should be far more likely to view the state as autocratic and illegitimate than citizens living in ruling party strongholds. [R, abr.]
70.1256 WINKLER, Hernan —
This article investigates whether income inequality leads to political polarization and provides new evidence that an increase in the Gini coefficient at the local level increases the probability of supporting a political party at the extreme left and right of the ideological distribution. Using individual data for 25 European countries from 2002 to 2014, I find that increasing inequality leads on average to more support for left-wing parties. I also find that increasing inequality leads to more support for farright parties among older individuals. Support for far-right parties seems to be driven by rising anti-immigrant sentiments. The results are robust to different specifications, including an instrumental variable that addresses the endogeneity of income inequality. [R]
70.1257 YATES, Douglas —
The emergence of quasi-hereditary “dynastic republics” is a new regional trend, raising concerns about the decline in democracy, government accountability, nepotism, and grand corruption. Second-generation dynasts have ruled in Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Togo and Gabon and have been treated as exceptional, as aberrations, or theorized under other conceptual tools. This article examines “dynastic style” in this case study of Gabon which employs qualitative life story and family history methodology to show how, with the help of the former colonial power, a kin group has established itself as a dynastic regime in a modern republic, corruptly achieving what is otherwise anachronistic primogeniture. [R]
70.1258 YOON Suk-Jung ; KIM Seong-Jo —
This article analyzes the political process of Japan’s shift of constitutional interpretations on "collective self-defense" based upon the context of party politics. Previous studies tend to solely focus on Abe administration’s grand strategy and his conservative motive. However, the importance of other relevant actors’ opinions on collective self-defense has been still insufficiently understood in the existing studies. This study analyzes how Prime Minister Abe Shinzo had achieved the revision of constitutional interpretations and the Cabinet opted for the limited form of collective self-defense by shaping the political interactions with a liberal group in the LDP and Komeito. This article also focuses on how to define the specific scopes of the limited collective self-defense in the context of political and legal debates driven by the dynamics of party politics. [R]
70.1259 ZAJACZKOWSKI, Johann —
The Ukrainian voluntary battalions were created in a historic emergency. During the first phase of the war, these units acted in a highly autonomous way and pursued the same interests as the representatives of the state. However, the Minsk II Agreement fundamentally changed the relationship between the state and the voluntary units. The movement became fragmented. The volunteers find themselves confronted with considerable social and societal problems in their attempt to reintegrate into civilian society. The extent of their political capacity to act is also limited. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1148]
70.1260 ZIV, Guy —
The author analyzes the case of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s endorsement of the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He argues that Netanyahu’s June 2009 declaration was a tactical maneuver rather than a reassessment of his beliefs. [R]
70.1261
Articles by Ilko-Sascha KOWALCZUK; Dieter SEGERT; Greta HARTMAN and Alexander LEISTNER; Martin SABROW; Mandy TRÖGER; Elke KIMMEL.
70.1262
Introduction by Pascal AUSSEUR, Pierre RAZOUX, pp. 11-14. Articles by Martine PELLEN-BLIN, Philippe DÉZÉRAUD, Gérard VALIN, “La territorialisation de la Méditerranée à l’origine de nouveaux équilibres stratégiques (Territorial takeovers in the Mediterranean and new strategic balances)", pp. 17-26; Nicolas MAZZUCCHI, "Méditerranée orientale: les hydrocarbures de la discorde (The Eastern Mediterranean: the hydrocarbons of discord)", pp. 27-32; Thierry DUCHESNE, "La protection de l’environnement en Méditerranée (Protecting the Mediterranean environment)", pp. 33-38; Bastien BONIJOLY, "La vulnérabilité des marchés d’actions d’Afrique du Nord aux chocs de politique monétaire internationale (The vulnerability of North African stock markets to international monetary policy)", p. 39-46; Gilles KEPEL, "Les enjeux du jihadisme et du terrorisme en Méditerranée (The challenges of jihadism and terrorism in the Mediterranean)", pp. 47-51; Walter BRUYÈREOSTELLS, "Le défi du retour des combattants de Syrie (The challenge of combatants returning from Syria)", pp. 52-56; Jean-Paul CHAGNOLLAUD, "La Méditerranée orientale, condensé des rivalités internationales (The Eastern Mediterranean, a concentration of international rivalries)", pp. 57-63; Mustapha BENCHENANE, "L’instabilité méditerranéenne: fatalité ou défi à relever? (Mediterranean instability: inevitable, or a challenge to be taken up?)", pp. 64-70.]
70.1263
Introduction by Hamit BOZARSLAN and Lucile SCHMID, “Algérie: sortir des années noires (Algeria: out of the black decade)”, pp. 35-40. Articles by Akram BELKAÏD, "Un élan national (A national impetus)", pp. 41-48; Thomas SERRES, “‘Vous avez mangé le pays!’. Revendications socioéconomiques et politisation en Algérie (2011-2019) (‘You have eaten the country!’. Socio-economic demands and politicization in Algeria, 2011-2019)”, pp. 49-60; Jean-Pierre PEYROULOU, "L’Algérie passée des manifestations (Algeria’s past in the protests)", pp. 61-70; Pierre VERMEREN, "Petite histoire des dissidences en Algérie (A short history of dissent in Algeria)", pp. 70-82.
70.1264
Articles by Clemens BOMSDORF; Thomas BORCHERT; Rudolf HERMANN; Sigrid HARMS; Jessica STURMBERG; Jennifer WIEBKING; Helmut STEUER; Katja SCHERER; Benny Egholm SØRENSEN; Kajsa KINSELLA.
70.1265
Articles by Hans BRANDT; Robert KAPPEL; Leonie MARCH; Christian PUTSCH; Wolfgang DRECHSLER; Katja SCHERER; Matthias BODDENBERG; Talitha BERTELSMANN-SCOTT; Katharina WILHELM.