Abstract
74.3029 ABEYTIA, Anisa, et al. —
We review the impact of humanitarian actors in civil war through the examination of the concepts of neutrality and impartiality — embedded within the ‘do no harm’ principle. We argue that despite the rationale of principles seeking to detach international action from the embodied dynamics of conflict, these governing tenets have effectively served to reinforce power discrepancies between authoritarian regimes, opposition forces, and civilians in civil wars. Because humanitarian practices have so often been co-opted to strengthen the position of authoritarian regimes and inflict harm, we trace their impact in conflict networks and assess whether they serve to further protract and unbalance civil war. [R]
74.3030 AKALBEO, Benard ; MARTINEZ-VAZQUEZ, Jorge ; YEDGENOV, Bauyrzhan —
The literature on fiscal federalism has long debated whether fiscally decentralized countries are inherently more economically and fiscally unstable. This paper contributes to this literature by analyzing the impact of fiscal decentralization on one of the most important dimensions of macroeconomic stability, the unemployment level. This is the first study in the literature to address the relationship between fiscal decentralization and unemployment rate at the country level, especially using the decomposition between its structural and cyclical components. The fundamental relationship is explored empirically by using an instrumental variable approach on a panel of 52 countries between 1991 and 2012. The main result is that more fiscally decentralized countries in general tend to experience lower unemployment rates. We also find, as theoretically anticipated, that the impact of fiscal decentralization is mostly on structural unemployment compared to cyclical unemployment. [R, abr.]
74.3031 ALDERDICE, John Lord —
The character of armed conflict has changed dramatically. The use of overwhelming force no longer brings victory and success. Under what conditions do supposedly weaker conflict actors ‘outpower’ stronger actors? This article argues that, throughout human history, those most willing to engage in and sustain extreme conflict have not been rational actors but ‘devoted actors’ driven by faith in defending or advancing their non-negotiable ‘sacred values’, whether religious or secular. Bringing into dialogue insights from large group psychology, neuroscience, and epigenetics with political science, this article demonstrates how two factors can help explain apparently non-rational elements of human functioning during armed conflict: first, the biological substrate helps elucidate why and how rational actor models seem to underestimate the influence of ‘right and wrong’ in people’s behaviour; second, the complex psychology of large groups often drives people to engage in action that may not be in their own individual interests. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3133]
74.3032 ALSHAMY, Yahya, et al. —
Proponents of markets tend to neglect the role that nonviolent action plays in fostering peaceful arrangements; scholars focused on nonviolent action tend to neglect the role of markets as a space for nonviolent action. This paper highlights an overlooked marvel of the market — that market interactions foster a culture of peace through nonviolent action. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Gene Sharp’s The Politics of Nonviolent Action”, edited by Christopher J. COYNE. See also Abstr. 74.3065, 3081, 3294, 3458]
74.3033 ANSARI, Nabil ; BEVIR, Mark ; CHAN, Kai Yui Samuel —
The empirical turn in the study of deliberative democracy raises a problem: deliberative democracy’s conceptual premises are in tension with those of the social scientific approaches often used to study it. If deliberation is to function as a source of political legitimacy, we must treat citizens as intentional agents capable of reasoning. In contrast, modernist social science characteristically employs forms of explanation that bypass intentionality. Deliberative democrats thus risk theoretical inconsistency when they attempt to study deliberation using the techniques of modernist social science. The danger is that when deliberative democrats rely on modernist social science, they at least implicitly reinforce a fallacious belief in expertise at the expense of a more dialogic and democratic ethos. The concepts and the practical aims of deliberative democracy seem, therefore, to require a more interpretive social science. [R]
74.3034 ANTÓN, Miguel, et al. —
We present a mechanism based on managerial incentives through which common ownership affects product market outcomes. Firm-level variation in common ownership causes variation in managerial incentives and productivity across firms, which leads to intraindustry and intrafirm crossmarket variation in prices, output, markups, and market shares that is consistent with empirical evidence. The organizational structure of multiproduct firms and the passivity of common owners determine whether higher prices under common ownership result from higher costs or from higher markups. Using panel regressions and a difference-in-differences design, we document that managerial incentives are less performance sensitive in firms with more common ownership. [R]
74.3035 APITZSCH, Birgit, et al. —
Highly skilled freelance workers are mainly depicted as a challenge to trade unionism because of their mobility, market power and specific interests in organisational support. The authors explore the manifestations of collectivism of highly skilled freelance workers on the basis of semi-structured interviews with 14 highly skilled freelancers and 35 representatives of intermediaries such as trade unions, professional associations, staffing agencies and cooperatives in medicine, IT and film in Germany. The results reveal new forms and dynamics of labour market collectivism arising from concurrent conflicts and negotiations of job access and working conditions. [R]
74.3036 ARIKAN, Gizem ; MILOSAV, Ðorđe —
This article discusses the integration of research methods training into a third-year elective undergraduate course. We suggest that the building blocks of research design can be embedded in courses without compromising their content. This introduces research methods to students who have no prior methods training or gives students with methods training more opportunities to engage in research design. We present evidence that this approach increased students’ self-assessed knowledge of and confidence with research-related skills, especially among those without prior methods training. Additionally, the analysis of research proposals — the final assignment of the course — revealed that most students were able to apply core research design skills. These findings demonstrate that progress in research methods skills is possible across the curriculum. [R]
74.3037 ARZHEIMER, Kai —
In this research note, I focus on the link between political secularism and basic human values. From Schwartz’s own work and from the extant literature on religion, secularism and basic human values, I derive two hypotheses: self-direction should be linked to higher levels, and tradition should be linked to lower levels of political secularism. [R]
74.3038 ASH, Elliott ; GAUTHIER, Germain ; WIDMER, Philine —
Social scientists have become increasingly interested in how narratives — the stories in fiction, politics, and life — shape beliefs, behavior, and government policies. This paper provides an unsupervised method to quantify latent narrative structures in text documents. Our new software package RELATIO identifies coherent entity groups and maps explicit relations between them in the text. We provide an application to the US Congressional Record to analyze political and economic narratives in recent decades. Our analysis highlights the dynamics, sentiment, polarization, and interconnectedness of narratives in political discourse. [R]
74.3039 ASLAM, Ali ; McIVOR, David ; SCHLOSSER, Joel —
This essay examines the relationship between democracy and the unconscious. It does so by understanding democracy through the repressed desire for shared power by a collective actor that has episodically realized itself, in ways that haunt political languages, practices, and aspirations. Democratic flourishing rests upon erotic practices through which the demos transgressively transforms politics by embracing what we refer to as democratic narcissism. Democratic decline and impasse are symptomatic of repressed desires for power that have required the people’s abjection rather than coalescing into a self-affirming narcissism of the demos. [R]
74.3040 AUSTIN, Lisa M. —
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted many complexities involved in using data and advanced technologies to help resolve public health emergencies. These complexities highlight the need to embrace a broader framework of data governance with three foundational questions: (1) who decides about data flows, (2) on what basis, and (3) with what accountability and oversight. These questions can accommodate the issues that have arisen in the literature regarding new types of data harms. However, these questions also foreground important issues of power, authority, and legitimacy. Data governance can provide an organizing normative framework to address emerging data themes including access to data, collective decision making, data intermediaries, data sovereignty, design and digital infrastructure, regulatory technologies, the rule of law, and social trust and license. The pandemic experience with contact tracing apps, in particular, showed the many unresolved governance challenges. [R]
74.3041 AYTAC, Ugur —
This article argues that social media companies’ power to regulate communication in the public sphere illustrates a novel type of domination. The idea is that, since social media companies can partially dictate the terms of citizens’ political participation in the public sphere, they can arbitrarily interfere with the choices individuals make qua citizens. I contend that social media companies dominate citizens in two different ways. First, I focus on the cases in which social media companies exercise direct control over political speech. They exercise quasi-public power over citizens because their regulation of speech on social media platforms implies the capacity to arbitrarily interfere with citizens’ democratic contestation in the political system. Second, companies’ algorithmic governance entails the capacity to interfere with citizens’ choices about what mode of discursive engagement they endorse in their relationships with fellow citizens. By raising the cost of deliberative engagement, companies narrow citizens’ choice menu. [R]
74.3042 AYTAC, Ugur ; ROSSI, Enzo —
Prominent Anglo-American philosophers recently proposed novel arguments for the view that ideology critique is moral critique, and ideologies are flawed insofar as they contribute to injustice or oppression. We criticize that view and make the case for an alternative and more empirically oriented approach, grounded in epistemic rather than moral commitments. We make two related claims: (1) ideology critique can debunk beliefs and practices by uncovering how, empirically, they are produced by self-justifying power and (2) the self-justification of power should be understood as an epistemic rather than moral flaw. Drawing on the recent realist revival in political theory, we argue that this genealogical approach has more radical potential, despite being more parsimonious than morality-based approaches. We discuss the results of empirical studies on the contemporary phenomenon of neopatriarchy in the Middle East and North Africa. [R, abr.]
74.3044 BAGG, Samuel —
The growing movement seeking to revive an aggressive, “neo-Brandeisian” approach to antitrust policy sees it partly as a way of protecting democracy against concentrated economic power. Yet on closer inspection, prevailing theories of democracy as collective decision-making offer weak support, at best, for a neo-Brandeisian approach. Rather than abandoning the insight that an aggressive approach to antitrust can help protect democracy, however, this essay argues that we should adjust our theories of democracy to accommodate it. I first show why prevailing accounts are ill suited to explaining the democratic virtues of a neo-Brandeisian approach. I then outline an alternative ideal of democracy — defended in greater detail elsewhere — and draw out its implications for antitrust. While vindicating the intuition that aggressive antitrust policy serves democratic goals, my account also incorporates genuine worries about such an approach. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3237]
74.3045 BAIN, William —
This article elaborates an account of political theology that is both historical and critical in orientation. Whereas the historical dimension excavates theological antecedents that inform the vocabulary of international relations, the critical dimension illuminates incoherence in accepted ways of thinking and speaking about the subject. The article develops these distinct, though complementary, modes of argument to illustrate what political theology contributes to the study of international relations. Part one situates the historical mode within the broader discourse of political theology, followed in part two by a consideration of the marginal place of political theology in IR scholarship. Part three illustrates what is at stake when analogies between divine and human deviate from the theological original. This, in turn, unlocks a critical project that subverts the ubiquitous contrast between irrational (religious) belief and rational (secular) unbelief and the privilege it asserts. [R, abr.]
74.3046 BARBET, Berta ; MORAGAS, Antoni-Italo de ; VIDAL, Guillem —
Are personal stories more effective in shaping opinion than experts’ endorsements? This study investigates the persuasiveness of personal stories and expert endorsements in shaping public opinion on education spending and pollution reduction policies. Using a survey experiment in Spain, we found that personal stories consistently increased support for both policies, with a particularly strong effect on citizens with populist attitudes or voters of populist parties. These findings contribute to a better understanding of the success of populist parties and the influence of personal stories on public opinion. [R]
74.3047 BARDON, Aurélia —
When generally applicable rules clash with one’s cultural, religious or moral commitments, should exemptions be granted? The debate on exemptions raises the question both of what it means to treat people equally and of what it means to protect diversity adequately. The objective of this paper is to defend the no-exemption argument and to make it a more attractive position for liberals. I first argue that exemptions violate the principle of equal treatment because they rely on distinctions that cannot be neutrally justified. I then argue that diversity can be adequately accommodated if we use a more demanding interpretation of the justification of generally applicable rules. There should be no exemption to fully justified rules, but rules are only fully justified when the particular demands that they impose on individuals are justified, i.e. when they are either neutral or pass both a Necessity Test and a Sufficiency Test. When rules are not fully justified, they should be repealed or modified. Based on this focus on the demands of rules, equality can be reconciled with an adequate accommodation of diversity. [R]
74.3048 BARNFIELD, Matthew —
The American Political Science Association recently cautioned against the use of misinformation(giving research participants false information about the state of the world) in research with human subjects. This recommendation signals a growing recognition, as experimental research itself grows in prevalence in political science, that deceptive practices pose ethical problems. But what is wrong with misinformation in particular? I argue that while this question certainly has an ethical dimension, misinformation is bad for inference too. Misinformation moves us away from answering questions about the political world effectively. I propose a straightforward, intuitive solution to this twofold problem: tell the truth. [R]
74.3049 BASPEHLIVAN, Uygar —
Despite the increasing centrality of Internet memes for everyday political circulations and practices, their emergent implications as low-cultural artefacts of global politics have received little theoretical attention. In this article, I develop a critical theory of memes to provide a conceptual apparatus to understand the global political implications and possibilities of this pop-cultural phenomenon. I argue that, in order to attend to the emergent implications of memes and consider their differentiations from other pop-cultural phenomena, we need to unpack the spatial logic through which memes emerge and circulate. Analysing this spatial logic through the concept of the ‘memescape’ and deploying Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s notions of striated and smooth spaces, this article articulates the spatial logic of the memescape as comprising rhizomatic, decentralised circulations of digital content; nomadic, playful, and humorous disruptions of once-stable signs; and affective congregations of a multiplicity of subjects. Through two examples exploring how these smooth spatial tendencies produce divergent political potentials in the resistant memes of Indigenous digital communities and reactionary memes of the Alt-Right, I conclude that the global politics of the memescape is open-ended and undetermined which requires careful and nuanced political and ethical attention to actualise its futures for emancipatory horizons. [R]
74.3050 BERK, Gerald ; SAXENIAN, AnnaLee —
This article asks how antitrust can foster innovation by examining the development of infrastructure for data-processing in the cloud. We contrast Amazon Web Services’ centralized model with Google Cloud Platform’s more decentralized, participatory ecosystem. We argue that rather than trying to reduce the power imbalance between platforms and independent database companies, antitrust should seek to channel platforms from the centralized model toward the decentralized ecosystem by (1) making partnership more attractive than mergers and (2) enlisting open-source foundations to help manage interoperability in the cloud. This requires breaking down the silos between competition, technology, and industrial policy. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3237]
74.3051 BHAL, John de —
Scholars have attempted to theorise the social structure of the international system from the perspective of the ‘middle powers’ for decades. However, scholars have struggled to agree on the essential dispositional characteristics of this category of actors, stunting theoretical progress. Drawing on sociological and literary approaches to the rhetoric of the ‘middle class’ in domestic societies, this article shifts the terms of this debate away from asking who the ‘middle powers’ are or what their ‘essence’ is, to ask what actors do with the term in practice. Combining this with and contributing to scholarship on hierarchy in international relations, I recast ‘middle powers’ as a category of practice and argue that one of the term’s main uses is to differentiate certain status-anxious states – that hold no real prospect of achieving great power status – from ‘small states’ that occupy the lowest stratum of stratification within the ‘grading of powers’. Following an illustrative case study of Australian and Canadian attempts to establish the ‘middle power’ category in the 1940s, the article then outlines the contributions of the argument for the study of status and hierarchy in world politics. [R]
74.3052 BICCUM, April R. —
This paper argues that empire should a site of inquiry for any decolonial project and elaborates what would be involved methodologically. It engages the question of methodology by comparing different approaches to the study of empire. My argument is that the interpretivist approach is the more methodologically robust principally because it raises a series of unresolvable methodological problems. I argue that study of empire, as a particular form of politics, is not just a social scientific question, it is an ethical normative question. I argue that it is politically necessary for the decolonisation of knowledge to broach the question of empire and its methodological problems. Only when we know the truth about empire, can we confidently contribute to a politics that would be post-imperial. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3995]
74.3053 BIENSTMAN, Simon ; HENSE, Svenja ; GANGL, Markus —
Previous scholarship suggests that rising inequality in democracies suppresses trust in institutions. However, the mechanism behind this has not clearly been identified. This paper investigates the proposition that income inequality leads to increased democratic distrust by depressing perceptions of external efficacy. Based on time-series cross-sectional survey data from the European Social Survey, we find that changes in income inequality have a negative effect on changes in political trust and external efficacy. Causal mediation analysis confirms that inequality affects trust through lower efficacy. Further analyses show that this efficacy-based mechanism does not depend on political orientation. As a direct effect remains among left-wing respondents, our empirical results indicate that inequality affects trust via both a mechanism of substantive output evaluation and a process-based evaluation that measures of external efficacy can capture. These findings highlight the empirical and theoretical relevance of this so far neglected mechanism and provide a potential solution for the puzzle that inequality depresses trust also among those for whom inequality is not politically salient. [R]
74.3054 BIRNBAUM, Simon —
Is religious faith necessarily a barrier to the achievement of a just society? In This Life, Martin Hägglund answers ‘yes’, defending a form of political atheism based on the claim that a wholehearted commitment to social justice presupposes the recognition of humans as altogether finite, mortal beings. Hägglund’s thorough contribution offers a useful entry point for exploring widely perceived — but seldom articulated — obstacles to more conciliatory approaches for seeking radical social change. In this article I unpack and reject what I call Hägglund’s incompatibility thesis on religious faith and social justice. I argue that it ultimately rests on false oppositions that present no insurmountable obstacles to firm coalitions for social activism across secular and religious worldviews. [R, abr.]
74.3055 BIRTH, Kevin —
In my course “Time” I set out to disrupt the connection between cognitive tools used to represent time (clocks and calendars) and experiences of time. This article documents some of the topics and pedagogical methods I use: using unusual due dates for assignments, making the clock look strange, disrupting the idea of “now,” showing how clocks cultivate gullibility, exploring the different hour systems of the past, criticizing clockbased logics used in primatological research, explaining the theory of special relativity, and exploring the political and economic consequences of sleep loss. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Teaching Time”, edited and introduced by Michelle BASTIAN and Keri FACER. See also Abstr. 74.3062, 3073, 3116, 3167, 3197, 3243, 3295]
74.3056 BLOOMFIELD, Emma Frances —
Addressing climate change requires engaging with the fluid, dynamic, and amorphous narrative of humanature relationships. I view environmental rhetoric as practices of storytelling that structure reality, guide actions, and shape understanding of the environment. Through rhetorical criticism, I analyzed fragments of climate activist discourse related to the narratives’ temporal and spatial scopes. I argue that reimagining the scope of our climate narratives’ temporal (chronos-kairos) and spatial (choratopos) dimensions are inventional opportunities to motivate climate action toward more sustainable futures. [R]
74.3057 BOGAARDS, Matthijs —
The state has never been a central category in consociational analysis, but recent developments have put the state on the radar of consociational scholars. This article is the first to survey and systematize insights on the role of the state in consociational theory and practice. The article provides an overview and review of the answers to three guiding questions. First, who owns the state? Second, what comes first — consociation or state building? Third, is there an inevitable tradeoff between consociationalism and state strength? All these questions and answers have normative and empirical dimensions, and this article contributes to both. Empirically, it formulates a research agenda. Theoretically and normatively, the article sketches an original consociational approach to the state that goes back to the early days of the Westphalian state system and has surprising relevance in today’s world. [R] [See Abstr. 74.4238]
74.3058 BOUKALAS, Christos —
This article is a study on the neoliberal state, its relation to time and its ongoing transformation through crisis. It is spurred by two seminal works — Hartog’s on historicity and Rosa’s on acceleration — that catalogue a collapse of the modern temporality defined by progression from past to future. The article develops this problematic by focusing on the state as a key organiser of social temporalities. As the state has, in the course of the 21st century, been occupied with fighting crises, the assessment of its transformation and its relation to time proceeds from an analysis of its crisis-response. It finds that the state cannot articulate a vision for the future. This is a historically unique development, and the article traces its causes and consequences. It argues that the loss of the future perspective results from neoliberalism’s success in enhancing capital’s power over society. This makes both capital and the state avert to change, even as crisis and disruption become systemic elements of the neoliberal order. This causes the neoliberal state to acquire the form of neoliberal despotism: a state whose purpose is to impose social stasis and, since it cannot lead towards an appealing future, can only govern through fear. [R]
74.3059 BRAGA, Anthony A. ; COOK, Philip J. ; DOUGLAS, Stephen —
The police have the unique capacity to preempt and deter violence and to reduce the use of firearms in violent encounters. But overly aggressive policing tactics have contributed to a fraught relationship with low-income minority communities in which gun violence is heavily concentrated. Increased resources should be devoted to policing gun violence, but efforts of this sort must be targeted and disciplined. Effective policing requires a focus on the places and people that are at greatest risk; and there is a strong case for police agencies to increase the resources devoted to investigations of all criminal shootings, not just homicides. Successful policing of gun violence requires a productive working relationship with victims and their neighbors, which can be facilitated through observing community policing principles and respect for residents’ interests. [R] [See Abstr. 74.4230]
74.3060 BRANDL, Bernd —
This article provides an overview of academic and public policy debates on the role and effects of collective bargaining. The motivation behind this article is that the academic and political debate is — and ever was — characterized by many controversies. It is explained that these controversies often arise because of different disciplinary, theoretical and empirical approaches. It will also be outlined how the empirical and theoretical debates influenced the Zeitgeist in public policy making. Hence, the article provides an overview of the knowledge on the role and effects of collective bargaining as well as how this knowledge influenced and guided (or not) politically initiated institution building and reforms of collective bargaining systems. [R]
74.3061 BREZNIK, Maja —
The article develops the concept of ‘unfree wage labour’ that refers to a situation in which a worker must (temporarily and conditionally) give away possession of his labour power to a third party who then sells it to the buyers of labour power. From the perspective of contract freedom and legal equality, it seems irrelevant whether a worker sells his or her labour power to an employer or to an intermediary. However, there is no doubt that labour intermediation increases the economic dependence and social subordination of workers. First, given that the intermediary negotiates with the employer, the worker has a lower ability to influence the terms of employment. Second, given that he or she is a contract worker, they have a lower ability to engage in collective action in the company. Undoubtedly, this worker has significantly lower control over her or his working and living conditions. The question arises whether his or her contract freedom lessened to the extent that we can speak of unfree wage labour. [R]
74.3062 BROWN, Shae L. —
To move beyond its industrial era mechanistic paradigm, western education needs to include knowledges that enable students to think with and engage an increasingly complex world. The teaching and learning of complex time is one such knowledge, and pattern thinking and understanding are useful for this undertaking. As part of their teaching practice, the author developed and implemented a patterns-based design and educational strategy called spiraltime patterning with secondary school students more than a decade ago. Recently, the approach was implemented with university students as part of a doctoral inquiry project that focused on general complexity thinking and understanding. Spiraltime patterning is designed to perturb the dominance of linear temporalities and reposition them within a multitemporal patterning of complex time. The broad aim of this work is to contribute to transformational education, by facilitating temporal coherence and wellbeing for students, through embodied understanding of time as a complex phenomenon. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3055]
74.3063 BUCHBINDER, Mara ; CAIN, Cindy —
Medical aid in dying (MAID) has been a productive target for social scientific inquiry at the intersections of law and medicine over the past two decades. Insofar as MAID crystallizes and reflects personal and cultural understandings of key concepts such as individualism, dependency, dignity, and care, it is a rich site for social scientific theorizing. This article reviews and assesses the contributions of social scientific perspectives to research on MAID. We propose that social scientific research on MAID offers four distinctive contributions: its descriptive (rather than normative) orientation, its focus on cultural meanings, its insights into processes of knowledge production, and its comparative lens. The article’s major sections describe (1) attitudes toward MAID, (2) MAID-related social movements, (3) legalization approaches, and (4) lived experiences of MAID in permissive jurisdictions. We conclude by reflecting on how MAID scholarship can inform social inquiry into other areas in which law and medicine converge. [R]
74.3064 BUNDERS, Damion Jonathan ; AKKERMAN, Agnes —
As enterprises that are owned and governed by workers themselves for their mutual benefit, worker cooperatives are currently re-emerging as a promising antidote against precarity and economic dependence in the gig economy. Considering the social and geographic fragmentation of gig workers, it remains unclear whether cooperatives can count on the member commitment necessary to survive. This study investigates whether preference deviation and social disembeddedness stifle the commitment of gig workers to such cooperatives. A cross-sectional survey was used to gather data from members of four interconnected cooperatives in Italy that consist of gig workers in the cultural, ICT and education sectors (n = 425). The results show that members with more deviating preferences and less social embeddedness among fellow members have a lower commitment towards their cooperative. These findings demonstrate the conditions for gig workers’ commitment to cooperatives, being a key factor in cooperative longevity. [R]
74.3065 CALHOUN, Laurie L. —
Tyranny emerges not through top-down authoritarianism, but from the bottom up as citizens slowly give up control over their lives to the political elite. Because this happens slowly through time, many citizens continue to support their government even though their rights and liberties are eroding. This paper identifies ways in which tyranny has been “reverse engineered,” as citizens are habituated to accepting and supporting political authority, which can limit nonviolent action as a viable option. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3032]
74.3066 CARROLL, Jenny E. —
In the past six decades, pretrial detention systems have undergone waves of reform. Despite these efforts, pretrial jail populations across the country continue to swell. The causes of such growth in jail populations are difficult to pinpoint, but some are more readily apparent: Fear over rising crime rates, judicial reluctance to release accused persons, and monetary burdens associated with release have all contributed to increased detention pretrial across criminal legal systems in the United States. This article examines various pretrial detention reform efforts and highlights the need for greater research in the area. [R]
74.3067 CASS, Devon —
Several philosophers argue for the ‘convergence thesis’ for positional goods: prioritarians, sufficientarians, and egalitarians may converge on favouring an equal (or not too unequal) distribution of goods that have positional aspects. I discuss some problems for this thesis when applied to two key goods for which it has been proposed: education and wealth. I show, however, that there is a variant of the thesis that avoids these problems. This version of the thesis is significant, I demonstrate, because it applies to a person’s status as a citizen, which I suggest is the central concern of social or ‘relational’ egalitarianism. [R]
74.3068 CHADHA-SRIDHAR, Ira —
Philosophers who study care — most often, care ethicists — are involved in an ongoing discussion about the concept of care. Despite the significant progress made in this discussion, certain conflicting images of care seem to persist in the literature. On one hand, as feminist theorists across disciplines have highlighted, care is a complex social practice that is mired in inequality and injustice. The deeply gendered nature of caring and the unequal division of care-work creates and cements structural inequalities. On the other hand, care is also thought of as a moral value or an ideal. The ethics of care — a moral theory with decidedly feminist roots — is predicated on the idea that caring is somehow morally valuable. A discrepancy thus arises: care is a social practice that compounds injustices. But it is also a moral value. What is it about care that makes it malleable to such variations? To pick out this complexity and capture the conceptual nuances at play, this paper suggests that we frame the concept of care as a thick ethical concept. I will first demonstrate why this framing is helpful. Then, I will provide accounts of the descriptive and evaluative elements of the concept of care. [R, abr.]
74.3069 CHAE Seung Hoon —
During the COVID-19 pandemic, governments varied in their implementation of social distancing rules. Some governments were able to target their social distancing requirements toward specific segments of the population, whereas others had to resort to more indiscriminate applications. This article will argue that state capacity crucially affected the manner in which social distancing rules were applied. Using data from the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker, the author performed a series of ordered logistic regressions to examine whether state capacity increased the likelihood of more targeted applications of each social distancing rule. Given the same level of infectivity, more capable states were indeed more likely to resort to targeted applications of each social distancing restriction. Interestingly, the size of state capacity’s effect varied by the type of restriction. State capacity had a stronger influence on face-covering requirements and private-gathering restrictions than it had on school closures, workplace closures, and stay-at-home orders. The way in which social distancing rules are applied is endogenous to state capacity. Effective governance is a precursor to more targeted and nuanced applications of social distancing rules. [R]
74.3070 CHIU, Jonathan, et al. —
This paper develops a micro-founded general equilibrium model of payments to study the impact of a central bank digital currency (CBDC) on intermediation of private banks. If banks have market power in the deposit market, a CBDC can enhance competition, raising the deposit rate, expanding intermediation, and increasing output. A calibration to the US economy suggests that a CBDC can raise bank lending by 1.57% and output by 0.19%. These crowding-in effects remain robust, albeit with smaller magnitudes, after taking into account endogenous bank entry. We also assess the role of a non-interest-bearing CBDC as the use of cash declines. [R]
74.3071 CIMBALA, Stephen J. —
Albert Wohlstetter’s seminal essay of the early Cold War years, “The Delicate Balance of Terror,” calls for revisiting in the current climate of geopolitics and military technology. The possible emergence of China as a near peer competitor with the US and Russia in strategic nuclear forces changes the dynamics of nuclear deterrence, arms control and strategic stability in Asia and globally. In addition, future deterrence stability will also be challenged by changes in technology, including hypersonic weapons, improved missile defense capabilities, competition in the cyber and space domains, and the uncertain impacts of game changers such as artificial intelligence and nanotechnology. As well, containment of nuclear weapons spread cannot be guaranteed, given the dissatisfaction of some existing and aspiring nuclear weapons states with the present international order. [R]
74.3072 CLARK, Cory J., et al. —
Two preregistered studies from two different platforms with representative US adult samples (N = 1,865) tested the harm-hypervigilance hypothesis in risk assessments of controversial behavioral science. As expected, across six sets of scientific findings, people consistently overestimated others’ harmful reactions (medium to large average effect sizes) and underestimated helpful ones, even when incentivized for accuracy. Additional analyses found that (1) harm overestimations were associated with support for censoring science, (2) people who were more offended by scientific findings reported greater difficulty understanding them, and (3) evidence was moderately consistent for an association between more conservative ideology and harm overestimations. These findings are particularly relevant because journals have begun evaluating potential downstream harms of scientific findings. We discuss implications of our work and invite scholars to develop rigorous tests of (1) the social pressures that lead science astray and (2) the actual costs and benefits of publishing or not publishing potentially controversial conclusions. [R]
74.3073 CLARK, Justin T. —
This essay examines the author’s experience since 2018 in developing and teaching a third-year undergraduate course on the history of time at a Singapore university, for students specializing in East and Southeast Asian history and the history of technology. History courses are traditionally taught in a chronological format, with clear periodization, and a nearly exclusive focus on written and audiovisual “texts.” The author has found that such an approach is less effective for a course on the history of time, a subject that suggests no obvious periodization or linear narrative, and for which many of his students lack a precise vocabulary. To solve these challenges, the author has borrowed autoethnographic exercises developed by scholars in other disciplines and assigned unconventional tasks such as building water clocks and curating time capsules. While the course has proven popular, it has also invited questions about what a global history of time looks like. Although the industrial and technological history of time is accessible to his students, much of the recent work on temporality presumes a familiarity with European and North American social and political issues that students outside of those regions may lack. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3055]
74.3074 COCKBURN, Patrick J. L. ; PREMINGER, Jonathan —
Debates around the state-firm analogy as a route to justifying workplace democracy tend toward a static view of both state and firm and position workplace democracy as the objective. We contend, however, that states and firms are connected in ways that should alter the terms of the debate, and that the achievement of workplace democracy raises a new set of political issues about the demos in the democratic firm and “worker migration” at the boundaries of the firm. Our argument thus contains two key steps: first, drawing on an empirical case study of a worker-owned firm, we enrich the state-firm analogy by developing a more dynamic view of both, focusing on the creation of workplace democracies, worker movement in and out of them, the dynamic meanings of “citizenship” within them, and the status of the unemployed in a world of democratic workplaces. Second, we then argue that in moving to a more sociological view of the state, the things we were comparing begin to show their real-world connections to one another. By going beyond the idealized view of states that has distorted the state-firm analogy debates, we arrive at a more robust view of how widespread workplace democracy might reconfigure basic political relationships in society. [R]
74.3075 COLVIN, Alexander J. S. ; GOUGH, Mark D. —
This article offers a comprehensive overview of the academic literature concerning mandatory employment arbitration and existing empirical evidence. Proponents of mandatory employment arbitration contend mandatory arbitration provides access to justice to those excluded from the traditional civil litigation system. Conversely, opponents of mandatory employment arbitration assert that it is a coercive system that disproportionately benefits employers and disadvantages employees. Although these entrenched perceptions of mandatory employment arbitration are not new, an expanding body of recent empirical research provides fresh insights. The empirical literature reveals lower employee success rates and financial awards, longer case resolution times, and evidence of a repeat player effect in arbitration relative to civil litigation and, as a whole, tends to support arguments made by opponents of the forum. This article reviews the literature on the major debates surrounding employment arbitration and corresponding empirical evidence. [R]
74.3076 COSTA-FONT, Joan ; KNUST, Niklas —
Exposure to (a liberal) democracy can have an impact on both the political attention and visibility of the needs of marginalized populations, as well as the design of health policies that can influence the distribution of population health. This paper investigates the effect of exposure to democracy, that is, the number of years spent in a democracy as measured by democracy indexes, on various measures of inequality in self-reported health across European countries. We use an instrumental variable strategy to leverage the potential endogeneity of a country’s exposure to democracy, drawing on both bivariate (socioeconomic) and univariate health inequality measures. Our estimates provide evidence that an additional year in a democracy reduces both bivariate (income-related) health inequality and overall (univariate) health inequality. Our preferred specification suggests a two-point rank reduction in inequality with an additional year under a democracy. The effect is mainly driven by a reduction of “health poverty” alongside other effects. [R]
74.3077 CRUTCHFIELD, Parker —
Many people find the manipulation of the human germline — editing the DNA of sperm or egg cells such that these genetic changes are passed to the resulting offspring — to be morally impermissible. In this paper, I argue for the claim that editing the human germline is morally permissible. My argument starts with the claim that outcome uncertainty regarding the effects of germline editing shows that the duty to not harm cannot ground the prohibition of germline editing. Instead, if germline editing is wrong, it is wrong because it violates a duty to protect. However, we also have an epistemic duty to gather evidence regarding the effects of editing the human germline which overrides any moral duty to protect future generations. Thus, we have a duty to gather evidence regarding the effects of editing the human germline, which is to say that we have a duty to edit the human germline. [R]
74.3078 CUADROS, Olga ; BERGER, Christian —
This study explores the subjective experiences and perceptions related to intimacy in friendships in a group of aggressive-popular adolescents in urban schools characterized by high rates of community violence. Individual interviews were conducted with 12 volunteering adolescents (12-14 years old). Procedures from grounded theory were used to enable thematic coding, departing from a social identity, socio-emotional, and ecological perspective. The narratives by adolescents highlighted the influence the social environment in which they grew had on individual psychological conditions that shape their emotional responses, self-concept, and beliefs. They exhibit aggressive behavior and to value popularity as an adaptive form of social survival, and belonging. Their social behavior has influence on their friendships face challenges, especially regarding the perception of envy from friends and the associated self-disclosure constraints when individuals are involved in high-violence contexts. [R]
74.3079 CYNAMON, Jeremy Kingston ; PAVEL, Sonia Maria —
This paper develops a critical normative analysis of charter schools. It categorizes and evaluates the main arguments in defense of charters: market competition, improved learning outcomes, autonomy and innovation, and their potential to function as “counterpublics.” After finding each argument wanting, the paper proposes a tripartite critique of charters based on (1) their deleterious effects on social solidarity, (2) the procedural injustice involved in access, and (3) their substantively unjust outcomes. We show how charter schools undermine social and political solidarity by fragmenting communities into more homogenous subsets. Although they purport to be equally open to all, charters covertly rely on morally arbitrary characteristics such as class, race, and disability in admissions. Finally, we argue that they unfairly reduce the quality of education for some students, thus resulting in substantively unjust outcomes. [R]
74.3080 DAVIDOVIĆ, Maja ; TURNER, Catherine —
Since its emergence as a field of scholarship and practice, transitional justice has coalesced around a set of mechanisms to deal with a legacy of violence. The “pull” toward mechanisms, institutions, and structures as a means of delivering justice has led to certain kinds of knowledge being recognized as “transitional justice research” in the mainstream. Drawing on the theory of epistemic positioning, we reveal how hierarchies of academic knowledge and the dominant “ways of knowing” in and of transitional justice are created. Through citation analysis, we reveal an emerging canon, a central body of valuable and seemingly “inevitable” knowledge of transitional justice consisting primarily of structure and outcome-oriented inquiries in the disciplines of politics, international relations, and law and consolidating a standardized model of how to “do” transitional justice. [R, abr.]
74.3081 DOBOS, Ned —
When nonviolence fails, it is often seen as an indicator of the broader lack of effectiveness of this method for resolving conflict; but when violence fails, it is not seen in a similar general light. When violence is successful, it is often taken as proof that this method works in general, while the same logic is not applied to instances of successful nonviolence. This unfortunate double standard often results in violence being viewed as superior to nonviolence in achieving power and can help make unjust wars appear just. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3032]
74.3082 DOKMANOVIĆ, Mirjana ; CVETIĆANIN, Neven —
The aim of this article to identify and highlight limitations and challenges of the legal regulation of the use of facial recognition technology for surveillance purposes. The UN and the EU are seeking to develop robust human rights safeguards to regulate such practices, whereas civil society calls for a complete ban on it use for mass surveillance. The type of this technology makes it difficult to impose legal and democratic control over its lawful use and to prevent abuse. We conclude that the regulation of this area, no matter how restrictive, amounts to tacit approval of the mass use of this type of technology that opens the door to various ways of abusing human rights and freedoms, and whose justification from the perspective of the public interest is questionable. [R]
74.3083 DONAVAN, Janet L. —
This paper makes the case for why anti-racism pedagogy should be included and identified as anti-racism in political science courses and provides and evaluates an example of anti-racism pedagogy in an American Political Thought course. In addition, I address critics of anti-racism and ways of addressing those critics in the classroom. In evaluating anti-racism pedagogy, work from higher education research is integrated with political-science specific teaching and learning work. I detail multiple ways anti-racism has been included in the example course, student evaluation of an active learning anti-racism activity and evaluate the learning outcomes for students who completed the original and enhanced active learning versions of anti-racism in the course. I find that although students are able to partially meet the learning goals, additional anti-racism content is necessary to fully achieve the learning goals of identifying and countering racist ideas, actions, or outcomes. [R]
74.3084 DUDAI, Ron —
The Northern Ireland 1998 Good Friday Agreement has generated a global industry of “lessons from Northern Ireland” to other conflict situations. While a lively polemical literature has been debating what exactly should these lessons be and whether they could be validly exported, this article adopts the prism of the “politics of comparison”: examining why and how certain actors appeal to analogies with other societies, and the causes and functions of such appeals. The article explores the casestudy of the resonance of the Northern Ireland analogy in Israeli public discourse. It identifies and analyses four themes: the analogy with Northern Ireland is used as an argument for hope; as a source of peacemaking models; as self-justification, to deflect blame; and to legitimize narrow local interventions. The article contributes to literatures on the politics of comparisons, and political dynamics in the context of intractable conflicts. [R]
74.3085 ELANGO, Bakthavachalam —
The purpose of this study is to conduct a quantitative analysis and comparison of social science research output among BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) countries. Data were collected through the open-access SCImago portal and Scopus. The number of documents and citable documents, global share and ranking, the number of citations per document, the h-index, and international collaboration were all analyzed. Except for China, none of the BRICS countries made the top 10 global rankings during the 1996–2021 period, but three of them (China, India, and Russia) did so in 2021. China has the most documents and the greatest h-index score, whereas South Africa has the highest number of citations. For China, on the other hand, more than half of the citations are self-citations. More than 50% of Russian documents are not cited in the subsequent literature. The study’s findings highlight publication trends and collaboration pattern among the BRICS countries in social sciences, which benefit the academic community, decision-makers, and the economy of the BRICS countries. [R]
74.3086 ELLERMAN, David —
This article comments on Isabelle Ferreras’s “Democratizing the Corporation.” The focus is on the conceptual framing, which arguably contains a number of problems that are quite common on the left and are thus doubly deserving of commentary and explanation. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3170]
74.3087 ELLIOTT, Kevin J. —
Is voting a duty of democratic citizenship? This article advances a new argument for the existence of a duty to vote. It argues that every normative account of electoral representation requires universal turnout to function in line with its own internal normative logic. This generates a special obligation for citizens to vote in electoral representative contexts as a function of the role morality of democratic citizenship. Because voting uniquely authorizes office holding in representative democracies, and because universal turnout contributes powerfully to representation being fair, to be a good citizen of such democracies requires one to vote. Whereas previous arguments for a duty to vote have invoked basic moral principles like fairness or a Samaritan duty of rescue, this account is based on citizens occupying a vital functional role within electoral representative institutions. This institutional duty solves the “specificity problem” of justifying a duty to vote better than competing accounts and also immunizes the duty to objections that there is no duty to vote when there are only bad choices and that there is a no duty to vote but rather duty to vote well. By emphasizing the tight connection between institutions and individual conduct, the role morality approach used here supplies a less abstract and more realistic framework than much previous research on the ethics of democratic citizenship and brings the debate closer to constitutive features of democratic politics. [R]
74.3088 ENCARNACIÓN, Omar G. —
A central paradox in the relationship between separatism and democracy is that while democracy provides a fertile environment for separatism — often by means of democracy’s own institutions, mechanisms, and policies — democratic states are also well equipped to thwart and defeat separatist movements. The same pluralistic flexibility that allows pro-independence movements to blossom provides the tools to subvert and even crush separatist aspirations. Whether stonewalled by constitutional constraints, locked into systems of regional autonomy, undercut by counter-separatist movements, or cowed by the economic consequences of going it alone, separatist movements in democratic states are likely to turn quixotic. Catalonia and Scotland — two regions that only a few years ago seemed to be on the cusp of realizing longtime dreams of independence — prominently display the paradoxical politics inherent in separatism in democratic systems. [R]
74.3089 ENGSTROM, David Freeman ; HAIM, Amit —
Artificial intelligence (AI) is transforming how governments work, from distribution of public benefits, to identifying enforcement targets, to meting out sanctions. But given AI’s twin capacity to cause and cure error, bias, and inequity, there is little consensus about how to regulate its use. This review advances debate by lifting up research at the intersection of computer science, organizational behavior, and law. First, pushing past the usual catalogs of algorithmic harms and benefits, we argue that what makes government AI most concerning is its steady advance into discretion-laden policy spaces where we have long tolerated less-than-full legal accountability. The challenge is how, but also whether, to fortify existing public law paradigms without hamstringing government or stymieing useful innovation. Second, we argue that sound regulation must connect emerging knowledge about internal agency practices in designing and implementing AI systems to longer-standing lessons about the limits of external legal constraints in inducing organizations to adopt desired practices. Meaningful accountability requires a more robust understanding of organizational behavior and law as AI permeates bureaucratic routines. [R]
74.3090 ESCHER, Romy ; WALTER-ROGG, Melanie —
Democratic institutions that coordinate diffuse interests might be beneficial for climate protection. Because the implementation of democratic institutions varies among democracies as well as among autocracies, this study examines whether institutional aspects of different models of democracy affect CO2 emissions in democracies and autocracies. Similar studies have assumed uniform effects of democratic aspects in regimes of both types. The extent of the dependence of autocratic leaders on the support of the ruling party, the military, and/or a hereditary council might make them less responsive to incentives generated by democratic institutions to reduce CO2 emissions. This article, therefore, examines data on CO2 emissions from 1990 to 2020 in 66 democracies and 69 autocracies separately and analyses whether nondemocratic institutions limit the effects of democratic institutions. As democratic institutions might affect climate outcomes only in the long term, we examine cross-national variation in the long-term development of CO2 emissions and short-term changes in CO2 emissions within countries. In democracies, civil society participation and social equality contribute to a decrease in the long-term development of CO2 emissions. In autocracies, local and regional democracy contributes to lower CO2 emissions in the long term, and social equality decreases annual changes in CO2 emissions. [R, abr.]
74.3091 EVANS, Georgina, et al. —
Unprecedented quantities of data that could help social scientists understand and ameliorate the challenges of human society are presently locked away inside companies, governments, and other organizations, in part because of privacy concerns. We address this problem with a general-purpose data access and analysis system with mathematical guarantees of privacy for research subjects, and statistical validity guarantees for researchers seeking social science insights. We build on the standard of “differential privacy,” correct for biases induced by the privacy-preserving procedures, provide a proper accounting of uncertainty, and impose minimal constraints on the choice of statistical methods and quantities estimated. We illustrate by replicating key analyses from two recent published articles and show how we can obtain approximately the same substantive results while simultaneously protecting privacy. Our approach is simple to use and computationally efficient. [R]
74.3092 FASCHING, Neil ; LELKES, Yphtach —
Families are not only the first institution ever created, they are also, for most people, the first institution ever encountered. The preindustrial family structure, which was a function of local ecology and cooperation needs, instilled family members with different values, such as trust in strangers and respect for elders. These values passed through generations and, as we show in three studies, impact today’s political attitudes and policies. First, using surveys of second-generation immigrants representing roughly 180 ethnicities living in 32 European countries, we show that the tighter kinship structure of a person’s ancestors predicts rightwing cultural attitudes. Among those who are less engaged in politics, tighter ancestral kinship structure also predicts left-wing economic attitudes. In a second study, we control for country-level differences by comparing ethnic groups within countries and find that ancestral kinship strength predicts right-wing cultural attitudes but not left-wing economic attitudes. Finally, in a third study, we examine the policy implications of ancestral kinship. We show that stronger country-level ancestral kinship strength also increases anti-LGBT policies and welfare spending. [R, abr.]
74.3093 FERRERAS, Isabelle —
In the context of capitalist democracies, the contradiction between people’s expectations of equality and the subordination they experience at work is intense. I argue that it is the defining experience of the contradiction between capitalism and democracy. Capitalism grants political rights to property owners, while democracy grants political rights to the citizens recognized as equals. They are thus regimes of government that distribute rights in dramatically different ways. This essay is grounded in the understanding that firms are best analyzed as “political entities,” and workers as “labor investors,” and have thus a legitimate right to bear on the government of their work life. Examining the history of how political entities have become democratic through the innovation of bicameralism provides a “real utopia”: economic bicameralism, that is, a set of patterns that may be applied to democratize and transition the corporate firm beyond capitalism. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3170]
74.3094 FERRY, Lauren L. —
Negotiations to restructure sovereign debt are protracted affairs, and their outcomes, known as “haircuts,” range from 0 to 80 percent creditor losses. Haircuts impact states’ ability to borrow, cost of borrowing, and economic recovery; they also redistribute income — between states and creditors and between domestic interest groups. I conceptualize the interaction between governments and private creditors as a bargaining game where the government’s will to repay is private information. Creditors can make inferences about repayment based on the government’s political economy, but distributional signals are muddled when there are multiple veto players. Where additional uncertainty persists, governments can issue a public declaration of default, triggering costs in international financial markets. This costly signal separates governments that are willing to repay from those that are not and extorts greater concessions as a result. [R, abr.]
74.3095 FLEURBAEY, Marc —
Ferreras’s bicameral governance proposal for the corporation contributes to a recent wave of interest in democratizing the workplace. In this article, I connect this to a related ongoing movement in favor of the stakeholder approach to corporate purpose. I argue that this connection sheds light on, and may provide remedies for, some issues with the bicameral proposal: first, the risk of gridlock between the two parties in the dual governance structure; second, the indeterminacy of good management when shareholder primacy is abandoned. But I also note that shareholder primacy emerged spontaneously from structural features of the economy, so that special protection for the “good” firms is warranted, and that other key limitations of a market economy cannot be alleviated fully by democratizing the firm. [R] [[See Abstr. 74.3170]
74.3096 FRANÇA, Thais, et al. —
The literature shows that throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, in the different regions of the world (Europe, Africa, Asia, North America and Latin America), women academics submitted fewer articles and grant proposals than their peers who are men because, in addition to the increased burden of domestic work, they devoted more time to teaching activities and to the demands of students, than to their research activities. However, little is known about what drives the high level of commitment by women academics to their tutoring and pastoral care duties. This article looks at how women embodied their teaching tasks throughout the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic and the ‘emotional labour’ that this required of them. Findings from the analysis of 17 in-depth interviews conducted with women scholars in Portugal point to the complexity and contradictions in the ‘emotional labour’ carried out by women teachers during the COVID-19 pandemic and provide evidence of overlaps with the practice of ‘care’. [R]
74.3097 FRAZER, Michael L. —
There are two opposed views on the proper relationship between academic research and political activism. The first argues that academics who study politics must remain objective, hence precluding activism. The second argues that academics can and should also be political activists, hence precluding scholarly objectivity. This article argues against an assumption shared by these otherwise opposing positions: that activism and objectivity are incompatible. It conceptually identifies and then normatively defends a form of objectivity characterized by active engagement with evidence that is what Max Weber calls “inconvenient” for one’s existing beliefs and commitments. Far from being incompatible with political activism, this form of objectivity is essential to its success. I conclude that academic institutions should promote this form of objectivity among both activist and non-activist scholars, while political organizations should promote the same virtue among both academic and non-academic activists. [R, abr.]
74.3098 FREELAND, Robert F. —
In conversation with Ferreras’s proposal for economic bicameralism, the current article makes the case for a more direct confrontation between conceptions of economic democracy and the realities of racial capitalism. In particular, it considers how efforts to expand power and voice for workers must contend with the racial hierarchy that marks the socioeconomic division of labor and the related use of racial distinctions to thwart labor solidarity. Focusing on the American context, the argument draws inspiration from the work and vision of two key figures in the unfinished struggle for Black liberation, W. E. B. Du Bois and Fannie Lou Hamer. After recapping core elements of Ferreras’s proposal, the article briefly examines the historical evolution of racial capitalism, starting with its roots in slavery and conquest. It then considers how movements agitating for greater worker power have intervened within this landscape. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3170]
74.3099 GAIKWAD, Nikhar ; HERRERA, Veronica —
Focusing on text-based sources, we provide a review of qualitative research that identifies deficiencies in transparency practices, and advances a five-point framework for improving transparency premised on better specification of sources’ location, production, selection, analysis, and access. We next draw on a multi-year deliberative forum on qualitative transparency to identify researchers’ concerns about changing the status quo. We then showcase illustrative examples of enhanced transparency and conclude with recommendations for how to improve transparency practices for text-based sources. We argue that greater research transparency yields numerous benefits, including facilitating scholarly exchange, improving graduate training, and aiding knowledge cumulation. Rather than advancing replication, which may be undesirable for various qualitative research traditions, new transparency technologies are promising because they allow authors to more easily provide additional context, present complexity, and unpack relevant contradictions about politics. [R, abr.]
74.3100 GARCÍA-JUANATEY, Ana ; STEIBLE, Bettina —
Ambitious climate action is crucial to achieve social justice and peaceful development in the next decades. However, the current geopolitical and geo-economic context runs counter to meaningful climate action. In fact, in 2023, global emissions were higher than ever, and future reduction prospects look grim, as Green New Deal policies are facing significant political, economic, and geostrategic challenges on both sides of the Atlantic. Against this backdrop, it is more important than ever to think out of the box in order to build alliances among social movements for an immediate reduction of emissions. Thus, this paper aims to critically explore the role that human rights can play to achieve climate justice in this context, not only as only as legal instruments, but also as a promising narrative of change that includes planetary boundaries and the central imperative of global and national redistribution. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3993]
74.3101 GARCÍA-PORTELA, Laura —
Climate change involves changes in the climate system caused by polluting human activities and the social and natural effects of these changes. The historical and anthropogenic grounds of climate change play an important role in climate justice claims. Many climate justice scholars believe that principles of climate justice should account for the historical and anthropogenic sources of climate change. Two main backward-looking principles have been proposed: the polluter pays principle (PPP) and the beneficiary pays principle (BPP). The BPP emerged in the literature on climate justice in response to certain objections raised against the PPP. In this paper, I focus on two of these objections: the causation objection and the excusable ignorance objection. Defenders of the BPP have traditionally assumed that this principle is not vulnerable to those objections, which renders the BPP superior to the PPP. In this paper, I challenge this underlying assumption. My argument here is simple: moving from the PPP to the BPP in response to any of these objections might be unjustified because the BPP is affected by at least some of the considerations giving rise to these objections. [R]
74.3102 GARRITY, Meghan M. —
The author examines the concept of “ethnic cleansing” identifying five areas that undermine the integrity and utility of the concept. She recommends abandoning the social science usage of ethnic cleansing in favor of four alternative concepts defined by the distinct intention of the perpetrator(s). This intervention eliminates conceptual ambiguity, improves theoretical precision, and opens a promising new research agenda. [R]
74.3103 GATTA, Giunia —
Political theory scholarship tends to resist guilt, and especially collective guilt, as a framework for thinking about wrongs committed in the past or still enduring. The voices and experiences of those wronged, however, often imply that they are attributing guilt, and they are attributing it to a collectivity. I follow their lead and think through the potential of political guilt in motivating reparation and redress. I appropriate Karl Jaspers’ notion of political guilt as situation, and read it as something that is contested among victims, perpetrators, and bystanders. Through contestation political guilt creates political spaces for reckoning with the past, and can be instrumental in making space for marginalized voices. I apply my framework to race relations in the contemporary US, but guilt could be a catalyst to rethink postcolonial relations as well. [R, abr.]
74.3104 GEROMICHALOS, Athanasios ; HERRENBRUECK, Lucas ; LEE Sukjoon —
Many economists assume that safer assets are more liquid, and some have practically used “safe” and “liquid” as synonyms. But these terms are not synonyms, and mixing them up can lead to confusion and wrong policy recommendations. We build a multiasset model where an asset’s safety and liquidity are well defined and distinct, and we examine their relationship in general equilibrium. We show that the common belief that “safety implies liquidity” is generally justified but also identify conditions under which this relationship can be reversed. We use our model to rationalize, qualitatively and quantitatively, a prominent safety-liquidity reversal observed in the data. [R]
74.3105 GERRING, John ; COJOCARU, Lee —
Conceptual disagreement has been recognized as a key feature of language since time immemorial. Yet, no attempt has been made to measure the degree of conceptual disagreement that exists or to compile a list of concepts identified as essentially contested. Accordingly, it is unclear how one might distinguish contested from uncontested concepts or test propositions about the causes of contestation. This research note begins by introducing an approach to measuring conceptual contestation within social science. Next, we explore factors that may help to explain variation in conceptual contestation. We find that the characteristics of concepts — their value, abstraction, and normativity — explain most of the variability in conceptual contestation. [R]
74.3108 GILGAN, Sandra —
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, traditional Confucian education re-emerged in China in the context of so-called study halls and academies. The goal of the parents, teachers, and headmasters associated with them is to cultivate modern virtuous persons through an approach called “classics-reading education.” Even though they allude to deep historical roots, these contemporary facilities are novel (re)creations, developed in response to current needs. This article examines the classics-reading movement under the theoretical lens of infrastructures of memory to illustrate the roles of memory and the perception of the past in the current making of “traditional” education and educational sites. Memories of and references to the past inform people’s visions of a better future that is to be achieved through their tradition-related educational practices. Making a connection with the past through memory aims at stability in the face of future uncertainty. [R] [See Abstr. 74.4203]
74.3109 GLASER, James M., et al. —
Conservatives are more likely than liberals to support the concept of federalism. We look at this support in the context of particular issues. Using multiple national surveys, including an original module on the 2020 Congressional Election Study, we find that conservatives are more likely to prefer a devolution of power to state and local jurisdictions, even if doing so might make it harder to achieve conservative policy aims, whereas liberals are more instrumental, more likely to prioritize policy aims and to support whichever level of government seems most likely to achieve them. We then examine reasons why conservatives might display a stronger adherence to the federalist structure of the American government. [R, abr.]
74.3110 GOEHRING, Benjamin —
Undergraduate research assistants (URAs) perform important roles in many political scientists’ research projects. They serve as coauthors, survey respondents, and data collectors. Despite these roles, there is relatively little discussion about how best to train and manage URAs who are working on a common task: content coding. Drawing on insights from psychology, text analysis, and business management, as well as my own experience in managing a team of nine URAs, this article argues that supervisors should train URAs by pushing them to engage with their own mistakes. Via a series of simulation exercises, I also argue that supervisors — especially supervisors of small teams — should be concerned about the effects of errant post-training coding on data quality. Therefore, I contend that supervisors should utilize computational tools to monitor URA reliability in real time. [R, abr.]
74.3111 GOERTZ, Gary ; HAGGARD, Stephan —
We describe an emerging research practice that we call Large-N Qualitative Analysis (LNQA), outline its core components and codify best practice. LNQA starts with hypothesized regularities and causal mechanisms. Regularities take two basic forms: Y generalizations (if Y then X) or X generalizations (if X then Y), albeit with more complex variants. To establish a causal generalization requires defining its scope. The strength of the regularity is simply the percentage of cases conforming with the causal claim. The causal force of LNQA, however, comes from withincase causal inference, which demonstrates the presence and operation of the postulated mechanisms in all cases in the scope. The method thus partly obviates problems arising from case selection in qualitative and multimethod work. We also identify a multimethod variant (M-LNQA), which combines LNQA with experimental, quasi-experimental, or observational statistical analysis. An appendix introduces over fifty examples of the method. [R]
74.3112 GOLDFRANK, Benjamin ; WELP, Yanina —
This paper maps the gender balance in the discipline of political science in Latin America by examining data from 16 countries where we could find the number of female professors in political science departments (over 100 departments) as well as from 69 journals publishing political science research in Latin America and from 16 Latin Americanist journals in Canada, the United States, and Europe. We compare the proportion of female political science faculty members to the proportion of women serving as editors and as members of editorial and advisory committees for relevant academic journals. We find that a significant gender gap remains, both in political science departments and in journals, and that the gender gap is worse in journals based in Latin America than in those based outside the region. [R]
74.3113 GORUP, Michael —
This essay draws political theory into dialogue with recent work in economic history and the history of capitalism to develop an account of the unique injustice produced by capitalist slavery in the antebellum United States. Prevailing approaches to thinking about slavery in political theory tend to disembed it from its broader socioeconomic context, which has led theorists to overlook some of the distinctive horrors associated with capitalist slavery in particular. In response, I develop a theory of capitalist slavery as expropriation, conceived as violent domination harnessed to the imperatives of capital accumulation. Capitalist slavery-as-expropriation encompasses two analytically distinct moments: the moment of confiscation, in which human lives and capacities are enclosed via commodification, and the moment of conscription, in which enslaved labor is mobilized via routine violence. Though enslaved people were not market subjects, this framework reveals the extent to which they were nevertheless subject to the market. [R]
74.3114 GRÜNING, Barbara —
The main objective of the paper is to identify the logic of the sociological field in the GDR, looking at how it was spatialized in the city of East Berlin. In this regard, I am less interested in providing an overview of the different research streams of the main sociologists operating in the scientific and academic institutes located in Berlin than in reconstructing some crucial dynamics at work there and highlighting their effects at the social and symbolic levels. The underlying idea is that, especially in East Berlin, the sociological knowledge produced was less homogeneous than it has been represented in the existing literature. Without negating the existence of shared aspects characterizing Marxist-Leninist sociology, also superimposed on the political elite, a field analysis enables us to see how the different positions and trajectories of GDR-sociologists had an impact on their approaches to theoretical, epistemological, and methodological questions, and on their understanding and uses of concepts deriving from both Marxist-Leninist and “bourgeois” sociology. In the analysis, I will first compare the social trajectories of two of my interview-partners as paradigmatic of two different sociological habitus depending on their different academic/political socialization, networks, and positions in the field. As a second step, I will present a sketch of the sociological field drawn from 63 curricula of sociologists active in East Berlin in an attempt to pinpoint, on a larger scale, the homologies between the social and symbolic spaces of the field. Thus, the underlying idea is to examine the intersection of the “quasi-structural properties” of the field with its “phenomenological aspects” concerning the “feel for the game.” [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3130]
74.3115 GUALDANI, Cristina ; SINHA, Shruti —
We study partial identification of the preference parameters in the one-toone matching model with perfectly transferable utilities. We do so without imposing parametric distributional assumptions on the unobserved heterogeneity and with data on one large market. We provide a tractable characterization of the identified set under various classes of nonparametric distributional assumptions on the unobserved heterogeneity. We reexamine some of the relevant questions in the empirical literature on the marriage market, which have been previously studied under the logit assumption. Our results reveal that many findings in the aforementioned literature are primarily driven by such parametric restrictions. [R]
74.3116 HANSER, Christian H. —
I propose the use of itinerant encounter spaces as educative agents for teaching time studies experientially. My work is informed by an arts-based methodology, conducted as part of a PhD, which used a mobile shepherd’s hut as host for instances of temporal reflexivity. This specific wooden caravan, a venue for shared and introspective stillness, invites participants to embrace non-linearity within formal educational environments that are generally structured by calendars, clocks and bells. By offering unaudited room and time for reflective activities such as storytelling and subjective mapping, I encouraged my research participants, student teachers in Scotland, to nurture the temporalities of self-care that may or may not be part of their personal journeys into ‘meaningful teaching’ during an Initial Teacher Education (ITE) programme. My role was to open up an extracurricular atmosphere which disrupted the temporal standardisations required by many curricular designs for modular fit in university degrees. Curating a vehicle for methodological acts of temporal dissensus offered me insights into teaching time beyond a focus on input and outcomes. The prevailing instrumental logic in formal education rarely acknowledges itinerancy as a dynamic sphere for the pedagogical encounter. My session plans were loosely structured by the provision of a ‘shelter in public’ as a gesture of hospitality and not by a fixed schedule of activities or content to be delivered. This gave research participants the chance to narrate their own intrinsically perceived student teacher trajectories. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3055]
74.3117 HARRIS, Neal —
The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified interest in alternatives to neoliberalism. One proposal that has been increasingly discussed by both academics and activists is the implementation of a Universal Basic Income (UBI). This would typically see all citizens awarded a regular cash payment, without conditionality attached. While UBI thus deserves considerable attention from sociologists, as yet critical theorists have not offered an extended engagement with the proposal. In this paper, I provide exactly such a critical theoretical perspective on UBI, subjecting the approach to an extended critique. When viewed through the perspective of critical theory, UBI emerges as a more problematic approach to social change, failing to offer what its most enthusiastic progressive proponents promise: ‘a capitalist road to communism’. Rather, in this article, I argue that, when viewed through the lens of critical theory, UBI appears likely to further entrench, rather than disturb, the neoliberal social formation. [R]
74.3118 HARRIS, Neal ; DELANTY, Gerard —
Since the 2007-2008 financial crisis, capitalism has returned as a major concept within the social sciences. While this has led to important interventions, there is yet to be a widely accepted definition of the concept. Such a definition matters, both for assessing the merits of recent scholarship but also because attempts at thinking ‘beyond capitalism’ require an understanding of what one is trying to overcome. For it to be of use, we need a definition of capitalism that serves to encompass its varieties yet circumscribed enough to remain meaningful. In this article, we review existing definitions of capitalism and offer our own approach, in the form of a Weberian ideal-typical definition of capitalism. Our approach is to view capitalism as being based on an economic logic consisting of seven elements: (1) free enterprise and the competitive market, (2) the pursuit of profit and its private appropriation, (3) wage labor and the production of commodities, (4) property rights, (5) the financial infrastructure of money and investment that makes possible credit and debt, (6) a highly variable degree of state regulation, and (7) a propensity for growth as the productive re-investment of profit. The economic logic of capitalism interacts with other institutional orders of society to produce the overall shape of capitalism. [R, abr.]
74.3119 HARROCHE, Audrey —
The “Initiatives of Excellence” (Idex) are one of the latest reforms in higher education. These initiatives are calls for projects that concentrate additional resources on a dozen university sites, with a view to developing French institutions capable of competing with the best universities in the world. In this article, we study the progressive strengthening of a university board of directors that developed, supported, and administered a successful Idex project. More precisely, this project turned out to be a configuration comparable to winner-take-all policies, in so far as the site and the actors in question systematically emerged strengthened by the alignment between their pro- gram and the reforms deployed in higher education during the 2000s. [R]
74.3120 HARTING, Vincent —
Political theorists concerned with ways to counteract the oligarchic tendencies of representative government have recently paid more attention to the employment of “class-specific institutions” (CSIs) — that is, political institutions that formally exclude wealthy elites from decisionmaking power. This article disputes a general objection levelled against the justifiability of CSIs, according to which their democratic credentials are outweighed by their explicit transgression of formal political equality — what I call the political equality objection. I claim that, although CSIs do not satisfy political equality fully, their exclusionary thrust is inter alia justified in virtue of the fact that they unfold against the background of badly ordered, class-divided societies. Parallel to recent arguments in nonideal theory arguing for the priority of the right to resist economic oppression over the protection of private property rights, access to the empowering properties of CSIs should take priority over the full satisfaction of formal political equality. Yet, I also claim that the justification of CSIs depends on their orientation toward overcoming class divisions because, otherwise, we might end up wrongly naturalizing those divisions — a conclusion that needs to be avoided to reply to the political equality objection. The result is, I believe, a convincing egalitarian case for the democratic justifiability of CSIs. [R]
74.3121 HARTMAN, Erin ; HUANG, Melody —
Survey weighting allows researchers to account for bias in survey samples, due to unit nonresponse or convenience sampling, using measured demographic covariates. Unfortunately, in practice, it is impossible to know whether the estimated survey weights are sufficient to alleviate concerns about bias due to unobserved confounders or incorrect functional forms used in weighting. In the following paper, we propose two sensitivity analyses for the exclusion of important covariates: (1) a sensitivity analysis for partially observed confounders (i.e., variables measured across the survey sample, but not the target population) and (2) a sensitivity analysis for fully unobserved confounders (i.e., variables not measured in either the survey or the target population). We provide graphical and numerical summaries of the potential bias that arises from such confounders, and introduce a benchmarking approach that allows researchers to quantitatively reason about the sensitivity of their results. We demonstrate our proposed sensitivity analyses using state-level 2020 US Presidential Election polls. [R]
74.3122 HASSELL, Hans J. G. ; MILES, Matthew R. ; MORECRAFT, Brenna —
In efforts to curb ideological bias in the news, citizens, academics, and journalists have highlighted the importance of newsroom ideological diversity. Using a large-scale survey of newspaper political journalists in the United States, we examine the diversity of ideological perspectives of political journalists across newspapers and communities and how ideological misalignments with the newsroom and the local community relate to those journalists’ employment decisions. We find political newspaper reporters regularly work for newspapers and in communities that do not mirror their own ideological perspectives. However, by following newspaper political journalists’ employment decisions over a three-year period, we also find that the ideological differences between those journalists and the newsroom where they work (but not ideological difference with the local community) are related to an increase in journalists’ desire to change jobs and in the likelihood they will actually seek other employment, either within journalism or outside of the profession. [R]
74.3123 HAUGAARD, Mark —
This article explores kleptocracy, authoritarianism and democracy as sociological ideal types of the exercise of political power. Kleptocracy is theorized as an ideal type which uses coercion as its primary power resource, while both authoritarianism and democracy are based upon authority, defined as a belief in legitimacy. Where authoritarianism and democracy differ is how a belief in legitimacy is obtained. These differences and similarities are explored with reference to the four dimensions of political power, which consist of agency, structure, social epistemology and social ontology. [R]
74.3124 HEARN, Jonathan —
This essay outlines a conceptual model for thinking about how human susceptibility to power relations is anchored in basic aspects of the person, emphasising combined material, emotional, cognitive, and moral dimensions of personhood. It argues that these are primal, transhistorical aspects of personhood and society, but that the historical movement from small-scale societies of primarily interpersonal interaction to large-scale societies based on impersonal mediated relationships (markets, bureaucracies, etc.) profoundly alters how power relationships attach to persons. Small-scale interpersonal power relations remain embedded within largescale impersonal power relations, the former constraining the latter, and the latter distorting the former. [R]
74.3125 HELLED, Alon ; PALA, Carlo —
Nations are resilient and often taken for granted as an analytical category in most social sciences. Academic literature has highlighted the industrial and capitalistic origins of nationalism, espousing the formation of modern statehood as well as the revitalized re-elaboration of ethno-genetic elements into that same modernity, even when ‘imagined’ and ‘invented’. Certainly, the organizational and ideological capacities of nation-states are sociologically ‘grounded’, yet less attention has been given to nations’ capacity to adapt their sociogenetic identity. This article seeks to interpret and contextualize the issue through the theorization of national resilience as a mid-range concept by offering analytical instruments. [R]
74.3126 HENDRIX, Cullen S. —
Over the past fifteen years, a narrative has developed that IR scholars have become a “cult of the irrelevant,” with declining influence on and engagement with policy debates. Despite these assertions, the evidence for limited policy engagement has been anecdotal. We investigate the extent of policy engagement — the ways in which IR scholars participate in policy-making processes and/or attempt to shape those processes — by surveying IR scholars directly about their engagement activities. We find policy engagement is pervasive among IR scholars. We draw on theories of credit-claiming to motivate expectations about how and when scholars are likely to engage with practitioners. Consistent with our expectations, much of this engagement comes in forms that involve small time commitments and provide opportunities for credit-claiming, such as media appearances and short-form, bylined op-eds and blog posts. [R, abr.]
74.3127 HOFFMAN, Frank ; AMELIO, Axel D’ —
This article reassesses the impact of Artificial Intelligence on war. Despite the remarkable progress in generative AI, the authors contend that war’s essential nature will be impacted to a degree but will not be substantially altered. [R]
74.3128 HOLMES, Carolyn E., et al. —
Descriptive research — work aimed at answering “who,” “what,” “when,” “where,” and “how” questions — is vital at every stage of social scientific inquiry. The creative and analytic process of description — through concepts, measures, or cases, whether in numeric or narrative form — is crucial for conducting research aimed at understanding politics in action. Yet, our field tends to devalue such work as “merely descriptive” (Gerring 2012), subsidiary to or less valuable than hypothesis-drive causal inference. This article posits four key areas in which description contributes to political science: in conceptualization, in policy relevance, in the management and leveraging of data, and in challenging entrenched biases and diversifying our field. [R]
74.3129 HOLMGÅRD SUNDAHL, Anne-Mette —
This paper introduces a theoretical model for distinguishing between mere popularity and personality cults as there currently is an inflated use of the personality cult concept, especially in news media, attaching it to significantly different phenomena. The model is based on Weber’s concept of charismatic authority and consists of three parameters, widespread symbolic elevation, resilience and religious parallels, covering a representational and social practice dimension. Both dimensions are needed to constitute a personality cult. Trump, Putin and Ardern are used as examples of the model’s ability to distinguish between cult and noncult phenomena. The comparison shows that only Trump and Putin have a cult on both dimensions. Mere popular politicians like Ardern are more comparable to celebrities as these do not have the same authority and power over the followers as leaders with a personality cult – despite potentially showing some cultlike tendencies on the representational dimension. Popular politicians are thus especially characterised by lacking the key social practice aspect of personality cults. As they might still exhibit some cultlike characteristics, the different phenomena are best perceived as being on a continuum ranging from mere admiration or popularity to a personality cult. [R]
74.3130 HOLZHAUSER, Nicole ; MOEBIUS, Stephan —
This introductory article to the special issue ‘Classical Sociology from the Metropolis’ provides a comprehensive exploration of the profound influence of metropolises, particularly Berlin, on the development and discourse of classical sociology. Emphasizing the metropolis as a social space and promoter of sociological thought, it delves into the lives and works of key figures such as Georg Simmel, Robert E. Park, W.E.B. Du Bois, Frieda Wunderlich and Rose Laub Coser. Their interactions, perspectives and transnational exchanges, particularly between Berlin and other urban centres such as Chicago and New York, are highlighted, illustrating the global interconnectedness of sociological discourse. While acknowledging established sociological icons, the article also highlights the often overlooked contributions of women and scholars of colour, challenging and expanding the traditional understanding of the ‘classical’ in sociological thought. The narrative travels from the early urban sociological and feminist theories that emerged in the metropolis of the 1920s to the complexities of Marxist sociology in a divided Berlin after the Second World War. Through a curated selection of articles in the special issue, the work underlines the central role of the metropolis in shaping foundational sociological concepts and the thinkers who championed them. [R] [First article of a thematic issue, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 74.3114, 3273, 3278, 3292, 3293, 3297]
74.3131 HOOVER, Joe —
Discussion of gentrification is ubiquitous in cities around the world. And while criticism of it is common, there is still considerable contestation over whether gentrification is unjust. Political theorists have recently turned their attention to the normative evaluation of gentrification, especially the displacement of long-term residents from neighbourhoods experiencing redevelopment and reinvestment. Two important limitations in this recent work are, first, a narrow focus on the link between gentrification and displacement, and second, the injustice of gentrification has been evaluated in light of abstract ideals of justice divorced from the lived experience of its harms. Although the emerging literature usefully identifies some of the harms of gentrification, it fails to recognise the full extent of the injustice of gentrification. To address these limitations, I argue the normative evaluation of gentrification should start with a conceptualisation of the problem grounded in the experience of its negative effects. Further, employing a more comprehensive conceptualisation of gentrification’s negative effects reveals it to be a distinctive and encompassing urban injustice better understood by examining how gentrification is defined by harmful inequalities of political power, leading to exploitation, dispossession, displacement, marginalisation, and violence. [R]
74.3132 IAVARONE-TURCOTTE, Anne —
In this article, I critically analyze the response offered by Gérard Bouchard, Jérôme Gosselin-Tapp and Michel Seymour — the three main theorists of “majoritarian interculturalism” — to the question of internal minorities. This question is how to protect religious minorities’ right to practice their religion (as created or facilitated by multiculturalism or interculturalism) without violating their female members’ right to lead a life free from oppression (as defended by feminism). I argue that these authors’ response is ambiguous, in that it simultaneously embraces two postures — firmness and flexibility — which, when taken together, are contradictory and, when taken separately, present specific problems. If, in the particular case of the Islamic headscarf, these authors momentarily broaden their perspective, their arguments in this regard call for important nuances that are currently absent from their reasoning. [R]
74.3133 IDLER, Annette —
How can we understand change in armed conflict, both in terms of the phenomenon as a whole, as well as within individual conflicts? This Special Issue sets a new agenda on the theme of change in armed conflict. Studying conflict as a dynamic social phenomenon requires embracing interdisciplinarity and methodological pluralism, which this Special Issue facilitates through a shared conceptual framework on five dimensions of change as a ‘lingua franca’ across diverse approaches and perspectives. It advances debates through three contributions: by critically assessing pre-existing categories and labels; by accounting for perceptions and experiences; and by scaling analyses across varying units and levels of analysis. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue. See Abstr. 74.3031, 3156, 3211, 4001, 4095, 4171, 4217]
74.3134 INUSAH, Husein —
This essay examines the philosophical underpinnings of Nyamnjoh’s social theory of incompleteness and conviviality and Whitehead’s process ontology in the context of intellectual decoloniality. The theory of incompleteness and convivial scholarship is spearheaded by Francis Nyamnjoh as a strategy for intellectual decoloniality and a substitute for the rigid alternatives prevalent in the decoloniality clamour in Africa. This idea also finds expression in Whitehead’s process and relational ontology. Although Whitehead’s process ontology has been widely studied, one hardly comes across works studying in detail the profound ontological richness underpinning Nyamnjoh’s social theory in conversation with Whitehead. In this essay, I examine the ontological assumptions underlying Nyamnjoh’s theory of incompleteness, on the one hand, and the ethical assumptions underpinning his theory of convivial scholarship, on the other. These two analyses combined are expected to shed light on Nyamnjoh’s social theory of epistemic decoloniality and help clarify some philosophical conundrums that underpin it. [R]
74.3135 JACKSON, Christopher ; PHILIPS, Andrew Q. —
Meta-analyses are used to synthesize a body of literature to produce a single summary estimate as well as to explain differences among studies. The field of political science has slowly gained an appreciation for their use in recent years; however, using meta-analyses in dissertations remains rare. This is puzzling, given the tool’s ability to map a topic, to highlight potential gaps for future research to address, and its long-lasting utility for researchers in future projects. We argue that for these and several other reasons, graduate students should consider including a meta-analysis in their dissertation. This article discusses these advantages in detail and offers advice on how to conduct a meta-analysis based on several interviews and applied examples. We also address potential challenges when using this research design in a dissertation. [R]
74.3136 JACKSON, Kate —
Antitrust should serve the equal liberties that citizens give themselves when they engage in economic activity. Given the complexity and interconnectivity of the economy, however, the deliberations in which citizens and policymakers engage will produce a messy cacophony. While leaving the precise content and scope of citizens’ equal liberties open, this article provides a cognitive framework that should nevertheless prove useful as they make sense of the noise. It explains that while business can claim associational freedoms, those freedoms challenge the autonomy of rights of corporate insiders and outsiders alike and should be constrained accordingly. Indeed, this is how citizens have historically understood antitrust — and they can and should do so again. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3237]
74.3137 JAMES, Toby S. ; MATLOSA, Khabele ; SHALE, Victor —
There is strong evidence that we have entered into a democratic recession — where the quality of democracy is being reversed around the world. As the organisations responsible for running elections, election management bodies (EMBs) are at the fulcrum of the challenge of protecting democracy. This article introduces the special issue on ‘Safeguarding Election Management Bodies in the Age of Democratic Recession’ which aims to consider the emerging challenges that EMBs are facing, and how they can be best equipped to respond to them. It begins by defining some characteristics of a democratic recession and mapping global trends in democratic quality. It charts global trends in election quality and maps variation in the quality of electoral management worldwide. The article then considers the implications of a democratic recession for EMBs and how international and regional organisations have sought to address these problems. Finally, it introduces articles in the special issue. [R] [First article of a thematic issue. See also Abstr. 74.3174, 3214, 3346, 3509, 3538, 3625, 3626, 3645, 3728, 3766, 3786, 3820, 3911]
74.3138 JARVIS, Lee ; ROBINSON, Nick —
The article explores the complicity of children’s picturebooks in the construction and critique of world politics. Focusing on The Gruffalo, it argues that this spectacularly successful book: (1) stories the international as a pessimistic, anarchical world populated by self-interested, survival-seekers; (2) disrupts this reading and its assumptions through evocation of the social production of threat; and, (3) provides a more fundamental decolonial critique of the international through parochial privileging of its protagonist’s journey through a ‘deep dark wood’. In doing this, we argue, the book vividly demonstrates the world’s susceptibility to multiple incompatible readings, while rendering visible the assumptions, framing, and occlusions of competing understandings of the international. As such, it theorises both world politics and knowledge thereof as contingent and unstable. In making this argument, three contributions are made. First, empirically, we expand research on popular culture and world politics through investigating a surprisingly neglected example of the former. Second, theoretically, we demonstrate the work such texts perform in (re)creating and (de)stabilising (knowledge of) global politics. Third, we offer a composite methodological framework for future research into the context, content, and framing of complex texts like The Gruffalo. [R]
74.3139 JERAM, Sanjay —
This article introduces a bundle of active learning activities for an introductory undergraduate course in research methods. In particular, the activities aim to help students develop core knowledge and skills that provide a foundation for reading and conducting quantitative and qualitative research. Active learning is a pedagogical practice with well-established benefits such as better student attitudes and improved content comprehension and application. I build on this conventional wisdom by applying a student-centred evaluation method, demonstrating that students perceive active learning as an effective complement to traditional lecturing and assignments for learning core methodological topics in political science. [R]
74.3140 KARINKURAYIL, Mohamed Shafeeq —
This paper is an exploration of cinematic memory as a resource for remembering large-scale Keralan migration to the Gulf since the late 1960s. The south Indian state of Kerala, which predominantly speaks Malayalam, is a major contributor to the migrant labour force in the Gulf region for the last five decades. However, until recently, the migrant figured in the public discourse of Kerala as an economic agent alone. There has been increasing instances of memorialising the Gulf in the Malayalam public sphere since the beginning of the 2000s which brings to light the subjective aspects of the Gulf migration. However, what is lost in these accounts is the simultaneity and interlinked nature of the two places. Cinema, on the other hand, offers resources to inscribe the mutuality of the two places in the collective memory of Kerala. Invoking Pierre Nora’s concept of places of memory, the paper looks at cinematic renditions of ‘Dubai’ as one such site of memory in the present when the image of Dubai and the profile of Keralan migrant has undergone a shift. Taking the example of one Malayalam film, Pathemari (Salim Ahamed, 2015), and tracing its cinematic genealogy, this paper analyses the ways in which ‘Dubai’ is remembered and how this remembrance inscribes the Gulf as part of the collective memory of Kerala. [R, abr.]
74.3141 KARLIN, Jennifer ; JOFFE, Carole —
The growing acknowledgment of the phenomenon of individuals terminating their pregnancies by obtaining the medications necessary for an abortion — which this article refers to as “self-sourced medication abortion” (SSMA) — has shed light on the current contradictions in the world of abortion provision. This article offers a brief historical overview of the relationship between abortion provision and mainstream medicine, pointing to the factors that have led to the marginalization of abortion care. It then discusses interviews with 40 physicians who provide abortions about their perspectives on SSMA, and it explores how this group responds to the contradictions presented by SSMA. In doing so, it interrogates the changing meaning of “physician authority” among this subset of physicians. The authors suggest that these interviewees represent an emergent sensibility among this generation of abortion physicians, a sensibility strongly tied to a commitment to social justice. [R] [See Abstr. 74.4118]
74.3142 KAUFMAN, Aaron R. —
A standard text-as-data workflow in the social sciences involves identifying a set of documents to be labeled, selecting a random sample of them to label using research assistants, training a supervised learner to label the remaining documents, and validating that model’s performance using standard accuracy metrics. The most resource-intensive component of this is the hand-labeling: carefully reading documents, training research assistants, and paying human coders to label documents in duplicate or more. We show that hand-coding an algorithmically selected rather than a simple-random sample can improve model performance above baseline by as much as 50%, or reduce hand-coding costs by up to two-thirds, in applications predicting (1) US executive-order significance and (2) financial sentiment on social media. We accompany this manuscript with open-source software to implement these tools, which we hope can make supervised learning cheaper and more accessible to researchers. [R]
74.3143 KEARY, Michael —
Little consideration has been given to the process of technological change in political theory. Given that ideas about this process play an important role in many strands of normative political thought, and are especially crucial to climate change politics, this is a remarkable oversight. It risks political theory being irrelevant to climate change mitigation. The implications of this oversight for political theory are explored here through an analysis of the liberalism-ecologism debate. The article argues that attempts to green liberalism — to move it beyond environmentalism — cannot succeed while liberalism is silent about technological change. More broadly, given that most political theory traditions make claims about technological change, claims crucial to their worldviews and normative goals, it argues that much more theorisation of the concept is necessary. Especially now that they shape how the world understands climate change mitigation, contests over the meaning of technological change are intensely political contests. Political theory needs to get much more involved. [R]
74.3144 KEELS, Eric ; GREIG, J. Michael —
Despite decades of rigorous research on the use of government-sponsored violence in armed conflicts, there remains significant uncertainty as to when and where leaders choose to target civilians in war. We argue that the variation in the use of state repression is explained in part by how soldiers perceive battlefield gains by rebel forces. Specifically, while strong opposition forces are often a necessary condition for elites convincing agents to engage in state-sponsored brutality, this is modified by the soldiers’ beliefs surrounding the outcome of the war. If government soldiers believe that rebels are likely to win the war, we posit that they will likely shirk orders to target civilians, fearing post-war accountability. We test this argument by examining subnational variation in battlefield dynamics and the use of government one-sided violence from 1992 to 2010. [R]
74.3145 KESARI, Aniket, et al. —
Social scientists with data science skills increasingly are assuming positions as computational social scientists in academic and non-academic organizations. However, because computational social science (CSS) is still relatively new to the social sciences, it can feel like a hidden curriculum for many PhD students. To support social science PhD students, this article is an accessible guide to CSS training based on previous literature and our collective working experiences in academic, public-, and privatesector organizations. We contend that students should supplement their traditional social science training in research design and domain expertise with CSS training by focusing on three core areas: (1) learning data science skills, (2) building a portfolio that uses data science to answer social science questions, and (3) connecting with computational social scientists. [R, abr.]
74.3146 KETTELL, Steven —
Political scientists involved in the study of religion have expressed concerns that religious themes have yet to be fully integrated into the mainstream of the discipline. According to a study of articles published in leading political science journals during the first decade of the twenty-first century, papers engaging with religion were relatively few in number and highly concentrated in only a few thematic and disciplinary areas. This article presents an updated analysis of the extent to which political science has engaged with the topic of religion by examining journal outputs for the period 2011-2020. The study finds no significant change in the patterns identified by the earlier research. [R, abr.]
74.3147 KIM KonShik —
This study analyzes the effects of each of three dimensions of job quality on organizational commitment and job satisfaction. The interactions between job quality and socioeconomic status also are examined to understand the relationship between job quality and organizational commitment and job satisfaction. This study found that all three dimensions of job quality — quality of income, job security, and working environment — have linear effects on organizational commitment and job satisfaction. In addition, the relationship between job quality as a whole and organizational commitment and job satisfaction varies depending on socioeconomic status. This study showed the dual role of socioeconomic status in that the relationship between job quality and organizational commitment and job satisfaction is more accelerated for workers with high socioeconomic status, while the effects of job quality and socioeconomic status on organizational commitment and job satisfaction offset each other where job quality is lower than average. [R]
74.3148 KIRKLAND, Anna —
Research on vaccines in the law and social sciences skews heavily toward an instrumentalist approach to knowledge in service of vaccine promotion. Overcoming hesitancy and promoting vaccine acceptance have been major goals, but successful levers for behavioral change remain elusive. Research with constructivist approaches to vaccines from feminist sociology and anthropology has uncovered ethnographic richness to describe how vaccine debates illuminate inequalities in parenting and reentrench patterns of racism and colonialism. There is considerable potential in science and technology studies approaches that take seriously the materiality and movement of vaccines in networks of production, finance, and global politics, though there are considerable methodological challenges for these research designs. This review charts the lopsided bibliography of law and social science research on vaccines, asking why scholars rarely move away from instrumentalist conceptions of law in the service of public health and, when they do, explaining what theoretical tools enable it. [R]
74.3149 KLAESSON, Johan ; WIXE, Sofia —
Although the process of integrating immigrants into the labor market unfolds over many years, it is often modeled as outcomes (e.g. employment) at specific points in time. We contribute to the literature by providing empirical evidence of the sequence of events leading to active labor market participation of East African and EU15 immigrants to Sweden, whom we follow for up to 28 years. By combining the method of sequence analysis with binomial logit estimation, we can explain why individuals are sorted into different representative labor market sequences. A further contribution is that along the usual initial conditions (individual and geographic), we employ longitudinal micro data to find (1) representative sequences of movements between various types of neighborhoods and (2) an empirical estimate of individual ability, which turns out to be a strong predictor for immigrants entering an active labor market trajectory. Our results show that East Africans tend to reside in neighborhoods with a high degree of socioeconomic and ethnic segregation. Despite this, their labor market activity seems to be less influenced by neighborhood trajectories than EU15 immigrants. The labor market activity of EU15 immigrants and female East African immigrants is positively related to residing in less ethnically segregated and socioeconomically stronger neighborhoods. [R, abr.]
74.3150 KNIEP, Ronja, et al. —
Despite its common usage, the meaning of ‘democratic’ in democratic intelligence oversight has rarely been spelled out. In this article, we situate questions regarding intelligence oversight within broader debates about the meanings and practices of democracy. We argue that the literature on intelligence oversight has tended to implicitly or explicitly follow liberal and technocratic ideas of democracy, which have limited the understanding of oversight both in academia and in practice. Thus, oversight is mostly understood as an expert, institutional and partially exclusive arrangement that is supposed to strike a balance between individual freedom and collective security, with the goal of establishing the legitimacy of and trust in intelligence work in a national setting. ‘Healthy’ or ‘efficient’ democratic oversight then becomes a matter of technical expertise, non-partisanship, and the ability to guard secrets. By analysing three moments of struggle around what counts as intelligence oversight across Germany, the UK, and the US, this article elucidates their democratic stakes. Through a practice-based approach, we argue that oversight takes much more agonistic, contentious, transnational, and public forms. However, these democratic practices reconfiguring oversight remain contested or contained by dominant views on what constitutes legitimate and effective intelligence oversight. [R]
74.3151 KNILL, Christoph ; STEINEBACH, Yves ; ZINK, Dionys —
While policies pile up in modern democracies, the effect of policy growth on policy implementation has not been addressed so far. Implementation research has focused on individual policies instead of studying the challenges implementation organizations face in dealing with growing policy stocks. In this paper, we address this research gap in three ways. First, we introduce the novel concept of organizational ‘policy triage’ which captures implementation effectiveness from an organizational rather than a policy-based perspective. Second, we develop a theoretical framework to account for variations in the prevalence of policy triage across organizations. We argue that policy triage is affected by the interplay of several factors related to (1) organizational overload vulnerability and (2) organizational overload compensation. Third, we provide an initial empirical test of our conceptual and theoretical considerations through four comparative case studies on environmental policy implementation in Ireland and England. [R]
74.3152 KÖBRICH, Julia ; HOFFMANN, Lisa —
Interreligious relations remain an important dimension of human coexistence and we currently observe an increase in religiously motivated violence and discrimination. Hence, we need to better understand determinants of interreligious peace. Building on a new concept of interreligious peace which includes but exceeds the absence of interreligious physical violence, we provide a systematic review of 83 quantitative empirical studies examining religious determinants of interreligious physical violence, hostile attitudes, threat perceptions, trust, and cooperation. We find that religious ideas foster or hinder interreligious peace depending on their content. Religious identities have negative effects but must be considered in context. Evidence regarding the role of religious practice is mixed and the role of religious actors and institutions remains understudied. Our results show the need for (1) more conceptual clarity, (2) replications in different contexts, (3) research on dimensions of religion beyond identities, and (4) a better integration of different strands of literature. [R]
74.3153 KOPP, Heather M. ; REEDER, Bryce W. ; WRIGHT, Thorin M. —
Does participation in conflicts abroad lead to a great risk of conflict escalation at home? We contend that involvement in interstate conflict can impact the likelihood of civil conflict escalation via international conflict’s effects on domestic repression. During international conflict, states employ their military abroad to cope with an external threat, so they may have fewer resources with which to repress. Insurgencies may thus seize the opportunity to target the state. We predict that states that maintain high levels of repression during international conflict will be less likely to experience civil conflict escalation, but that states whose repressive output weakens increase their risk of such escalation. Utilizing mediation analysis, we find evidence that involvement in international conflict shifts repressive patterns, influencing internal conflict intensity. Specifically, governments that increase repression in the shadow of international conflict are less likely to witness civil conflict escalation while states that maintain or decrease repression are more likely. [R]
74.3154 KOTISWARAN, Prabha —
Feminists have long demonstrated the invisibility of women’s reproductive labor, performed in bearing and raising children, maintaining households, and socially sustaining male labor. Every wave of feminist struggle from the late nineteenth century onward has actively queried the inequalities that characterize women’s performance of such work, variously referred to as unpaid domestic and care work, domestic labor, or care work. Robust traditions of scholarship on women’s unpaid work animate various disciplines, often spilling into political struggles for adequate recognition of this work. As the pandemic has rendered visible once again the reproductive labor of women the world over, this article offers an overview of social reproduction theory, feminist legal theorizations of reproductive labor, and how we might recuperate a rich tradition of theorizing on social reproduction to develop a materialist approach to law’s regulation of reproductive labor across the marriage-market spectrum with a view to social and economic justice. [R]
74.3155 KUCHLER, Barbara —
What is the relation between the monetary system and the financial system? The two used to be rather clearly separated, with the realm of money-currency-banking operating under close sovereign control and financial markets being left to the private activities of financial actors. However, the rise of shadow banking has somewhat blurred the picture. Shadow banking is done with financial instruments that operate in practically money-equivalent ways but are not officially categorized as ‘monetary’. This has created some ontological ambiguity and has bred some dispute between orthodox and heterodox economists as to whether or not shadow banking instruments ‘are’ money and should be subject to monetary regulation. The article draws on the sociological concepts of (1) categorization and commensuration, (2) boundary contest, and (3) system to give a sociological redescription of the situation. It discusses three hypotheses. (1) The financial system has expanded its horizon of operation through processes of commensuration and has come to include activities that were formerly done in the protected monetary niche. (2) As a consequence, there have occurred significant boundary shifts between monetary and financial turfs, which have, however, not developed into a veritable boundary contest that would pit opposing coalitions and money definitions against each other. (3) The reason for this is the asymmetric systemness of the two sides: While the financial system is a well-developed and expansionary system, the monetary ‘system’ is not really a system but a regulatory structure that lacks systemic powers of self-assertion and self-defense. [R]
74.3156 LACHAPELLE, Jean ; HELLMEIER, Sebastian —
Mass movements that are able to overthrow a dictator do not always lead to democracy. Transition periods present narrow windows of opportunity in which activists face difficult decisions to build democracy and prevent authoritarian relapse. Existing scholarship offers limited guidance for prodemocracy forces because it focuses on unchangeable structural factors and cases with a known outcome. We propose an innovative approach for finding informative comparisons for ongoing transitions after authoritarian breakdowns. We quantify the similarity between all breakdowns caused by mass uprisings since 1945 based on their structural preconditions. We then apply our approach to Sudan’s ongoing transition and draw lessons from two similar cases: the Philippines in 1986 (successful democratization); and Burma/Myanmar in 1988 (failed democratization). Our analysis shows that structural factors are weak predictors of transition outcomes and that Sudan shares characteristics with cases of both failed and successful democratization. Therefore, democratic transition appears possible in Sudan. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3133]
74.3157 LARA DE LA FUENTE, Daniel —
Ecomodernists argue that decoupling human well-being of its ecological impacts through a wise use of science and technology is required to reach justice and sustainability in the Anthropocene. This article defends the pertinence of the Capabilities Approach to support normatively this notion by the following way. Firstly, I argue that ecomodernism shares with the Capabilities Approach a specific meaning of human flourishing derived from freedom of choice. Secondly, I present an ecomodernist conception of the Sustainable Ecological Capacity, as well as its links with the capability ceilings to establish the foundations of my proposal. Finally, I conclude that such an exploration brings to a new “weak” ecomodernism, based on a simultaneous application of sufficientarian and limitarian accounts on distributive justice of ecosystem goods and services. [R]
74.3158 LAURER, Moritz, et al. —
Supervised machine learning is an increasingly popular tool for analyzing large political text corpora. The main disadvantage of supervised machine learning is the need for thousands of manually annotated training data points. This issue is particularly important in the social sciences where most new research questions require new training data for a new task tailored to the specific research question. This paper analyses how deep transfer learning can help address this challenge by accumulating “prior knowledge” in language models. Models like BERT can learn statistical language patterns through pre-training (“language knowledge”), and reliance on task-specific data can be reduced by training on universal tasks like natural language inference (NLI; “task knowledge”). We demonstrate the benefits of transfer learning on a wide range of eight tasks. Across these eight tasks, our BERT-NLI model fine-tuned on 100 to 2,500 texts performs on average 10.7 to 18.3 percentage points better than classical models without transfer learning. Our study indicates that BERT-NLI finetuned on 500 texts achieves similar performance as classical models trained on around 5,000 texts. Moreover, we show that transfer learning works particularly well on imbalanced data. We conclude by discussing limitations of transfer learning and by outlining new opportunities for political science research. [R]
74.3159 LAW, Andrew Malcolm ; QIN Qianqian —
In recent years, a small but growing body of scholarly work has emerged on the Hanfu movement in China. Researchers have drawn attention to globalisation, westernisation, national lifestyles, and development, the renaissance of Chinese culture, Han racism, Han ethnocentrism and xenophobia as drivers for the movement. In this article, we suggest that of all the extant literature that currently exists on the movement, the ethnography conducted by Kevin Carrico is the most accurate portrayal of the movement as it stands. However, and drawing upon visual and interviewbased fieldwork with members of the movement in 2013 and 2015, our main argument is that existing scholarship has not attended to several nuances in the movement that problematise ideas of race, the way the movement views the recent past and the othering of Manchurian subjects. Unpacking these problematics, this study advances upon existing scholarship: 1) by drawing attention to the way Hanfu enthusiasts demonstrate a great deal of reflexivity around the notion of race; 2) by focusing on the approaches by which Hanfuists interpret the Chinese past beyond narratives of Han ethnic decline; 3) by investigating the mode by which Hanfuists indirectly “other” Manchurian subjects; and 4) by exploring the manner in which Hanfuists hold a broad or “mass” societal “other” as responsible for a new era of moral decline in contemporary China. [R] [See Abstr. 74.4203]
74.3160 LAZAUSKAITĖ-ZABIELSKĖ, Jurgita ; URBANAVIČIŪTĖ, Ieva ; ŽIEDELIS, Arūnas —
This study aims to longitudinally investigate the undesirable effect of overwork climate and its underlying mechanism in the context of telework. Teleworkers have been known for intensive working and even overwork. Moreover, although some empirical evidence shows the adverse effects of overwork climate, its longitudinal effects and mechanism have been underexplored thus far. Consequently, this study expected overwork climate to be related to lower levels of psychological detachment that eventually leads to higher exhaustion, with this effect being more profound among full-time teleworkers. The authors base their analyses on a twowave study with four-month time intervals, with a sample of 375 teleworkers. The results show that an overwork climate led to exhaustion four months later due to impaired ability to detach from work. Notably, this effect was more substantial among those teleworkers who worked from home full-time. [R]
74.3161 LEE Jayeon ; KOCH, Max ; ALKAN-OLSSON, Johanna —
Very few countries have managed to decouple economic growth from resource use and greenhouse gas emissions in absolute terms and at rates to meet the climate targets of the Paris Agreement. To achieve this, technological solutions would need to be combined with sufficiency-oriented policies in a postgrowth context. This paper develops policy ideas for a sustainable welfare–work nexus via citizen engagement and examines the level of democratic support for such ideas. Theoretically, it employs “sustainable welfare” to understand welfare and wellbeing within planetary and social limits. The paper first sketches the welfare–work nexus as developed in the postwar circumstances in Western Europe, highlighting that this model was at no point in time ecologically generalizable to the rest of the world, and then briefly reviews the existing debate on sustainable welfare. The empirical analyses start with qualitative data from 11 deliberative forums on sustainable needs satisfaction, with emphasis on policies targeted at respecting the upper and lower boundaries of a “safe and just operating space” for economic and social development. The qualitative data are then triangulated with quantitative data from a representative survey, which was constructed based on the policy suggestions from the forums, hence allowing for an exploration of their popularity in the Swedish population as a whole. We find a considerable gap between the far-reaching policy measures that forum participants consider necessary and the measures that the general public in Sweden are prepared to support, especially when it comes to policies targeting maximum levels of needs satisfaction. [R]
74.3162 LEFKOWITZ, David —
Proponents of an associative account of political obligation maintain that individuals bear certain moral duties simply in virtue of their membership in a particular political community. I defend this thesis by interpreting it as a metaethical claim that expresses or implicitly relies on a pragmatist account of the nature of normativity, justification, and knowledge. Such a defense has a number of virtues. First, it offers a compelling rationale for the strategy commonly employed to defend the associative thesis. Second, a pragmatist reading provides the resources necessary to rebut a number of objections advanced against the associative thesis, such as the criticism that associative theorists cannot distinguish actually having political obligations from merely believing or feeling that one has political obligations. Third, a pragmatist metaethics entails a particular model of practical reasoning, namely constructive interpretation, that helpfully illuminates our actual practice of attributing or contesting political obligations. [R]
74.3163 LEWIS, Neil A., Jr. —
To address issues of bias and discrimination in many areas of social life, scientists have developed a variety of strategies to debias people’s minds and reduce discrimination and the disparities that stem from it. A large body of research has documented, however, that debias trainings have short-lived effects on changing patterns of thinking (i.e., they last less than 24 hours) and minimal effects on behaviors. In this article, I argue that such limited effects of one-time trainings are to be expected, given the segregated and stratified social structure we live in that was created by historic and contemporary laws and policies. After explaining the mechanisms through which laws and policies create biased people, I then explain how laws and policies can instead be used as levers to create long-lasting changes in biases. [R]
74.3164 LINDERBORG, Otto H. —
This investigation examines the question of whether the similar theories of the origins of monarchy encountered in certain early Greek and Indian literary sources should be taken as evidence of cross-cultural diffusion of political ideas. The paper argues against the alternative explanation, according to which the similarity in form in the Greek and Indian versions of the kingship theory is rooted in similar social processes, by exposing how the earliest extant Greek version of the theory seems to build on a prototype most closely mirrored in one early Indian source. [R]
74.3165 LINDSEY, Summer —
How does the social nature of focus groups shape what researchers learn about preferences? This article delineates three preference types — private, publicly expressed, and group preferences — and introduces a new method for measuring each in a focus group setting. Original data on people’s preferences for punishing rape, wife beating, and theft across 80 focus groups in 20 villages in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo reveal clear differences across preference types, featuring more extreme punishment preferences in the public sphere. A within-subject experiment also shows that focus group discussions affect people’s private preferences by making them more extreme, which has ethical implications for researchers who use focus groups worldwide. The social nature of preferences observed in Democratic Republic of Congo underscores that scholars must adopt clear and transparent approaches to data comparison to learn about sensitive issues in the face of contested norms. [R]
74.3166 LUKITO, Josephine —
The goal of this reflective essay is to highlight challenges that junior and minority political communication researchers face and to advocate for scholarly solidarity practices, defined as actions that maintain social ties between researchers. I discuss four ways in which we can practice scholarly solidarity: solidarity in support, solidarity in responsible open science, solidarity by acknowledgment, and solidarity in the professional pipeline. [R]
74.3167 LYON, Dawn —
This short article shares the innovative pedagogic practices I explored and developed to nurture temporal reflexivity in the classroom to engage students in the study of the sociology of time in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and a local strike. It takes the reader through the module as it was structured and delivered in two parts: from calendars to calibration and from memory to procrastination. This is interspersed with details of the learning exercises we undertook in the classroom and the module assignments. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3055]
74.3168 LYU Yijing, et al. —
Job insecurity is negatively associated with employees’ extra-role behavior. Studies of this negative impact often use a social exchange or stressstrain perspective to explain how job insecurity impairs employees’ extrarole behavior. This study offers an alternative account. Based on a conservation of resources perspective, the authors propose that job insecurity denotes a threat of loss of resources, which will motivate individuals to focus on how to protect what they have and reduce further loss. Such conservation of resources will limit one’s flexibility, or the ability to consider alternatives and change a course of action in response to environmental changes, and thus undermine employees’ extra-role behavior for pursuing constructive changes at work (i.e., taking charge). The authors also propose that the impact of job insecurity on flexibility can be more detrimental to employees higher in work-based self-esteem (i.e., domainspecific self-esteem) due to the experience of self-concept dissonance. The results, obtained from 188 employees in 19 teams of a manufacturing company, supported the hypotheses, while mechanisms suggested by a social exchange perspective (i.e., felt obligation to organizations) and a stress-strain perspective (i.e., vigor) were taken into account. This investigation extends understanding of how and why job insecurity influences employees’ work behavior, as well as who is most vulnerable to job insecurity. [R]
74.3169 MAASS, Richard W. —
Racialization — the processes that infuse social and political phenomena with racial identities and implications — is an assertion of power, a claim of purportedly inherent differences that has saturated modern diplomacy, order, and violence. Despite the field’s consistent interest in power, international security studies in the US largely omitted racial dynamics from decades of debates about international conflict and cooperation, nuclear proliferation, power transitions, unipolarity, civil wars, terrorism, international order, grand strategy, and other subjects. A new framework lays conceptual bedrock, links relevant literatures to major research agendas in international security, cultivates interdisciplinary dialogues, and charts promising paths to consider how overt and embedded racialization shape the study and practice of international security. A discussion of several research design challenges for integrating racialization into existing and new research agendas helps scholars reconsider how they approach questions of race and security. [R, abr.]
74.3170 MALLESON, Tom —
This article introduces this special issue on the bicameral firm. It lays the groundwork by providing a brief overview of the democratic firm in its historical and political context. The article describes the main problems that large undemocratic corporations pose for society; it contrasts the main ways in which theorists and social movements have sought to democratize the firm — from voice-centric models (such as codetermination) to ownership-centric models (such as Employee Stock Ownership Plans and worker cooperatives); and it outlines the historical ebbs and flows of political movements for enhanced workplace democracy. It is within this context that it is fruitful to consider powerful proposal for a bicameral firm. The article concludes by considering the real-world prospects for economic bicameralism and highlights a number of questions that Ferreras’s proposal motivates us to consider. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Democratizing the corporation”. See also Abstr. 74.3086, 3093, 3095, 3098, 3190, 3195]
74.3171 MAÑÉ-ESTRADA, Aurèlia —
Building on the historical foundations of the geopolitics of energy, this essay argues that under capitalism, the “energy model” performs more functions than only supplying energy to the system. In the fossil fuel model, the territorial control of energy sources (coal, oil, gas, and uranium) preserves hegemony, and since the 1970s, oil revenue has been used to sustain global imbalances. Considering that the properties of renewable sources are radically different from those of fossil fuels (there is no possibility of territorial control or commodification), I discuss the concepts of soft and hard paths as established by Lovins and using the example of “new hydrogen geopolitics,” in an attempt to create a hard path renewable model similar to the fossil fuel one, may foster new tensions that could catalyze a new generation of energy-related conflicts. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3993]
74.3172 MARTÍNEZ DE BRINGAS, Asier —
We will structure this work in four fundamental moments. A first moment, where we will expose different narratives of the anthropocene. All of them start from different epistemological assumptions and approach different political proposals to think about the alternatives. We will also propose how we understand the anthropocene and what potential it holds for thinking about transitions. In a second moment, we will talk abut the ambivalence of the anthropocene, that new condition that gives the human being the ability to be a geological force which implies an unprecedented power, but ambivalent, to the extent that it may imply its own destruction. In a third moment, we will propose the figure of the decentered anthropos as a symbolic expression to perceive, both the importance of the human being to think about other ways of living and transiting, as well as to apprehend the radical vulnerability that characterizes us, a necessary condition to think about any form of responsibility. Finally, we will try to formulate the normative foundations of the responsibility(ies) in the anthropocene, starting from the moral universe that the ecosystemic fracture with which we live shows us. [R]
74.3173 MARTINS, Carlos Eduardo —
In this article, we analyze fascism, considering some of the main theoretical debates surrounding the topic, its historical forms, and its temporal insertion in the world-system to propose a conceptual definition which can articulate its central characteristics to concrete historical conjunctures and contingencies, point to future tendencies, and its importance as a phenomenon in the contemporary world. We address its relation to liberalism and conservativism and the forms it assumes in the contemporary world in the United States, Europe, and Latin America. [R]
74.3174 MATLOSA, Khabele —
Globally, democratisation momentum has shown a decline in the last two decades. This article contributes to the existing knowledge on the significance of democracy noting its intrinsic, instrumental, and constructive value, and how democratic recession tends to negate these values. The article identifies deep-seated structural drivers and above-the-surface superstructural triggers of democratic recession, highlighting their trends, manifestations, and impact. It advances the discourse by arguing that, while democratic recession has a discernible global reach and impact, its profound salience in the Global South is its distinctive interface with the limits/inadequacy of liberal democracy in place. The article identifies two critical repercussions of the interface between democratic recession and the inadequacy of liberal democracy, namely a strained state-society social contract and enfeebled social cohesion. In redressing democratic recession, the Global South is confronted with hard choices either to maintain the status quo, reform or transform the liberal democratic model. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3137]
74.3175 McQUEEN, Shannon —
Should educators teach diversity courses in online formats? Courses covering sexism, racism, ethnocentrism, or homophobia are increasingly part of the curriculum requirements for college students. This study compares student surveys from six sections of the author’s introductory Diversity in Politics course; three of these sections are taught asynchronously online, and three are taught in a face-to-face setting. Results reveal no difference between online and face-to-face students’ understandings of privilege and oppression, sense of belonging, or white guilt. However, although all Republican students increased their understanding of privilege and oppression from this course, Republican students uniquely entered the course with less knowledge of oppression and experienced increased growth compared to their online counterparts. The importance of partisanship suggests a more student-centered approach can be valuable in determining the transmissibility of online diversity courses and provides evidence for a successful model for political science diversity courses in online and in-person spaces. [R]
74.3176 MEINERDING, Christoph ; POINELLI, Andrea ; SCHÜLER, Yves —
Using survey data from German households, we find that individuals with higher concern about the consequences of climate change have lower inflation expectations up to five years ahead. We show that the link between climate concern and inflation expectations goes above and beyond individuals’ perception of their personal exposures to climate-related risks, their distrust in the central bank, and a broad range of socio-demographic and socio-economic control variables. [R]
74.3177 MENDOZA AVIÑA, Marco, et al. —
In countries with well-developed welfare state systems, it is often claimed that racial or ethnic minorities impose a heavy burden on social assistance programs without contributing to public goods. In this study, we consider the attitudinal effects of anecdotal reports of tax cheating by minorities. We conduct survey experiments in France and the United States to assess if people react more harshly to tax fraud perpetrated by members of a minority group rather than the majority group. We find no evidence that minority status affects judgments and perceptions about tax fraud, including among those on the right end of the political spectrum. Tax fraud is considered unacceptable regardless of the culprit’s origin. [R]
74.3178 MERCER, Jonathan —
Racism systematically distorts policymakers’ analyses of their allies’ and adversaries’ capabilities, interests, and resolve, potentially leading to costly choices regarding war and peace. When policymakers hold racist beliefs, as they did in the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), their beliefs influence how they explain and predict their allies’ and adversaries’ behaviors. Reliance on racist stereotypes leads policymakers to inaccurate assessments. An analysis of the relationship between stereotypes, reputations, and bigotry indicates that reputations easily become stereotypes — which is discomforting to anyone who bases policy decisions on another’s reputation or encourages policymakers to do so. International security scholars have largely overlooked the role of racism, assuming rational choices on the part of policymakers. Research demonstrates that this assumption is wrong. [R]
74.3179 MITRA, Ankushi, et al. —
As the political and social challenges facing the world multiply, the discipline of political science requires better tools and creative approaches advanced by a more diverse set of researchers. Yet the discipline has struggled to recruit and admit to graduate programs, and retain as faculty, women and underrepresented minorities. Many individual faculty, departments, and universities have developed innovative programs and sought to create structural changes to address these gaps. This article presents the approach taken by the Department of Government at Georgetown University: launching a week-long Political Science Predoctoral Summer Institute in 2022. We describe the Institute’s contours and structure, provide preliminary data on outcomes, and conclude by offering three ideas for expanding and advancing these types of initiatives across the discipline. [R]
74.3180 MORAN, Marie ; FLAHERTY, Eoin —
While the concept of a ‘financial elite’ has become prominent within politics and the social sciences, it is not clear what value it holds for the analysis of inequalities of income, wealth and power under financial capitalism. Who are the financial elite, and what distinguishes them from other economically powerful groups? We delineate ‘distributive’, ‘categorical’ and ‘relational’ approaches to financial elites, arguing that various unresolved tensions have hampered clarification of the differentia specifica of the concept, and blunted its normative significance. We develop a new concept of financial elites that combines insights from elite studies and financialisation studies. We argue that the financial elite possess not only high incomes, but income primarily derived from ‘rentier’ channels, as endowed by the institutional structures of financialisation. Financial elites demonstrate the capacity not only to capitalise on these new accumulation channels, but to shape the institutional and regulatory landscapes in which they operate. [R]
74.3181 MORRIS, Hanna E. —
Drawing upon motifs of death, mass extinction, and predictions of chaos and collapse, the UK-based Extinction Rebellion (XR) demarcates itself as a different kind of environmental movement precisely because it “tells the truth” (in XR’s own words) about the climate crisis during a time of supposed false hope, denial, and delusion. In this paper, I analyze — through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) — how XR’s postnatural visions shape (and limit) the movement’s demands and proposals for change. My analysis reveals how XR’s calls for action are guided by a sense of loss and mourning for a future after nature’s end that are embedded with nostalgic undercurrents of a very particular mode of green nationalism. The potential exclusions and limitations of XR’s green nationalism are explored in this paper. [R]
74.3182 MUNGER, Charles T., Jr. —
Condorcet-compatible election methods are examined and compared. The Ranked Pairs method proves significantly better than Beatpath; that both are clone-free, and have other desirable properties, makes them much better than any alternative. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3819]
74.3183 MUÑOZ MEDINA, Felipe, et al. —
Using social exchange theory as the foundation, this research examines the consequences of qualitative job insecurity on voice behavior, considering the indirect effect of affective organizational commitment. The hypotheses raised are tested using data drawn from a sample of 137 employees of a retailer in lower affective organizational commitment, which in turn decreased their voice behavior. Organizational leaders could encourage employee voice behaviors by reducing their perceptions of qualitative job insecurity and increasing their affective organizational commitment. [R]
74.3184 MURAU, Steffen ; VAN ‘t KLOOSTER, Jens —
We propose a new conception of monetary sovereignty that acknowledges the reality of today’s global credit money system. Today, the concept is predominantly used to denote states that issue and regulate their own currency. We reject that Westphalian understanding of monetary sovereignty. Instead, we propose a conception of effective monetary sovereignty that focuses on what states are actually able to do in the era of financial globalization. The conception fits the hybridity of the modern credit money system by acknowledging the crucial role not only of central bank money but also of money issued by regulated banks and unregulated shadow banks. These institutions often operate “offshore”, outside of a state’s legal jurisdiction, which makes monetary governance more difficult. Monetary sovereignty consists in the ability of states to effectively govern these different segments of the monetary system and thereby achieve their economic policy objectives. [R]
74.3185 NATASYA, Rasya ; NGATNO, M. M. ; PRABAWANI, Bulan —
Greenwashing has long been an issue in Western and developed countries. Yet, this matter regrettably remains quite underexplored among academics in developing and emerging markets, especially in Indonesia. The presented quantitative research focuses on the impact of greenwashing perception, green word of mouth (“green WOM”) and green marketing on intentions to purchase items at H&M in Jakarta. Hypotheses were answered with the SEM-PLS model using SmartPLS3 software. Based on a questionnaire administered to 200 respondents, results show that the perception of greenwashing has a direct negative impact on consumers’ purchase intentions and an indirect negative impact through green WOM, which can be influenced by the factor of lack of concern and awareness in Jakarta. These findings stand in contrast to several studies in Europe that were used as a reference while conducting this research. At the same time, green WOM strengthens the positive impact between green marketing and purchase intentions. Practical implications for companies include taking substantial steps towards sustainability and the need to adopt a fact-based approach without embellishment. [R]
74.3186 NOORANI, Yaseen —
Recent research has pointed to the modern nature of the state that Islamists posit in contrast to medieval Islamic notions of political authority. This paper argues that a conceptual framework derived from romantic aesthetics underpinned the Islamist thought of Sayyid Qutb, who was for many years a secular literary writer. The aesthetic framework made possible the notion of human freedom and progress as the enactment of the general or collective will, which is the source of the state. Classical formulations of the general will in Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel are closely related to contemporaneous aesthetic notions of freedom as creative expression of interiority. Qutb participated in this line of thinking. The vitalist metaphysics and expressivist aesthetic theory of his literary period led him to later formulate an account of the general will that is embodied in Islamic law, the sharīʿa, which he identified with the state. He presented the Islamic state on this basis as resolving the fundamental contradiction of western modernity that romantic aesthetics had identified in the context of establishing the redemptive value of art. This contradiction, the disunity of the spiritual and the material, was equated by Qutb with the separation of church and state. Islamic law as the state is thus justified on aesthetic grounds as the reconciliation of humanity and nature now divided by Western materialism. [R, abr.]
74.3187 O’MARA KUNZ, Erin M. ; HOWELL, Jennifer L. ; BEASLEY, Nicole —
We examined whether there is evidence for racial and gender bias in the voting patterns of contestants on Survivor, a reality-television zero-sum game in which contestants compete for up to 39 days to win $1 million. Among 731 contestants across 40 seasons, we found evidence of racial and gender bias at multiple stages of Survivor. Compared with men, women were more likely to be voted out of their tribe first and were less likely to make it to the individual-competition stage of the game (i.e., the “merge”). They were also less likely to win Survivor. Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) contestants, compared with White contestants, were more likely to be voted out of their tribe first and were less likely to make it to the individual-competition stage of the game. These findings suggest a systemic bias in favor of White men and against women of color. [R]
74.3188 PARK Sunhee —
Transition from war to peace often leads to new challenges. Conflict scholars suggest that these challenges lead groups to be unable to commit credibly and suggest mechanisms for decreasing the fear of being the victim, and increasing the costs, of reneging. However, international law and international political economy scholars debate the utility of making agreements flexible. This paper argues that provisions intended to increase the flexibility of agreements are detrimental to implementation because they operate under the assumption that groups are in a repeated game, and because they can lead to an even more severe commitment problem. Using a newly collected dataset on civil war cease-fire agreements, duration analyses suggest agreements with more flexibility-enhancing provisions exhibit a higher likelihood of violations. Although provisions calling for third-party enforcement — a mechanism for reducing fear and increasing costs — seem to decrease the likelihood of violations, this effect disappears when flexibility-enhancing provisions are considered. [R]
74.3189 PEARLMAN, Wendy —
Although political science increasingly investigates emotions as variables, it often ignores emotions’ larger significance due to their inherence in research with human subjects. Integrating emotions into conversations on methods and ethics, I build on the term “ethnographic sensibility” to conceptualize an “emotional sensibility” that seeks to glean the emotional experiences of people who participate in research. Methodologically, emotional sensibility sharpens attention to how participants’ emotions are data, influence other data, and affect future data collection. Ethically, it supplements Institutional Review Boards’ rationalist emphasis on information and cognitive capacity with appreciation for how emotions infuse consent, risk, and benefit. It thereby encourages thinking not only about emotional harm but also about emotions apart from harm and about emotional harms apart from trauma and vulnerability. [R, abr.]
74.3190 PEK, Simon —
Bicameral firms can generate societal benefits both directly, by granting representatives of labor investors voice in shaping firm decision-making, and more indirectly, by serving as a transition phase from capital investor–owned firms to worker cooperatives. However, there is room to augment these benefits by leveraging insights from research on cooperatives. This article draws lessons from three types of cooperatives — traditional worker cooperatives, multistakeholder cooperatives, and union cooperatives — to help refine Ferreras’s proposal for bicameral firms. First, bicameral firms should offer labor investors more opportunities to participate in firm governance and hold their representatives to account. Second, they should create robust channels for other stakeholders to influence firm decision-making. Third, they should carefully delineate the role of labor unions vis-à-vis the Chamber of Representatives of the Labour Investors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3170]
74.3191 PERRY, Kate ; PEKSEN, Dursun —
Though much research has focused on major political and humanitarian consequences of economic sanctions, little is known about how economic sanctions affect economic rights and freedoms in target countries. Often, sanctions work is divided into two main theoretical camps: direct economic effects and indirect human rights effects. These two bodies of work have significantly expanded our cumulative knowledge around economic coercion, but scholars in each camp primarily speak past one another while rarely drawing together the interrelated threads of direct and indirect sanctions effects. We challenge this common division by examining the extent to which economic sanctions imposed by the European Union, the United States or the United Nations affect labour rights practices. We posit that sanctions, as a direct shock to target economies, will prompt more labour rights violations at the workplace, such as arbitrary firings and the use of child or forced labour. We maintain that sanctions also undermine labour conditions via adverse indirect effects on human rights, civil society and bureaucratic capacity. Results from a time-series crossnational analysis lend strong support for the proposition that sanctions are significantly and directly related to worsened labour rights conditions. We further show that sanctions also indirectly contribute to labour rights violations through negative effects on human rights conditions and reduced bureaucratic capacity in target countries. [R, abr.]
74.3193 PETTRACHIN, Andrea —
This article develops and applies an innovative methodology based on social network analysis and cluster analysis to analyze the organization of policymaking relations in multi-level political systems, focusing on the migration policy field. In doing so, it addresses four limitations of existing research on multi-layered migration policymaking, which tends to focus on policy and legal documents rather than real-world interactions, conceptualize governmental levels in morphological terms, neglect conflictual interactions, and narrowly focus on big cities. This innovative approach is applied to the heuristic case of Italian asylum policy after the 2015 “refugee crisis”, which allows to derive three conceptual claims about the organizations of multi-level migration-related policymaking interactions. First, these interactions can be highly conflictual and multilevel migration policymaking should not necessarily be seen as a negotiated order among public and non-public actors. Second, existing typologies need to be complexified, accounting for the significance of intricately nested and overlapping “multi-level networks” emerging over and above multi-layered institutional structures. Third, showing that Italian asylum policy actors interact more frequently and collaboratively with “likeminded” actors regardless of official roles and governmental levels, the article identifies a new “political” or “ideological” axis along which collaborative and conflictual relations can be organized. [R]
74.3194 PFALER, Lauri von —
This review essay considers Vivek Chibber’s social theory of capitalism critically and develops some of the themes that a historicist social theory of capitalist stability should integrate theoretically. I start by outlining Chibber’s notable book and present its key claim about the materiality and primacy of class structure in terms of economic decision-making. I then point out the limits and antinomies of structural theory as a historical explanation, sketch the contours of a historicist methodology and provide examples of three political phenomena that are irreducible to the class structure but that have been central for the reproduction of capitalism. The final section considers the political consequences of my historicist criticism of Chibber. [R]
74.3195 PINTO, Sanjay —
In conversation with Ferreras’s proposal for economic bicameralism, the current article makes the case for a more direct confrontation between conceptions of economic democracy and the realities of racial capitalism. In particular, it considers how efforts to expand power and voice for workers must contend with the racial hierarchy that marks the socioeconomic division of labor and the related use of racial distinctions to thwart labor solidarity. Focusing on the American context, the argument draws inspiration from the work and vision of two key figures in the unfinished struggle for Black liberation, W. E. B. Du Bois and Fannie Lou Hamer. After recapping core elements of Ferreras’s proposal, the article briefly examines the historical evolution of racial capitalism, starting with its roots in slavery and conquest. It then considers how movements agitating for greater worker power have intervened within this landscape. [R, abr.]
74.3196 POLYAK, Palma —
Germany’s excessive current account surpluses mirror domestic problems. They are rooted in inequality and a weak home market, creating an overdependence on exports. Why, then, are policymakers so reluctant to reduce them? This paper argues that a contributing factor is the public misrepresentation of surpluses’ domestic costs. Imbalances are narrated as distributional conflicts between countries, not within them; and bilateral trade is framed as a competition, where surplus countries win. The analysis reconstructs stakeholders’ positions and discursive strategies through media narratives and Bundestag debates, using an original dataset of public statements. It finds evidence for a systematic bias disregarding the domestic losers of surpluses. Whenever imbalances are discussed, the triggering event is outside criticism, mainly from the European Commission and the US. The ensuing debate follows an ‘us versus them’ logic, where foreign critics clash with domestic defenders — mainly the government and export-sector organisations. The success narrative and identitarian discourse about an ‘export nation’ limits left-wing actors’ room to move beyond incremental criticism. The analysis finds an effect of European integration exacerbating imbalances. Germans fend off critics by an arena-shifting strategy: pointing out that exchange rates and trade are European-level prerogatives, disregarding internal policy levers for rebalancing. [R]
74.3197 PREDA, Marian ; MATEI, Ștefania —
In this paper, we discuss our experience in teaching time to university students. Our analysis suggests that students’ sociological imagination and fictional creativity might be used as means to deconstruct the hegemonic temporalities of modernity. Specifically, we exemplify our claims by considering a set of classroom activities that use speculative fabulation in order to make students question key assumptions about the objective nature of time. The activities we discuss are based on an original combination of exposure to cultural products, reflective writing exercises, and moderated group discussion, thus opening up new horizons of temporal experimentation, exploration, and interpretation. Our activities invite students to imagine alternative temporalities that are decoupled from prevalent mindsets and challenge the taken-for-granted assumptions about the temporal worlds. The assignments are designed as imaginative scenarios, in which students are asked to question the universal, commodified, and absolute notion of time while becoming familiar with the work of relevant thinkers in sociology and anthropology. Based on our results, we conclude that speculative fabulation holds a strong emancipatory potential and is able to bring about significant changes in how students think about time, because it promotes more empowering and meaningful ways of engagement with the world. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3055]
74.3198 RABII, Watoii —
Using content analysis of Buffalo media and 20 semi-structured interviews, I document the use of immigrant entrepreneurialism as a neoliberal urban governance strategy. Racism evasiveness is central to this strategy. I observe that immigrants and refugees are treated as symbolic capital as part of a neighborhood branding strategy that involves parlaying diversity into material benefits. I call this strategy global appeal. Buffalo’s resurgence is a feel-good story that draws on neoliberal market logics, colorblindness, and diversity ideology. These stories allow Whites to evade racism when discussing neighborhood renewal and racist comments. Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic capital, Bell’s concept of neighborhood frames, and Beeman’s theory of racism evasiveness, I argue that immigrants and refugees are used as symbolic capital to construct a neighborhood brand. This is part of a strategy of roll out neoliberalism that relies on two neighborhood frames: revitalization and diversity. The revitalization frame credits immigrants and refugees with contributing to the neighborhood through homeownership, entrepreneurialism, and school enrollment. The diversity frame celebrates people of different races, cultures, and ethnicities coming together while both evading and obscuring racism. [R]
74.3199 RAEV, Ada —
Since the start of the 20th c., artistic life in Paris has been marked by a vital, productive coexistence and cooperation between French and foreign artists. Many of them had come to France from Eastern Europe and decisively shaped the contours of modern art. This art scene was called the École de Paris. Socio-political developments after the First World War, rising anti-Semitism, the German occupation, and the Holocaust had a massive effect on the art world. Jewish artists from Eastern Europe in particular were excluded from the École de Paris and eliminated from the collective consciousness. Only recently has the contribution made by East European Jewish artists to the canon of Western modernity been rediscovered. [R]
74.3200 REAMER, Robert —
This article explicates and critiques an understanding of markets that is dominant in much contemporary political theory. Drawing on the insights of new materialist economic sociology, it argues that the divide between “the political” and “the market” that grounds many recent analyses cannot ultimately be sustained. Conceptualizing markets not as abstract, impersonal mechanisms but as polyvalent assemblages, the paper develops a view of markets as material devices subject to a wide variety of political inflections and deployments. This understanding is then used to clarify some of the disputes between market-friendly neo-republican theorists and their critics. The article argues that markets are best conceptualized as political institutions (rather than as alternatives to politics). It commends an approach to political theorizing that focuses on the material details of market configurations and their consequences for agency and social power. [R, abr.]
74.3201 REGAN, Aidan —
The growth model (GM) programme in comparative and international political economy attempts to do three things. First, it encourages a dialogue between international and comparative political economy research through creating a shared theoretical framework that moves beyond the methodological and ontological nationalism of traditional comparative research. Second, it draws upon post-Keynesian macroeconomics to emphasise the importance of domestic demand, credit debt, and macro-financial regimes in shaping the politics of advanced capitalism. Third, it draws attention to the dynamics of political conflict, coalition building and social agency in shaping country-specific GMs. Each paper in this special issue either directly or indirectly touches on these different aspects of the nascent GM research programme. But they do so with a particular focus on the comparative political economy of Europe. [R]
74.3202 REID, Lindsay, et al. —
Hostile regional environments can spur civil war at home. Do they also affect mediation in a state’s ongoing civil war? We hypothesize they do, but in ways that produce competing effects: Third parties hesitate to offer mediation in a conflictual environment, but hostile environments also make disputants more amenable to mediation. We test these diverging expectations using a measure of conflict environments that aggregates spatially and temporally proximate civil war in a state’s neighborhood. Our empirical analyses reveal that third parties are significantly less likely to offer mediation as exogenous factors mount, a finding that holds even for third parties who have historic or security linkages to the civil war state. However, we find limited evidence that disputants’ decisions to accept mediation are driven by regional security concerns. Instead, local conflict conditions present more pressing concerns that drive disputants to accept offers to mediate. [R, abr.]
74.3203 REINHARDT, Mark —
Considering formative twentieth-century theories in relation to contemporary technosocial developments, this article examines ideas of spectacle and surveillance as ways of approaching visual politics. I argue that the historically important relationship between the visual and political fields is now intensifying and mutating. First discussing Guy Debord’s The Society of the Spectacle, I show how his influential approach proves inadequate to the politics of image-saturated societies. I next show how critics of imperial and racial spectacles, from Michael Rogin to Claudia Rankine and Tina Campt, provide better ways of engaging power and political contestation in the visual field. Third, I examine how Michel Foucault deployed notions of spectacle in his own work but argued for leaving the term behind, presenting surveillance as not just a different modality of power but also spectacle’s temporal successor. This account remains essential for both historical understanding and reckoning with contemporary surveillance. Fourth, however, as Simone Browne argues, Foucault’s separation between spectacle and surveillance is too stark, his history too prone to occlude race. Furthermore, recent surveillance technologies and practices have changed in ways that confound his terms, while extending and also altering the racial dynamics explored earlier in the essay. Today, even surveillance based on optical media contributes to a “postvisual” image world in which algorithmic, machine-machine communication abets forms of power neither tied to human perception nor graspable as subject formation. [R, abr.]
74.3204 RIEDE, Hannah —
In the last decades, diversity has become a central paradigm for negotiating social equality. The implementation of so-called diversity policies aims to recognize socio-structural difference within institutions and to incorporate them. However, these policies have been increasingly criticized, particularly by feminist and postcolonial perspectives. Considering these concerns, the article poses the question of whether the concept of diversity is indeed expedient for realizing the democratic promise of equality. It is argued that despite the wide-ranging criticisms of current diversity policies, the normative, equality-oriented core of diversity semantics should not be disregarded. For this purpose diversity politics must aim at a more comprehensive transformation of social structures. The article introduces initial contours of conceptualizing diversity as a democratic intervention. Such an approach emphasizes the need for constant reflection on socio-structural differences and mobilizes these differences to challenge established paradigms of political and social representation. [R]
74.3205 ROCHE, William K. —
This article examines the features and effectiveness of 11 ‘private dispute resolution arrangements’ (PDRAs) established by employers and unions in Ireland since the early 2000s to resolve collective disputes within organizations. These PDRAs are groundbreaking in redrawing the rules aligning internal dispute resolution with services provided by external state agencies. The article extends the boundaries of our knowledge of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) by highlighting the features of PDRAs and by identifying the conditions contributing to their evenhandedness, fairness and independence. [R]
74.3206 RODGERS, Ian ; ARMOUR, John ; SAKO, Mari —
In this review, we explore the impact of technology on US and UK law firms, focusing in particular on the recent machine learning wave of artificial intelligence. Technology has not so far ushered the end of law firms as we know them. Adoption of artificial intelligence/machine learning is in its early stages in the sector, and its impact has been constrained by the scope of use cases for which it is so far well-suited. Technology is nevertheless transforming law firms, in the sense of leading to material changes to their current forms, in the following novel ways: (1) deployment not only in the back office but in the front office, affecting lawyers’ core tasks of advising clients; (2) opportunities for lawyers to pursue alternative career paths with different skill sets across the profession; and (3) emerging options for law firms to adopt business models creating value from nonhuman capital and nonlegal human capital. [R]
74.3207 RODRIGUEZ, Pedro L. ; SPIRLING, Arthur ; STEWART, Brandon M. —
Social scientists commonly seek to make statements about how word use varies over circumstances — including time, partisan identity, or some other document-level covariate. For example, researchers might wish to know how Republicans and Democrats diverge in their understanding of the term “immigration.” Building on the success of pretrained language models, we introduce the à la carte on text (conText) embedding regression model for this purpose. This fast and simple method produces valid vector representations of how words are used — and thus what words “mean” — in different contexts. We show that it outperforms slower, more complicated alternatives and works well even with very few documents. The model also allows for hypothesis testing and statements about statistical significance. We demonstrate that it can be used for a broad range of important tasks. [R, abr.]
74.3208 ROTTINGHAUS, Brandon —
Political science research is conflicted about the impact of political scandals on survival in office. Scholars have found strong negative impacts to some scandals but others have found minimal or no effects. The literature has explored several consequences but no one work examines them collectively. This article examines presidential, gubernatorial, and Congressional scandals from 1972 to 2021 to assess the impact of scandal in a polarizing America. We find the negative consequences from scandals vary across time and institutions. Scandals in the Watergate era led to more resignations in Congress but fewer resignations of White House officials in the 1990s. During the Trump administration, White House officials did not survive in office at rates greater than past eras, demonstrating little support for the “Trump Effect.” However, politicians generally survived scandal more in the polarized era, hinting at the changing role of political scandals. [R]
74.3209 ROVNY, Jan —
Recent years have witnessed significant democratic erosion, particularly in eastern Europe. This article suggests that the explanations of democratic backsliding, largely focused on historical and post-communist experiences of the this region, fail to note the striking and counterintuitive influence of ethnic politics. Departing from an observation that democratic practices have deteriorated significantly more in eastern European countries without mobilized ethnic minorities, this article argues for the central role of ethnic politics in buttressing democracy in the region. In countries with politically organized ethnic minorities, democratic institutions and practices remain more resilient. This is because mobilized ethnic minorities provide socially rooted electorates with almost an existential need for political rights and civil liberties. Active minority engagement in politics reinforces a constitutionally liberal pole of political competition and provides a counterbalance to the primary carriers of democratic regression — illiberal parties. [R]
74.3210 ROZMAN, Tadeja —
The article presents the functioning of the Jezikovna Slovenija web portal and the motivation for its creation. It evaluates the content of the portal in terms of designing and promoting the language policy of the Republic of Slovenia and informing professionals and the general public about the linguistic situation. The article presents in more detail the Language Policy Advisory Corner established on the portal and evaluates its role in understanding language rights and obligations, as well as efforts to promote a tolerant multilingual society. [R]
74.3211 RUGO, Daniele —
This article asks: how do art practice and research give form to changing dynamics of conflict? Its argument is two-fold: art’s contribution can be developed from empirical considerations (what art finds out), and from methodological ones (how art finds something out). Bringing in art practice and the research methods it informs into political science helps understand conflict and its changes: by engaging simultaneously with the interaction between the collective and the personal, art practice and research elucidates those complex and layered narratives used by various actors in conflict that often resist approaches rooted in social and political sciences. By paying attention to everyday interactions and emphasizing dynamism, art provides a different way to chart changes in armed conflict. Art documents discourses that are difficult to communicate otherwise and allows us to detect and engage with the grey areas, transformations, processes and ambivalences of conflicts that escape neat categorizations. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3133]
74.3212 RUTAR, Tibor —
The notion that the world has been witnessing a profound neoliberal transformation since around the 1980s onward is widely accepted in many parts of social science and the humanities. Moreover, the overarching impression is that this transformation has mostly been regrettable in economic, political, and other social terms. At the same time, careful interdisciplinary research recently uncovered that neoliberalism has been notoriously hard to define. Based on that research, this article first clarifies the conceptual confusion surrounding neoliberalism and presents a broad, synthetic institutions-based working definition of it that captures its typical contemporary usages. The article then asks if a systematic empirical assessment of neoliberalism’s social impact over the past decades across the world is even possible. It suggests it is by empirically operationalizing neoliberalism in three distinct, yet potentially overlapping, ways that appear in the literature: first, as a broad set of economic institutions measured by economic freedom indexes; second, as the process of international trade liberalization (itself proxied by import shocks); and third, as shock-therapy type institutional reforms in (parts of) post-communist Europe. Synthesizing the findings of the existing vast research literature, the main conclusion of the article is that neoliberalism’s social impact has been more nuanced than suggested by prevailing discourse. [R]
74.3213 ŠADL, Zdenka ; OSOLNIK, Maja —
Emotional labour (hereinafter EL) is a form of work that involves managing emotions and emotional expressions during social interaction to achieve professional goals and to fulfil the emotional requirements of a job. EL can bring negative psychological consequences for employees such as burnout and exhaustion. Such negative outcomes are determined mostly by the EL strategy that employees implement. This article seeks to expand understanding of the dispositional and situational determinants of EL, and the role played by dispositional variables in determining the outcomes of EL. Drawing on survey data from 29 employees working in the service sector, we find that among EL strategies surface acting has been consistently shown to have the most detrimental effects on employee well-being. On the other hand, deep acting can be viewed as a healthier way to perform EL, and the expression of genuine emotions can even reduce the negative outcomes of EL. Understanding the antecedents of EL strategies would therefore enable more effective interventions to be developed aimed at reducing burnout by influencing the way in which employees perform EL. [R]
74.3214 SALIH, M. A. Mohamed —
The discrepancy between democratic theory and practice is common to all democratic and quasi-democratic governments. Democratic recession manifests where there is an extreme discrepancy between normative democratic values and their practice – for instance where the state has flouted democratic normative rules (theory) and rendered major democratic institutions dysfunctional. This article posits that democratic recession can be seen in the 21st century as a reaction to at least four factors: 1) shifts in global geopolitics, 2) a crisis of representative democracy, 3) democratic silence, and 4) the rise of populism and post-truth framing. Indices of democracy do not, however, reveal the extent of the state’s role in undermining democratic institutions (ie, political parties, election monitoring bodies, parliaments, the media, civil society), due to a bias of liberal individualism. The outcome has been a crisis of state legitimacy, where citizens lose trust in the state rather than in democratic governance. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3137]
74.3215 SCHMITT, Casey R. —
This article surveys and reflects upon the influence of anthropomorphism in environmental and sustainability discourses. It summarizes key perspectives on and tensions surrounding anthropomorphizing rhetorics, ultimately arguing that such rhetorics need not be anthropocentric. The article first defines core concepts and terminology, including anthropomorphism and anthropocentrism. It then provides an ideological history of environmental communication’s tension between humanism and morethan-humanism, highlighting the role of communication and symbolism in shaping (or constraining) perspectives and making a case for a middle path of human-oriented (rather than human-centered) appeals, before concluding with recommendations for future work. [R]
74.3216 SCHORR-LIEBFELD, Tomer ; SELA, Avraham —
This paper examines the relevance of “politically motivated violent offenders” (PMVOs) in propelling the shift from a long and bloody armed struggle to a negotiated agreement; indeed, they play an indispensable role in the ratification and the eventual implementation of any such agreement. We compare the role of PMVOs in three cases of protracted conflict resolution processes in the 1990s — Northern Ireland, South Africa, and the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords. We argue that PMVOs constitute a distinguished socio-political actor characterized by high symbolic capital as the embodiment of the national struggle. This renders them a major source of political legitimacy, a necessary condition for attaining peace with hitherto sworn enemies and securing its implementation and stabilization. The paper analyzes the provisions within the respective agreements pertaining to prisoners’ release. [R, abr.]
74.3217 SCHUESSLER, John M. ; SHIFRINSON, Joshua ; BLAGDEN, David —
What is the relationship between insularity — a state’s separation from other states via large bodies of water — and expansion? The received wisdom, prominent in (though not exclusive to) realist theories, holds that insularity constrains expansion by making conquest difficult. We contend, by contrast, that this received wisdom faces important limits. Focusing on U.S. expansion via means short of conquest, we interrogate the underlying theoretical logics to demonstrate that insular powers enjoy two distinct advantages when it comes to expansion. First, insularity translates into a “freedom to roam”: because insular powers are less threatened at home, they can project more power and influence abroad. Second, insularity “sterilizes” power, which explains why insular powers are seen as attractive security providers and why we do not see more counterbalancing against them. On net, existing scholarship is correct to argue that insularity impedes conquest between great powers. [R, abr.]
74.3218 SHEFFER, Lior, et al. —
Politicians regularly bargain with colleagues and other actors. Bargaining dynamics are central to theories of legislative politics and representative democracy, bearing directly on the substance and success of legislation, policy, and on politicians’ careers. Yet, controlled evidence on how legislators bargain is scarce. Do they apply different strategies when engaging different actors? If so, what are they, and why? To study these questions, we field an ultimatum game bargaining experiment to 1,100 sitting politicians in Belgium, Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and the US. We find that politicians exhibit a strong partisan bias when bargaining, a pattern that we document across all of our cases. The size of the partisan bias in bargaining is about double the size when politicians engage citizens than when they face colleagues. We discuss implications for existing models of bargaining and outline future research directions. [R]
74.3219 SHESTOWSKY, Donna —
How do litigants evaluate their experiences with the civil justice system? What we know about this important subject has grown out of foundational academic research in procedural justice and studies of litigant involvement in court programs. The volume of projects dedicated to understanding litigant experiences falls short in relation to the magnitude of civil justice system encounters handled by the legal system. Nevertheless, the extant research converges on some surprising insights into the factors that shape litigants’ perspectives and the contextual variables that affect their experiences. This article synthesizes the major findings, discusses some of their law and policy implications, and highlights areas that beg for further investigation at the intersection of law and psychology. [R]
74.3220 SHORTELL, Christopher ; VALDINI, Melody E. —
While existing literature has established that women leaders are stereotyped as more likely to uphold the norms of democracy, the power of this effect in the non-democratic context is not established. We address this gap and argue that the context of regime transition cultivates a unique dynamic in which the stereotypes associated with women justices become especially valuable to both citizens and the state. However, we argue that this perception of women contributing to the health of democracy is not constant across all citizens equally; instead, those people with high levels of hostile bias against women are more likely to view women as the potential saviors of the democracy. To test our theories, we offer original survey data from Thailand and Poland, two countries in the midst of regime transition. We find evidence that suggests that the impact of women justices on assessments of democratic health is indeed dependent on hostile bias in Thailand, but that the relationship is not found in Poland. Our results suggest that bias can sometimes operate in unexpected ways, and that scholars should consider multiple measures of different types of bias when investigating its effects on behavior. [R]
74.3221 SNELGROVE, Corey —
Through a close reading of a 2018 Ontario Superior Court case — Restoule v. Canada — I demonstrate the persistence of the transactional interpretation of treaties, where treaty is understood as a contract of selfdispossession. I argue further that this can be explained through Karl Marx’s theory of fetishism. Commodity fetishism provides the social traction for the transactional interpretation of treaties generally, while capital fetishism explains the subordination of the relational interpretation of treaties in Restoule specifically. Bringing Marx’s theory of fetishism into dialogue with Indigenous treaty visions underscores the importance of attending to and ultimately transforming capitalist social relations to realize treaty while facilitating an appreciation for the way in which Indigenous treaty visions represent an instance of de-fetishizing critique. [R]
74.3222 SOMMACAL, Alessandro —
We use a heterogeneous agents overlapping generations (OLG) model to quantitatively assess the impact of a reform in which a personal income tax with increasing marginal tax rates is replaced by a flat tax possibly complemented with a deduction. The value of the flat tax rate is set in order to balance the government budget and accordingly it increases with the value of the deduction. The model is calibrated and simulated for Italy. For low values of the deduction, aggregate labor supply increases, though this aggregate effect masks a completely different impact on the intensive and the extensive margin of labor supply: in particular, the activity rate is reduced by the introduction of a flat tax. As to inequality, it rises and this increase can be mitigated by using an higher value of the tax deduction. [R, abr.]
74.3223 SOMMERS, Timothy —
Relational egalitarianism, the view that social equality is fundamentally about equal relationships, has a problem addressing intergenerational justice. Specifically, how can we have any relationship, egalitarian or otherwise, with people that we do not overlap with temporally? I argue that the problem is even greater than that since we do not overlap in many other relevant ways, and are not in relationships with most of our temporal peers either. If relational equality relies on actual relationships, it cannot succeed as an account of justice. However, we stand in certain social relations to one another, less direct than relationships, that might connect us, in an egalitarian fashion, to many more people than the ones with whom we have relationships. If this account, or one like it, cannot succeed, however, we may have to give up on relational egalitarianism altogether. [R]
74.3224 SPIELBERGER, Lukas ; VOSS, Dustin —
Growth model theory has turned the focus of comparative political economy scholars on the demand drivers of economic growth. But while its proponents emphasize the variety and inherent instability of growth models, research so far has been more concerned with the emergence and coherence of stable growth models than in the process of change. We argue that growth model change can be understood as a process of financial rebalancing on the level of institutional sectors. When an overindebted sector is forced to deleverage, a politically contested process emerges over the path of adjustment. We derive various ways in which each sector can contribute to this process of financial adjustment, which we conceptualize as the activation of macroeconomic ‘compensation valves’. This process shapes the trajectory of economic performance during financial crisis and determines whether a new feasible growth model can emerge in its aftermath. We apply our analytical lens in a comparative case study of Germany and the Netherlands during the Great Recession. We conclude that future research on growth models should more explicitly problematize the ability of political economies to adapt to financial instability. [R]
74.3225 SPRY, Amber —
Universities are increasingly interested in providing courses that equip students with data science skills and engage experiential learning, particularly in the social sciences. However, these courses can be costly to implement and time-consuming for instructors to develop. This article describes an integrative learning model for teaching computational social science skills to undergraduate students. There are three elements to the model: content delivery through collaborative learning, skill development in an applied lab setting, and student mentorship. I apply this model to an experiential course where undergraduate students learn to create and conduct a national public opinion poll. The model addresses the need for university classes that equip undergraduate students with computational social science skills, and provides a pathway for training student researchers as teaching assistants for future courses. This model builds the research capacity of faculty, graduate assistants, and undergraduates, invests in data science by providing an infrastructure for the collection of large scale data over time, and integrates experiences inside and outside of the classroom. This model is replicable at other institutions and will be of benefit to programs seeking to implement best practices and maximize learning effectiveness through research integration. [R]
74.3226 STANIĆ, Sanja —
Childhood is socially constructed, depending on social, economic and cultural circumstances. Poverty, social differences, conflicts, and social injustice have a negative impact on children’s lives. The aim of the article is to present childhoods under conditions of exploitation. Despite general progress, and the emancipation of children’s rights, data confirm an increase in the number of children who are engaged in war conflicts, perform difficult and inappropriate work, or in slavery. In conclusion, the exploitation of children is considered in the context of social conditions and processes, neoliberal capitalism, globalisation, and documents that guarantee children’s rights. [R]
74.3228 STROUP, David R. ; GOODE, J. Paul —
Despite the common assumption that ethnography is most successful where researchers achieve recognition as insiders within the communities they study, conducting research in nondemocracies inverts incentives to conduct ethnographic research as an insider and poses unexpected ethical risks to both researchers and respondents. Rather than increasing trust and facilitating access, cultivating insider roles in nondemocracies may have the unintended effects of encouraging conformity with regime discourses, limiting further fieldwork access, and exacerbating respondents’ tendency toward epistemic deference. Drawing on the authors’ research experiences and the growing literature on fieldwork in nondemocracies, this article argues that outsider roles may be preferable to insider roles for identifying the unspoken rules, assumptions, and taken-forgranted aspects of everyday politics in nondemocracies. Moreover, outsider roles clarify the relationship between researcher and respondent in ways that provide clear ethical advantages in terms of consent, value, and risk. [R]
74.3229 TEACHOUT, Zephyr —
This article explores algorithmically created personalized wages: what they are, what they mean, and what we can do about them. First, it establishes a taxonomy of five different forms of algorithmic wage differentiation: productivity-based wage adjustments, wages shifted through incentive bonuses and demerits, behavioral wages, dynamic wages, and wages shifted to conduct an experiment. It argues that these techniques are likely to spread from gig work to the formal employment context. Second, it argues that the spread of these techniques has democratic implications. They will increase economic and racial inequality. They will harm labor solidarity. Perhaps most importantly, they put workers in a profoundly humiliating position in relationship to their boss, one where speech and autonomy are discouraged because they can lead to lowered pay. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 74.3237]
74.3230 TYLER, Tom R. —
My scholarly career has centered around articulating and testing a model of legitimacy-based law and governance. In recent decades, that model has achieved considerable success in shaping the way legal authority is understood and exercised. At the same time the legitimacy of legal, political, and social institutions and authorities has declined, raising questions about the future viability of a legitimacy-based model. In this review, I discuss the ascension and potential decline of legitimacy-based governance and outline alternative models of authority that may emerge in the twentyfirst century. Three issues are addressed: whether there are ways to reinvigorate legitimacy-based law and governance; whether social norms, moral values, or ideologies are viable alternative forms of authority; and whether it is better to accept that no single form of authority works best in all situations and theories should focus on identifying the contingencies under which different forms of authority are most desirable. [R]
74.3231 TYRBERG, Maria —
How are immigrants’ feelings of inclusion and trust in political institutions affected by interactions with the host society? In a field dominated by observational correlation studies, I use a survey experiment in two national contexts to test how perceptions of discrimination and expressions of proimmigrant support influence non-Western immigrants’ political trust and national belonging. Following standard experimental procedures to test the hypotheses, I attempt to prime perceptions of group discrimination by asking questions about unfair treatment. Expressions of pro-immigrant support are, in turn, primed with facts about public and institutional support for immigrants’ rights. The results from the survey experiment are in line with expectations from prior work in some subgroups and underline the importance of equal treatment to achieve social cohesion. They also paint a rather complex picture of discrimination and its psychological impact. These findings have substantial implications for our understanding of host societies’ roles in immigrant inclusion. [R]
74.3232 USTYUZHANIN, Vadim ; KOROTAYEV, Andrey —
Is there a relationship between education and the type of revolutionary action — violent or nonviolent? Past studies found a positive relationship between the education and nonviolence, but the influence that education produces on the form that revolution takes has not yet been explored. We show several possible mechanisms that push the educated population to choose nonviolent tactic: (1) education changes people’s preferences toward peaceful solutions and increases support for civil liberties; (2) it enhances human capital that makes it feasible to use unarmed tactics successfully and (3) it increases the relative costs of engaging in armed action. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that the higher education in a country, the higher the probability that revolution will be nonviolent. This paper examines it at a cross-national level with an analysis of 470 NAVCO ‘maximalist campaigns’ and 265 revolutionary events recorded between 1950 and 2020. Overall, we find robust evidence that the higher the level of education in a country, the lower chance that the revolution there would take a violent/armed form. [R]
74.3233 VALIENTE-PALMA, Lidia ; PÉREZ-GONZÁLEZ, María del Carmen —
This research study analyses overeducation in worker cooperatives (WCs) compared to conventional firms (CFs) to determine whether there is any evidence to suggest that underemployment due to overeducation is less probable in WCs (where decisions are made democratically by worker members to maximise collective wellbeing) than in CFs in Spain. A total sample of 945 workers (315 worker members from WCs, 315 nonmember workers from WCs and 315 workers from CFs) taken from the Continuous Working Life Sample from the Spanish Ministry of Inclusion, Social Security and Migration was used. The methods applied in the study include regression line comparison between WCs and CFs and logistic regression analysis. The results show that the probability of underemployment due to overeducation may be lower in worker members from WCs than in workers from CFs. Nevertheless, this is not the case for non-member workers in WCs, who display a similar level of underemployment due to overeducation as workers in CFs. This study lays the foundation for research into underemployment due to overeducation in WCs, a topic which has not yet been explored. [R]
74.3234 VAN KRIEKEN, Robert —
A significant body of social science research is now working with the concept of refeudalization — as well as related terms such as neo-feudalism and neo-medievalism — to analyze a variety of contemporary developments. The social science scholars who use these terms challenge an oversimplified modernization model that regards power relations such as serfdom, vassalage, suzerainty, and fiefdom as merely historical relics. The refeudalization process has significant legal dimensions, which this review outlines to draw out the central implications of the concept of refeudalization for an adequate understanding of current developments in law, society, and politics. Topics covered include the changing relationship between public and private law; the privatization of public authority and responsibilities; the territorial unbundling of sovereignty and the tendency toward multiple, overlapping authorities and jurisdictions; the contractualization of groups and political units as well as individuals; and the changing relationship between sovereignty and political representation. [R]
74.3235 VAN OVERBEKE, Toon —
AI and other forms of automation are causing a shift into a more capitalintensive form of capitalism. Many scholars have suggested that we can best understand this process as the cost-efficient substitution of labour by capital in routine tasks based on relative factor costs. However, this model, which has cast firms as endlessly chasing the productivity frontier, has not paid sufficient attention to cross-national divergences in technological changes. This paper builds a comparative historical case study tracing the divergent introduction of credit scoring in British and German bank branches to argue that the introduction of credit scoring was a result of a policy-led process in both countries. Increased liberalisation of financial market institutions benefitted the rise of market-led banking which fundamentally changed the business model of banks resulting in a devaluation of the services provided by branch managers. This case suggests we need to think about the role of politics and policy within our, often deterministic, models of labour-saving technological change. [R]
74.3236 VAUGHAN, Hunter, et al. —
Over the past three decades, corporate branding has trended strongly towards environmental conscientiousness and green rhetoric, often heralded under the term “sustainability” — a broad and mutable rhetorical strategy that not only serves industry self-interest but is mobilized by civil society actors as well. This tension is especially apparent in the information communication technologies (ICT) sector. Employing Wittgenstein’s concept of the language-game, this article describes how sustainability has been deployed by tech companies, and how these efforts have also been contested — and strategically mobilized – by activist environmental non-profits and critical scholars seeking to reform tech sector practices. Combining environmental communication, political economy, and discourse analysis, we investigate the conceptualization and communication of sustainability as a discourse within and against the sector. [R]
74.3237 VOGEL, Steven K. —
This essay conceptualizes market governance as a balance of power and discusses the implications for current debates over antitrust policy. This framework offers a way to interpret and evaluate the “neo-Brandeisian” school that views concentrated market power as a threat to democracy as well as to economic goals, such as productivity and innovation. It suggests that the government can deploy antitrust policy to alter the balance of power to promote the public welfare without necessarily impeding competition or otherwise distorting markets. And antitrust policies that constrain market power can have the double benefit of making both markets and politics more competitive. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Antitrust in the age of concentrated power”. See also Abstr. 74.3044, 3050, 3136, 3229, 3507]
74.3238 VOLLMANN, Manja, et al. —
The COVID-19 pandemic created stressors and uncertainty, particularly for women. This international study explored whether the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on women’s stressful experiences and future expectations is associated with Hofstede’s cultural dimension of femininity/masculinity, which refers to the cultural constructions of gender role differences. In total, 1218 women from 15 countries varying in cultural femininity/masculinity provided narrative data by answering open-ended questions via an online survey. Data were analysed using mixed methods, starting with thematic content analysis followed by logistic regression analyses. The findings from the regression analysis indicate that many stresses and expectations that were mentioned in the narratives were unrelated to the cultural femininity/masculinity. However, women from masculine cultures more often expressed disorientation, while women from feminine cultures more often wrote about negative emotions. Additionally, women from masculine cultures had more future expectations regarding daily activities, while women from feminine cultures had more expectations regarding social activities, work and economic revival, and universal social issues. The pandemic seems to confront women in both types of culture with similar challenges. [R, abr.]
74.3239 WEBSTER, Daniel W., et al. —
We conducted a review of studies on the effects of hospital-based violence intervention programs (HVIPs) on subsequent involvement in violence as a victim or perpetrator that included a nontreated control group. We identified seven randomized controlled trials (RCTs) and six observational studies. Most HVIPs evaluated relied principally on credible messengers to engage potential participants and intensive case management to provide social services. Evidence of linkage of HVIPs to community violence intervention programs was lacking. RCTs of the most robust HVIPs showed some evidence of protective effects, but overall evidence of reduced risks for violence was mixed. RCTs were underpowered, and all but one were vulnerable to selection bias. Stronger interventions and research methods are needed to advance our understanding of the potential for HVIPs to reduce risks for future violence. [R] [See Abstr. 74.4230]
74.3240 WEDER, Franzisca —
Sustainability has been well used (and abused) as “buzz-word”, label or language token for certain behavior and action in political, organizational and increasingly in individual communication. Based on critical approaches in language, discourse and communication studies, the paper explores potential processes of normalization of sustainability as a new norm, discusses new theories and methodological variations that can be applied to better understand sustainable development, and offers a theoretical concept for cultivation of sustainability as a dialectic process of questioning and stabilization in transformation and change processes. Complemented by a communication for development and social change perspective, the paper lays the theoretical foundation for an understanding of sustainability as organizing principle in socio-ecological change processes, which is further elaborated in the contributions of this Special Issue, which are introduced at the end. [R]
74.3241 WEYL, E. Glen ; ALLEN, Danielle —
As perhaps the most consequential technology of our time, Generative Foundation Models (GFMs) present unprecedented challenges for democratic institutions. By allowing deception and de-contextualized information sharing at a previously unimaginable scale and pace, GFMs could undermine the foundations of democracy. At the same time, the investment scale required to develop the models and the race dynamics around that development threaten to enable concentrations of democratically unaccountable power (both public and private). This essay examines the twin threats of collapse and singularity occasioned by the rise of GFMs. [R]
74.3242 WOLTON, Stephane —
Miscalculations due to lack of information are often seen as one of the main causes of war. Yet, a privately informed country has multiple channels to share information and avoid a costly conflict. I study three ways information can be transmitted — sunk cost signals, audience costs, and military build-up. In a fully decentralised setting, where the uninformed country can perfectly adjust its response to the information it learns, the three channels produce very different outcomes. Sunk cost signals never transmit any information. Information transmission is possible with audience costs when the uninformed country sufficiently values peace. With military build-up, information transmission occurs by accident. It is a byproduct of the privately informed country’s attempt to increase its strength. I contrast these findings with the case of a constrained uninformed country that can only choose between a limited number of offers. [R]
74.3243 YOUNG, Anna Navin —
The current article presents a three-stage approach to teaching time in an applied psychology setting. The approach focuses on nurturing temporal reflexivity by having students reflect on their time-use and draw attention to their subjective experiences of time. Activities, discussions, and practical demonstrations are used to guide students through personal, collective, theoretical, and practical lenses of engaging with time. This case sample is taught to postgraduate students and practitioners in coaching psychology and positive psychology. Teaching within this context is discussed, along with the pedagogical practices employed to create a reflective and interactive learning environment. One primary activity, a reflective time journal, is presented as a tool for other educators to consider in their teaching of temporal reflexivity. Further consideration is given to the general challenges of teaching time, including limited temporal resources, and acknowledgements of disciplinary, pedagogical, and personal positionalities. This case sample of teaching time may be of particular interest (1) for those looking to facilitate awareness of subjective experiences of time within the classroom (something we might refer to as temporal reflexivity), and (2) for those who teach in an applied setting where students are often practitioners or future practitioners looking for strategies that will practically inform their work. [R] [See Abstr. 74.3055]
74.3244 ZEOLI, April M. ; McCOURT, Alexander D. ; PARUK, Jennifer K. —
We present the rationale behind four types of laws that restrict access to firearms for those who are deemed to be a high risk for future gun violence and two types of laws that implement firearm purchase prohibitions. We also present evidence on the effectiveness of these laws. Broadly, these are laws that restrict access for domestic violence abusers, individuals convicted of misdemeanor violence, and individuals at high risk of violence against themselves or others. We briefly discuss relinquishment of firearms by those who are newly restricted, but we focus mainly on how purchase restrictions are implemented by the federal government and across states. Extant research shows that well-implemented firearm policy that is based on evidence-based risk factors can be effective in reducing firearm injury. [R] [See Abstr. 74.4230]
74.3245 ZHUANG Meixi —
Is authoritarianism a universal psychological phenomenon? Does the concept of authoritarianism in its current form effectively explain antidemocratic tendencies across societies? From a cultural perspective and using data of Chinese citizens in the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey, this article identifies an authoritarian variant of an ethical and relational origin. This article argues that the received view of authoritarianism, which is conceptually bounded to prejudice, represents but one brand that arises as a function of threat. In paternalistic cultures such as Confucianism, people may develop hierarchical orientations through the learning of certain relational ethics. Called Confucian Authoritarian Orientation (CAO), this authoritarian variant encodes the following three attitudinal aspects: (1) authority reverence, (2) authority worship, and (3) authority dependence. Empirical results show that CAO stands as an entirely different construct from prejudice-bounded concepts such as Right-Wing Authoritarianism. Furthermore, CAO also serves as a powerful predictor of political docility in individuals; it is correlated with stronger political trust and weaker political efficacy. [R]
74.3246 ZHUKOV, Yuri M., et al. —
Theoretical units of interest often do not align with the spatial units at which data are available. This problem is pervasive in political science, particularly in subnational empirical research that requires integrating data across incompatible geographic units (e.g., administrative areas, electoral constituencies, and grid cells). Overcoming this challenge requires researchers not only to align the scale of empirical and theoretical units, but also to understand the consequences of this change of support for measurement error and statistical inference. We show how the accuracy of transformed values and the estimation of regression coefficients depend on the degree of nesting (i.e., whether units fall completely and neatly inside each other) and on the relative scale of source and destination units (i.e., aggregation, disaggregation, and hybrid). We introduce simple, nonparametric measures of relative nesting and scale, as ex ante indicators of spatial transformation complexity and error susceptibility. Using election data and Monte Carlo simulations, we show that these measures are strongly predictive of transformation quality across multiple change-of-support methods. We propose several validation procedures and provide open-source software to make transformation options more accessible, customizable, and intuitive. [R]
74.3247 ZUBELDIA, Océane —
Les drones ont acquis une maturité technologique suffisamment importante pour être largement employés sur tous les théâtres d’opérations et les conflits actuels. Bénéficiant d’une porosité civilo-militaire sur les usages, les technologies non habitées accroissent l’hybridité de ces systèmes au risque de participer en permanence à la compétition des puissances. [R]
74.3248
Jennifer HADDEN and Aseem PRAKASH, “Introduction: what scholars know (and need to know) about the politics of climate change”, pp. 17-20; David M. KONISKY, “The politics of climate policy instruments”, pp. 21-24; Gary M. SEGURA, “Varieties of environmentalisms and Latino views of climate action”, pp. 25-29; Patrick J. EGAN and Megan MULLIN, “US partisan polarization on climate change: can stalemate give way to opportunity?”, pp. 30-35; Kathryn SIKKINK, “How International Relations theory on norm cascades can inform the politics of climate change”, pp. 36-39; Jessica F. GREEN, “Global climate policy beyond the Paris Agreement, “pp. 40-44; Joshua W. BUSBY, “Climate security: how to write about the future without lapsing into prophecy”, pp. 45-49.