Abstract
72.4587 BARNETT, Anthony —
Trevor Smith, who died in April 2021, was an exemplary public servant: a Liberal Democrat peer, university vice-chancellor, professor of public administration and President of the Political Studies Association. Perhaps his most important legacy was as Chair of the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust from 1987 to 1999 when he ‘did much to shape the agenda of centre-left politics’ across Britain. His shaping influence included strategic support for the Scottish Constitutional Convention, Charter 88 and the New Statesman (which was saved from bankruptcy). [R, abr.]
72.4588 BENNETT, Andrew ; CHARMAN, Andrew E. ; FAIRFIELD, Tasha —
Bayesian analysis has emerged as a rapidly expanding frontier in qualitative methods. Recent work in this journal has voiced various doubts regarding how to implement Bayesian process tracing and the costs versus benefits of this approach. In this response, we articulate a very different understanding of the state of the method and a much more positive view of what Bayesian reasoning can do to strengthen qualitative social science. Drawing on forthcoming research as well as our earlier work, we focus on clarifying issues involving mutual exclusivity of hypotheses, evidentiary import, adjudicating among more than two hypotheses, and the logic of iterative research, with the goal of elucidating how Bayesian analysis operates and pushing the field forward. [R] [See also Abstr. 72.4635]
72.4589 BLAU, Adrian —
This is a constructive critique of Habermas’s account of rationality, which is central to his political theory and has sparked theoretical and empirical research across academia. Habermas and many critical theorists caricature means-ends rationality (the ability to pick good means to ends), e.g. by wrongly depicting it as egocentric. This weakens Habermas’s attempt to distinguish means-ends rationality from his hugely important and influential idea of communicative rationality (roughly, the rationality of genuine discussion). I suggest that sincerity and autonomy, rather than non-egocentrism, are the key distinguishing features of communicative rationality. This shows that communicative rationality actually overlaps with means-ends rationality. Indeed, means-ends rationality is needed by critical theorists, as I exemplify by showing its use in deliberative democracy. Moreover, means-ends rationality will be present in discourse ethics, as I show with the example of moral discourse about gay marriage. [R, abr.]
72.4590 BOUCHER, Joanne —
This article examines the role of women in Hobbes’s economic thought. First, I frame Hobbes’s economic thought in relation to his philosophical materialism so as to underscore the extent to which Hobbes’s materialism entails the insight that human beings are, by definition, productive, economic creatures. I argue that his description of the economy, even without explicit acknowledgment, necessarily positions women as crucial economic actors. I then consider the implications of this in relation to the feminist possibilities of Hobbes’s gender politics. I conclude that when deliberating on this question, we face the same conundrum that is evident in all literature considering Hobbes and gender. His radical comments about women in the state of nature are undermined by his seeming indifference to the state of women in commonwealths once they are founded. [R]
72.4591 BUNN, Philip D. —
The relationship between the thought of Albert Camus and Simone Weil has been partially explored by scholars since their deaths. However, current scholarship does not fully explain the influence Weil’s life and work had on Camus’ esthetics, a full treatment of which is necessary to truly understand the significance of Camus’ adoption of the idea of the rebel as artist. Camus’ thought progresses significantly from his early esthetics of the will in his Essay on Music, affirming art as fundamentally an egoistic act, to a later esthetics of transcendence, affirming the selflessness of artistic rebellion. This paper argues that Camus’ development both mirrors Weil’s own philosophical development and corresponds to Camus’ exposure to and assimilation of Weil’s thought on decreation, beauty, and the transcendent. [R, abr.]
72.4592 CLARKE, Michelle T. —
In The Prince, Machiavelli often associates power with force and the ability to compel obedience. In the Discourses on Livy and Florentine Histories, however, he emphasizes the role that moral authority has played in the construction of princely power, especially in republics like ancient Rome and modern Florence. This article explores the alternative style of princely virtù that Machiavelli associates with these princes and contrasts it with cruder forms of fraud, like moral hypocrisy, playing the hero, and ideological innovation. Finally, it shows how Machiavelli’s analysis of power and princely virtù constitutes a revival of the historiographic tradition epitomized by Thucydides, Sallust, and Tacitus, in which irony is used to critique the social grammars that princes have used to underwrite their domination. [R]
72.4593 COZZAGLIO, Ilaria —
In 2016, the Five Stars Movement (5SM), one of the parties currently in power in Italy, launched the ‘Rousseau platform’. This is a platform meant to enhance direct democracy, transparency and the real participation of the people in the making of laws, policies and political proposals. Although ennobled with the name of Rousseau, the 5SM’s redemptive promise has been strongly criticised in the public sphere for being irresponsible and ideological. Political realism, I will argue, can perform both a diagnostic and a corrective task, by providing some tools to unveil populist distortions and by offering more solid grounds for political opponents’ critique. Three aspects of realism, in particular, will be pointed out as remedies against populist drifts. First, anti-moralism, complemented by anti-utopianism and contextualism, criticises the populists’ moralistic picture of politics, its anti-pluralistic attitude and its rejection of the role of experts in politics. Second, the Weberian ethic of responsibility offers standards to assess politicians’ actions, instead of embracing the populist aversion towards any professional politician; besides, it contrasts the populist image of politics as a derogatory activity. [R, abr.]
72.4594 CUZÁN, Alfred G. —
Two decades ago, Peter Nannestad and Martin Paldam (2009) published a paper in which, having analyzed 282 elections held between 1948 and 1997 in 19 developed democracies, they claimed that all incumbent parties on average incur a “cost of ruling” of approximately 2.25% points per term. They called this cost a “robust fact,” “an unusually stable constant” that operates across countries, institutions, and time. I evaluate how well N&P’s empirical assertions hold up in a much larger set of elections held in a set of well-established democracies similar to the one they studied, as well as in other, more recent electoral democracies outside the OECD region. [R]
72.4595 EIJKING, Jan —
The French political theorist Henri de Saint-Simon is largely absent from historical IR. This article shows why this is unwarranted and introduces him as an international thinker who made lasting contributions to IR’s modern conceptual imagination. Largely responding to the French Revolution Saint-Simon rethought the parameters of international order, imagining the international as a realm separable from national politics and conformable to human agency. International order, on his account, could be actively created. This could take the shape of legislation, trade, or large-scale engineering projects: of new methods of governance. Based on a close reading of texts rarely brought into IR’s focus, this article introduces Saint-Simon as a thinker who cut across traditional IR divides and developed a central actor category of international order: impartial, knowledge-based agents of change. [R, abr.]
72.4596 ENGLERT, Gianna — ‘
Tocqueville has been portrayed as a “strange liberal” for his singular defenses of individual liberty. This essay highlights an overlooked instance of Tocqueville’s distinctiveness by analyzing his thoughts on suffrage, which placed him at odds with his French liberal contemporaries. It uncovers Tocqueville’s attitude toward universal suffrage in America and his critiques of a capacitarian suffrage in France. I argue that Tocqueville articulated his hope not for a “more democratic, but for a more moral” electoral law during most of the July Monarchy, aiming to transcend existing debates over the extent of the electorate or the capacité politique of the individual elector. By arguing for Tocqueville’s singularity on the suffrage, this essay brings to light both his departures from the thought of the liberal Doctrinaires and his reflections on the particular character of democracy in France. [R]
72.4597 ERSKINE, Toni ; GUZZINI, Stefano ; WELCH, David A. —
A symposium. Articles by Alexander WENDT, "Why IR scholars should care about quantum theory, part I: burdens of proof and uncomfortable facts", pp. 119-129; Andrew H. KYDD, "Our place in the universe: Alexander Wendt and quantum mechanics", pp. 130-145; Fred CHERNOFF, "‘Truth’, ‘justice’, and the American wave…function: comments on Alexander Wendt’s Quantum Mind and Social Science", pp. 146-158; Sergei PROZOROV, "Otherwise than quantum", pp. 159-168; Friedrich KRATOCHWIL, "The strange fate of the morphed ‘rump materialism’: a comment on the vagaries of social science as seen through Alexander Wendt’s Quantum Mind and Social Science", pp. 169-182; Kimberly HUTCHINGS, "Empire and insurgency: the politics of truth in Alexander Wendt’s Quantum Mind and Social Science: Unifying Physical and Social Ontology", pp. 183-192; Alexander WENDT, "Why IR scholars should care about quantum theory, part II: critics in the PIT", pp. 193-209.
72.4598 EVANS, Jessica —
This article responds to Samuel Knafo and Benno Teschke’s recent critique of Political Marxism and their proposal for an alternative, ‘radical agency-centered’ historicism. While sympathetic to the critiques raised by the authors, I am less convinced by the conclusions they reach. Rather than abandon Political Marxism altogether, I argue that there remains much of value in the tradition. Through an analysis of the differential path of capitalist development in settler-colonial Canada, I suggest that bringing the methodological insights of Uneven and Combined Development to bear on the theoretical material of Political Marxism can alleviate the problems identified by the authors. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4619]
72.4599 HALLDENIUS, Lena —
Annelien de Dijn’s Freedom: An Unruly History is a rich and thought-provoking work in intellectual history, tracing thinking and debating about political freedom in the West from ancient Greece to our own times. The ancient notion of freedom as self-government (what Quentin Skinner calls neo-roman liberty) is referred to as the ‘democratic conception’. The argument is that this conception survived through the renaissance, the early-modern period and the 18th-c. Atlantic revolutions only to be deliberately scrapped in the 19th century in favour of liberal freedom — absence of state interference — thus severing the ancient links between freedom and democracy and turning democracy into a threat to freedom. The book is an impressive achievement and the use of sources staggeringly wide. However, though the liberal turn is certainly a fact of history, I am not convinced that it was such a decisive break, nor that the relations between conceptions of freedom and attitudes to democracy are as clear-cut as de Dijn needs them to be. [R, abr.]
72.4600 HANLEY, Ryan Patrick —
Montesquieu’s Persian Letters offers a remarkable guide into the methods and substance of political education, and especially political education at a distance. In two particular series of epistolary exchanges between distant letter writers and recipients we are shown a talented educator in action, one especially adept on two fronts. First, in these exchanges Usbek shows himself to be uniquely sensitive to the concerns of his interlocutors. Second, his sensitivity to these concerns shapes not only the methods by which he presents his political teaching but also its substance. This paper argues that Usbek’s political education speaks, by design, to the inclinations of its recipients, and that this political education is itself grounded on the teaching that the best regime in practice is that which most effectively responds to the inclinations of its inhabitants. [R]
72.4601 HEMMERICH, Luca ; JÖRKE, Dirk —
We defend the inevitability and possibility of “political anthropology” as the study of arguments from human nature in political theory. First, we develop a typology of the role of anthropological premises in political theory by classifying them according to their degree of explication, thickness, epistemic approach, and theoretical function. Second, we typologize post-modern critiques of the concept of human nature in order to show that they raise important methodological issues for the project of political anthropology, but do not undermine it as such. Third, we propose a renewal of political anthropology in light of current challenges in political theory. By systematizing the place of anthropological premises and criticisms of the concept of human nature we want to contribute to clarifying their role in political thought and encourage a revival of the project of political anthropology. [R, abr.]
72.4602 HERZOG, Lisa —
More and more decisions in our societies are made by algorithms. What are such decisions like, and how do they compare to human decision-making? I contrast central features of algorithmic decision-making with three key elements — plurality, natality, and judgment — of Hannah Arendt’s political thought. In “Arendtian practices,” human beings come together as equals, exchange arguments, and make joint decisions, sometimes bringing something new into the world. With algorithmic decision-making taking over more and more areas of life, opportunities for “Arendtian practices” are under threat. Moreover, there is the danger that algorithms are tasked with decisions for which they are ill-suited. [R, abr.]
72.4603 HOLDO, Markus —
The idea of authentic communication raises both sociological and ethical questions. Scholars focusing on institutional conditions emphasize that audiences only have reasons to trust speakers that appear to have incentives to be truthful, unless they know them personally. However, theorists of ethics argue that authentic communication requires genuine commitment, which is conceptually at odds with self-interested reasoning. This article finds that both incentives and genuine commitment are necessary conditions for trustworthiness in speech, but neither is sufficient on its own. The problem is thus how to combine them. Examining the work of Habermas and Bourdieu, this article develops a relational perspective on authentic communication. It suggests that latent institutions can induce trust by making trustworthiness preferable, and still allow speakers to earn citizens’ trust through genuine ethical commitment. [R, abr.]
72.4604 INOUYE, Mie —
This article argues that Ella Baker’s ideology of radical democracy shaped her theory of organizing, including her theories of mass action and indigenous leadership. Against the emerging consensus in realist and radical democratic theory that both Baker’s praxis and democratic organizing more broadly are nonideological, I argue that all organizing is ideological if, with Stuart Hall, we understand ideology not as a rigid set of beliefs but as a dynamic framework for understanding society. Organizers make decisions based on their own ideologies and they attempt to maintain or reshape the dominant ideologies. In this sense, organizers are political theorists: they have self-conscious theories of how society works and changes based on which they make strategic decisions. I demonstrate a method for interpreting organizers’ political theories. [R, abr.]
72.4605 KNAFO, Samuel ; TESCHKE, Benno —
This is a response to the contributions to the symposium on our initial article, ‘Political Marxism and the rules of reproduction of capitalism: a historicist critique’. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4619]
72.4606 LEROUX, Robert —
Jean-Gustave Courcelle-Seneuil est l’un de ces auteurs du XIXe siècle qu’on a depuis longtemps bien oublié. En son temps, il était pourtant considéré comme un penseur important. Il était lu et abondamment commenté. Sa contribution aux sciences sociales, particulièrement à l’économie et à la sociologie, de même que sa pensée libérale, n’est pas négligeable. Mais son style particulier, parfois abstrait, son goût pour de curieux néologismes, son éclectisme, font en sorte qu’il nous est étranger. À défaut d’être d’actualité, il est intéressant de le revisiter, ne serait-ce que pour mieux comprendre un contexte intellectuel particulier. [R]
72.4607 LEWIS, Verlan —
While previous scholarship has created anachronistic categories to analyze the political thought of notable liberals like John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville, this article improves our understanding of liberalism by using an analytic category supplied by the writers themselves. Using Tocqueville’s aristocracy-democracy dichotomy, this paper demonstrates important differences in the social and political thought of Mill and Tocqueville previously overlooked. Specifically, by focusing on Mill’s reviews of Tocqueville’s work and correspondence between the two authors, this essay points out the differences between Mill’s “elitist democratic” liberalism and Tocqueville’s “aristocratic democratic” liberalism. This distinction has important implications for understanding the dominant forms of modern liberalism. [R]
72.4608 LINDSAY, Adam —
In On the People’s Terms, Philip Pettit incorporates the Sieyèsian notion of constituent power into his constitutional theory of non-domination. I argue that Emmanuel Sieyès’s understanding of liberty precludes such an appropriation. While a republican, his conceptualisation of liberty in the face of commercial society stood apart from theories of civic vigilance, preferring instead to disentangle individuals from politics and maximise what he understood to be their non-political freedoms. Sieyès saw that liberty was heightened through relations of representation and commercial dependency. This conception of liberty was pivotal to the identity of the nation, and so allowed Sieyès to assess forms of collective injustice committed by the French nobility. It also provided the normative foundation of his theory of constituent power. For Sieyès, constituent power guarded against legislative excess in a decidedly minimal sense, intending instead to separate citizens from the political sphere so they were not burdened with ongoing participation or public vigilance. [R]
72.4609 LOCKWOOD, Thornton —
Scholars of race in antiquity commonly claim that Aristotle holds protoracist views about barbaroi or non-Greeks. But a careful examination of Aristotle’s remarks in his Politics about slavery, non-Greek political institutions, and Greek and non-Greek natural qualities calls into question such claims. No doubt, Aristotle held views at odds with modern liberalism, such as his views about gender subordination and the exploitation of slave and non-slave labor. But claims that Aristotle holds proto-racist views are regularly but erroneously asserted without careful consideration of relevant textual evidence. I argue that Aristotle neither categorically distinguishes Greeks and non-Greeks nor does he endorse the claim that Greeks are categorically superior to non-Greeks. Indeed, Aristotle regularly draws upon non-Greek political institutions in his own formulation of the best constitution and he praises the non-Greek constitution of Carthage. [R, abr.]
72.4610 MacART, Theresa —
Contemporary models of patriotism struggle to reconcile robust political partiality with universal norms of justice. This article defends an alternative account of ethical patriotism based on Thomas Aquinas’s virtue of pietas, or dutiful respect towards country and fellow citizens. Aquinas’s sensitivity to the sociopolitical context of human development leads him to defend patriotism as an associative obligation. Yet he avoids the moral particularism or skepticism characteristic of most defenses of strong patriotism by presenting norms of justice as preconditions of common life, upon which the long-term stability of positive law depends. Consequently, the virtue of pietas takes an aspirational form; it aims not to preserve a flawed status quo, but to preserve political features that give distinctive shape to a political community while simultaneously pressing the regime to reground positive laws on a foundation of natural right. [R]
72.4611 MARASCO, Robyn —
This article draws from the reading protocols developed by José Esteban Muñoz to advance a political reading of Georges Bataille. It argues for a consistent and coherent anti-fascism across Bataille’s work, from the early “political” writings to the mature turn toward mysticism. Focusing in particular on his writings from the 1930s, this article clarifies some of the key concepts in Bataille’s critical theory of fascism: expenditure, heterology, base materialism, and democratic anguish. [R]
72.4612 McCORMICK, John P. —
This essay offers an alternative to influential interpretations of elites, peoples, and senates in Niccolò Machiavelli’s theory of mixed republics. It analyzes in greater depth both Machiavelli’s ascription of the morally objectionable and politically dangerous trait of insolenzia to the nobles as a social class; and his justifications for the establishment of senates as institutions that partially remedy the problem of aristocratic insolence — justifications that depart from traditional Ciceronian and Polybian standards. Machiavelli demonstrates in The Prince, the Discourses, and the Florentine Histories that republics with senates, such as ancient Rome, manage to mollify aristocratic insolence, while those lacking them, like modern Florence, permit such insolence to proliferate unchecked. Moreover, Machiavelli intimates, republics that collectively gather nobles within senate chambers are afforded the opportunity to entirely eliminate aristocratic insolence. [R, abr.]
72.4613 McQUEEN, Paddy —
In this article I describe and defend an account of social freedom grounded in intersubjective recognition. I term this the ‘normative authorisation’ account. It holds that a person enjoys social freedom if she is recognised as a discursive equal able to engage in justificatory dialogue with other social agents about the appropriateness of her reasons for action. I contrast this with Axel Honneth’s theory of social freedom, which I term the ‘self-realisation’ account. According to this view, the affirmative recognition of others is necessary for obtaining a positive relation-to-self and hence freedom. I identify several problems with this account, which challenge the connection Honneth draws between social recognition and freedom. I show how the normative authorisation account avoids these problems and captures some basic features of our everyday, normative interactions. Finally, I suggest that the account fits well with recent work on epistemic injustice. [R, abr.]
72.4614 MICHELSEN, Danny —
The article examines the compatibility of agonistic democracy and populism as well as their relationship to the idea of constitutionalism. The first part shows that Chantal Mouffe’s recent attempts to reconcile her normative approach of an agonistic pluralism with a populist style of politics are not fully convincing. Although there are undeniable commonalities between an agonistic and a populist understanding of politics — the appreciation of conflict, the rejection of moralistic and juridical modes of conflict resolution etc. — the populist mode of the construction of the people (and the denunciation of political opponents as enemies of the people) risks impeding the transformation of antagonistic into agonistic modes of political contest. The tensions between agonism and populism are especially evident in matters of constitutionalism. This topic is examined in the second part of the article, which provides some ideas for reducing the normative and institutional blind spots of contemporary theories of agonistic democracy. [R, abr.]
72.4615 NEWMAN, Saul —
The 16th-century French humanist writer Etienne de La Boétie has not often been considered in literature on republican political thought, despite his famous essay, Discours de la Servitude Volontaire, displaying a number of clear republican tropes and themes, being largely concerned with the problem of arbitrary power embodied in the figure of the tyrant. Yet, I argue that the real significance of La Boétie’s text is in his radical concept of voluntary servitude and the way it adds a new dimension to the neo-republican theory of liberty as non-domination. The problem of self-domination or wilful obedience to authority is a form of ideological domination that Pettit’s understanding of arbitrary power relationships between agents does not adequately account for. Furthermore, La Boétie shows that freedom is an ontological condition and is realised not — or not entirely — through the rule of law as the guarantee against arbitrariness, as neo-republicans advocate, but rather through acts of self-emancipation and civil disobedience. [R, abr.]
72.4616 NUMAO, J. K. —
This article revisits long-standing questions about consent, membership and emigration in Locke’s thought. Commentators such as A John Simmons have argued that Locke opens political membership to both express consenters and some kind of tacit consenters, and not just to the former, as some have suggested. Simmons’s reading seems to render Locke more sensible in that it does not exclude large numbers of people from membership or burden the few members with all the civic duties, and also in that it allows at least tacit-consenting members the right to relocate, while this right is denied to express-consenting members. Against this reading, the article shows, by resolving seemingly conflicting claims in the text, that people become members only by express consent. It also responds to the criticism that the express-consent-only reading would limit membership to a few and so would render Locke’s account implausible from a practical point of view. The article then addresses the purported restriction Locke imposes on express consenters’ right to emigrate, arguing that the restriction concerns the change of membership and not the right to relocate. [R]
72.4617 OLSTHOORN, Johan ; VAN APELDOORN, Laurens —
It is morally impossible, Locke argued, for individuals to consensually establish absolute rule over themselves. That would be to transfer to rulers a power that is not ours, but God’s alone: ownership of our lives. This article analyses the conceptual presuppositions of Locke’s argument for the moral impossibility of self-enslavement through a comparison with other classical social contract theorists, including Grotius, Hobbes and Pufendorf. Despite notoriously defending the permissibility of voluntary enslavement of individuals and even entire peoples, Grotius similarly endorsed divine ownership of human life. He could do so coherently, we show, because he denied that despotic power gives rulers rights in the lives of their subjects. Masters do not own slaves in the way we own material things (which we may destroy at will). Reworking received Roman law categories, Grotius maintained that ‘perfect slavery’ consists in masters having a personal right to the slave’s perpetual service; a condition equivalent to what Locke called ‘drudgery’ and deemed permissible. [R, abr.]
72.4618 OPREA, Alexandra —
How should the ordinary citizens of commercial societies navigate increasingly complex political landscapes characterized by global markets, specialization, and manipulation by special interests? I refer to the gap between the demands of political judgment and the capacities of ordinary citizens as the “political judgment problem,” and I argue, drawing on Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations, that versions of this problem have existed since the early days of commercial society. By reconstructing Smith’s account of collective action by ordinary citizens, we can better understand the importance of political judgment to Smith’s political theory. Attending to it uncovers both classical solutions to the political judgment problem and a series of underappreciated modern answers focused on lowering the cognitive burdens of political judgment. [R, abr.]
72.4619 PAL, Maïa —
This introduction presents the symposium on Sam Knafo and Benno Teschke’s article in Historical Materialism, ‘Political Marxism and the Rules of Reproduction of Capitalism: A Historicist Critique’ (2021). It briefly summarizes the foundations of Political Marxism, discusses the broader implications of the debate raised by Knafo and Teschke for questions of collective knowledge-production and methods in Marxist historiography, and outlines the seven contributions of the symposium. The introduction concludes by tracing, through the evolution of debates in Political Marxism and the contributions of its protagonists, some of the lineages of Marxist historiography as well as of the history of this journal. [R] [Introduction to a symposium. See Abstr. 72.769, 770, 771]
72.4620 PANG Xun ; LIU Licheng ; XU Yiqing —
This paper proposes a Bayesian alternative to the synthetic control method for comparative case studies with a single or multiple treated units. We adopt a Bayesian posterior predictive approach to Rubin’s causal model, which allows researchers to make inferences about both individual and average treatment effects on treated observations based on the empirical posterior distributions of their counterfactuals. The prediction model we develop is a dynamic multilevel model with a latent factor term to correct biases induced by unit-specific time trends. It also considers heterogeneous and dynamic relationships between covariates and the outcome, thus improving precision of the causal estimates. To reduce model dependency, we adopt a Bayesian shrinkage method for model searching and factor selection. Monte Carlo exercises demonstrate that our method produces more precise causal estimates than existing approaches and achieves correct frequentist coverage rates even when sample sizes are small and rich heterogeneities are present in data. We illustrate the method with two empirical examples from political economy. [R]
72.4621 PATBERG, Markus —
Few debates in political theory are challenged as much by the constant change of their empirical subject as those about democracy in the EU. With A Republican Europe of States, Richard Bellamy responds to the EU’s post-Lisbon era, which has been characterized by the euro crisis, conflicts over migration, the rise of Euroscepticism and Brexit. Keeping an eye on these contextual conditions and the related legal and political transformations, he has developed a general theory of international democracy aimed at securing non-domination between peoples and between citizens and their representatives at the international level, and elaborated its implications for the EU. The result is a distinctive version of demoi-cracy, whose firm centring on the nation-state as the natural locus of democracy is likely to be controversially discussed. In this article, I raise some critical considerations regarding the design of demoi-cratic institutions, the adequate understanding of EU citizenship and the normative credentials of differentiated (dis-)integration. [R]
72.4622 RECHT, Linus —
Although Nietzsche writes that Beyond Good and Evil is “in all essentials a critique of modernity,” surprisingly, the secondary literature typically slips past giving a precise characterization of this central concept in that work. In this paper I show that tracking Nietzsche’s use of the term "modern" in the work shows that Nietzsche’s “modernity” is: (1) a structure of ideas or values, (2) a psychic structure, (3) a social structure or a politics, and (4), at the highest level a world; and that uncovering the core or substance of the critique demands careful attention to each of these four themes in light of the multiple addressees to and for whom Nietzsche writes in Beyond Good and Evil, given that he describes the work as both a "Prelude to a Philosophy of the Future" and "a school for the gentilhomme." [R]
72.4623 RICHARD, Stanislas Victor —
Sean Irving’s book Hayek’s Market Republicanism: The Limits of Liberty shows that the commonly accepted reading of Hayek as a liberal thinker is mistaken, and that his political writings are best understood as belonging to the broader tradition of republicanism. The distinction is important for understanding many aspects of Hayek’s thought, and especially his rejection of social justice and majoritarian democracy. In that sense, one of the book’s more general merits is its implicit contribution to ongoing debates between republican ‘freedom as nondomination’ and liberal ‘freedom as non-interference’. Irving focuses on what he sees as a contradiction between Hayek’s chief concerns about the state as the main source of domination and his disregard for private forms of power, and especially within the capitalist firm. I argue, however, that the example of Hayek should lead us to consider a more prosaic conclusion: freedom as non-domination is a concept less useful for criticising the free market than Irving and left-leaning Republicans seem to assume. [R]
72.4624 RICHARDS, Ted J. —
Abraham Lincoln famously studied Shakespeare, yet he rarely quoted the Bard. In his “Speech on the Kansas-Nebraska Act at Peoria, Illinois,” three times he quotes and at least twice he alludes to Shakespeare. Those references include, chronologically: Hamlet (3.3.97), two subtle references to Richard III and Henry IV Part 1 , Macbeth (3.2.55), and a reference to either Macbeth or Hamlet. The importance of the Peoria Speech in Lincoln’s career is well attested. A careful analysis of these references, both as Lincoln used them, and in their original context, reveals Lincoln’s profound grasp of Shakespeare and (given Peoria’s significance) Shakespeare’s crucial influence on Lincoln’s thought and statesmanship. [R]
72.4625 RIQUELME VÁSQUEZ, Pablo —
This article deals with the peculiar defensive role of the Constitution assigned by Carl Schmitt to the ordinary courts of the Weimar Republic. To this end, we analyze a cork published in 1929 by the German author which has received little attention from specialists: "The Reichsgericht as ‘guardian of the Constitution’". The detailed and systematic interpretation of this contribution offers a novel perspective of Schmitt’s reflection on the various institutional mechanisms available to protect the basic arrangement of a society. This approach entails an emancipation from the most common prejudices in relation to the jurist’s critique of liberalism. [R, abr.]
72.4626 RODRÍGUEZ, Raúl G. —
This article presents an entirely new interpretation of the foundations of Alexis de Tocqueville’s liberalism. The current scholarly consensus is that Tocqueville rejects the state of nature foundation of early modern political thought. In contrast to this orthodox view, I maintain that this early modern theory serves as one of the foundations of his political philosophy. This essay contends that Tocqueville’s Memoir on Pauperism proves that he has an anthropology that is heavily indebted to state of nature theory, particularly Rousseau’s. Moreover, key sections of Democracy in America, read in light of the Memoir on Pauperism, reveal that state of nature theory is operative in Tocqueville’s new political science. Finally, The Old Regime and the Revolution explains why Tocqueville was a moderate state-of-nature thinker. [R, abr.]
72.4627 SALGADO, Pedro —
Knafo and Teschke’s 2020 article, ‘Political Marxism and the Rules of Reproduction of Capitalism: A Historicist Critique’, is an important contribution to the debate between structuralist and historicist interpretations of Marxism. As such, it presents important implications for how Marxism is presented in broader academic debates. My aim is to highlight the contribution of its radical historicism and its methodological emphasis on agency for questioning Eurocentric macro-narratives, through an engagement with the ways in which Marxism (and the problem of Eurocentric structuralism) is presented in Post- and Decolonial traditions. I end by drawing briefly upon examples from my previous work on Brazilian state-formation and development. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4619]
72.4628 SERPE, Alessandro —
Alf Ross is best known as one or the 20th c. most authoritative legal-philosopher. His deepest passion for the theory of law did not refrain him from deftly exploring key-practical aspects of law and contributing in some way to the public debate of his time. Demokrati, Magt og Ret is a collection of articles for newspapers offering a sustained examination of complex legal, political and moral issues. The volume displays how the main tenets of his realism served him as a clue in understanding practical issues, and, equally importantly, it rveals a fascinatingly polyhedric personality. [R]
72.4629 SHARON, Assaf —
The apparent inconsistency between Locke’s commitment to legalism and his explicit endorsement of the extra-legal power of prerogative has confounded many readers. Among those who don’t ignore or dismiss it, the common approach is to qualify the role or scope of prerogative. The article advocates the opposite approach. It argues that Locke’s legalism should be understood within the context of his oft neglected conception of political liberty in terms of self-government. This not only allows for the reconciliation of Locke’s legalism with his endorsement of extra-legal powers, but also provides a fuller, more accurate account of the role of law and of political liberty in Locke’s theory. [R]
72.4630 SORIANO GONZÁLEZ, María Luisa —
The work is a comparative analysis on two issues present in the writings of Thomas Paine and Maximilien Robespierre: the defense of the Republic and the recognition of the social rights. Both defend a representative republic but differ in the process of construction and the use of violence. Both also pursue the suppression of poverty, but the right to income of Paine is universal and unconditional while the right to the existence of Robespierre does not refer to all persons but those who are poor and lack of work. As a result, Paine can be considered the forerunner of universal basic income and Robespierre a pioneering advocate of the conditional subsistence right. [R]
72.4631 STOCKHAMMER, Engelbert —
The global financial crisis and ensuing weak growth have increased interest in macroeconomic issues within comparative political economy (CPE). CPE, particularly the dominant Varieties of Capitalism approach, has based its analyses on mainstream economics, which limits analysis of the relation between distribution and growth and neglects the role finance plays in modern economies. It overstates the stability of the capitalist growth process and understates the potential effectiveness of government interventions. Baccaro and Pontusson have suggested a post-Keynesian (PK) theory of distribution and growth as an alternative. This article generalizes their point. PK theory highlights the instability of the growth process and lends itself to an analysis of income distribution and power relations. The article identifies the analysis of financialization and financial cycles, the understanding of neoliberal growth models, and the political economy of central banks as areas where PK economics provides specific insights for CPE. It also highlights that these arguments have important implications for government policy in an era of secular stagnation with ongoing social, distributional, and economic crises. [R]
72.4632 SZŰCS, Zoltán Gábor — In defence of a liberal realism and a realist political ethics: on Edward Hall’s Value, Conflict, and Order. European Journal of Political Theory 21(2), Apr. 2022 : 390-398.
This review argues that Edward Hall’s outstanding new book on the political thought of three outstanding 20th-century thinkers — Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire and Bernard Williams — has three major substantial contributions to contemporary realism: it offers convincing realist interpretations of their oeuvres, extracts inspiring new ideas from their works for future theorizing and provides powerful arguments in defence of a liberal realist position. However, given Hall’s expertise in Williams’ thought, it might be surprising that the chapters about Hampshire seem the most interesting and most convincing parts of the book because they address some of the most fundamental issues of realism in an especially concise and well-written form. [R]
72.4633 WARD, Lee —
Modern commentators tend to view John Locke’s theory of money either in terms of a process of naturalization, placing currency completely beyond the realm of politics or as an effort to provide a moral foundation for a convention subject to epistemic instability. This study builds on the latter interpretation but offers an alternative to the standard view that Locke sought to remove monetary policy from the scope of ongoing political deliberation. While Locke emphasized the concept of trust necessary for the networks of credit and economic exchange, his account of money also prioritized prudential judgments and distinct discursive contexts, especially relating to distributive justice. Locke’s economic tracts give reason to reconsider his putative role as founder of the “sound money” doctrine and shed light on aspects of his statecraft only partly visible in his more familiar political works. [R]
72.4634 WELCH, Cheryl B. —
This essay explores the significance of Napoleon for contemporary history and public affairs by reflecting on the career of Melvin Richter (1921-2020) and his forthcoming Tocqueville and the Two Napoleons. Richter maintains that Tocqueville’s ever-deepening analysis of the Napoleonic model, a new and sinister form of the administrative state, achieved dystopian dimensions in his thought and serves as an important thread by which we can re-assess Tocqueville’s entire oeuvre and political career. The article argues that Tocqueville’s historical method, which takes center stage in Richter’s reconstruction of the way in which Tocqueville submits Napoleon to the discipline of history, continues to inspire, even as contemporary concerns shift away from the dangers of the administrative state. [R, abr.]
72.4635 ZAKS, Sherry —
In a recent article, I argued that the Bayesian process tracing literature exhibits a persistent disconnect between principle and practice. In their response, Bennett, Fairfield, and Charman raise important points and interesting questions about the method and its merits. This letter breaks from the ongoing point-by-point format of the debate by asking one question: In the most straightforward case, does the literature equip a reasonable scholar with the tools to conduct a rigorous analysis? I answer this question by walking through a qualitative Bayesian analysis of the simplest example: analyzing evidence of a murder. Along the way, I catalogue every question, complication, and pitfall I run into. Notwithstanding some important clarifications, I demonstrate that aspiring practitioners are still facing a method without guidelines or guardrails. [R] [See also Abstr. 72.4588]
72.4636 ZAMBERNARDI, Lorenzo —
Hans J. Morgenthau’s contribution to international relations and political theory appears to have been fully recognized to date. However, his ideas have undergone surprisingly little comprehensive investigation: an attitude that made it possible to grasp only a few aspects of his reflections. The main argument of this article is that the main area of inquiry in Morgenthau’s scholarship — international politics and foreign policy — is based on general considerations regarding the role of reason in politics and the limits of knowledge of the social universe. Not only does the question of the possibility of such knowledge lie at the root of his considerations on political action, but it also forms the mainspring of his reflection on ethics. Through an inquiry into the red thread that tightly links his diverse body of thought on social sciences, ethics, and foreign policy, the article aims to show that Morgenthau was a systematic political thinker who set out from theoretical observations on the limits of knowledge to develop particular insights into ethics and, from there, a particular notion of how foreign policy should be conducted. [R, abr.]