Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
75.3717 AGUILA, Nicolás ; WULLWEBER, Joscha —
Through the analysis of ECB Executive Board member speeches, we have identified three main narratives about the consequences of the environmental crisis in the monetary authority’s spheres of influence: The first emphasises environmental phenomena as financial risks; the second highlights the green investment or financing gap; and the third focuses on the impacts of climate change on price stability. These narratives lead to different forms of legitimisation in terms of why and how the central bank should intervene to tackle climate change. We show that the third narrative is displacing the first as the dominant discourse around ECB climate policy. The shift in focus from the central bank’s duties to maintain financial stability to its responsibilities regarding price stability under the primary mandate could lead to far-reaching green monetary policies. However, based on the concept of layered structures, we argue that this change does not signal a departure from market liberal central banking but rather a shift within the prevailing system. What we are witnessing is a new form of market liberalism adapted to climate change, or market liberalism in climate crisis mode. [R]
75.3718 AKBIK, Adina ; MIGLIORATI, Marta —
Although parliamentary questions are an essential tool of legislative oversight, there is limited research on their variation in holding governments accountable. In this article, we analyse a new dataset of 1393 oral questions posed by Members of the European Parliament during the 8th parliamentary term. After distinguishing between questions asking for information, justification, or rectification of conduct, we explain their variation in connection to the formal oversight relationship between parliaments and scrutinised actors, and to the type of policy activity carried out by the latter. We find that Members of the European Parliament are more likely to address rectification questions and less likely to ask information questions the fewer legal controls they have. Moreover, information questions are more likely to occur in the oversight of policy formulation, while justification questions are prevalent in the oversight of policy execution. The findings flag the importance of structural factors in the practice of legislative oversight. [R]
75.3719 ALAYRAC, Pierre, et al. —
This article assesses whether women face the same challenges in the European Commission as men by examining the career paths to top political and administrative positions. Drawing on a unique dataset, it investigates whether and, if so, how and when, women are disadvantaged. First, we analyze the characteristics and experience of all Commissioners and Directors General (2004-2019) to delineate the career paths to the top positions in the organization. Secondly, we compare pathways to find that men outnumber women in all pathways. For Commissioners women are very significantly under-represented in one of three pathways and for Directors General in two of three pathways. We identify how women are disadvantaged and the extent to which the results support arguments in the comparativist literature on gender. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3720 ALEXANDER, Amy ; CHARRON, Nicholas ; OFF, Gefjon —
Building on research on cultural threat-induced polarization, we investigate the effect of the individual-level salience of cultural threats on polarization between social liberals and conservatives. In a unique survey experiment conducted with 129,000 respondents nested in 208 regions in 27 EU member states, we manipulate the presence of two cultural threats, women’s rights, and refugee immigration, to test their polarizing effects on social liberals’ and social conservatives’ support for traditional values. We find that priming the threat of refugee immigration polarizes conservatives and liberals equally. Yet, introducing the salience of women’s rights leads to lower preferences for traditional values, particularly among more liberal respondents. [R, abr.]
75.3721 ALON-BARKAT, Saar ; BUSUIOC, Madalina —
Agency independence is understood to instil credibility in regulatory policy. This is a core tenet of regulation theory, foundational to the EU regulatory state’s own origin story. We put the assumption to rigorous testing, in addition to expanding on it theoretically. We expect that stakeholder perceptions of credibility depend not only on agencies’ institutional insulation, but also on whether regulatory outcomes are congruent with stakeholders’ prior beliefs and preferences. Focusing on EU food safety regulation and the European Food Safety Authority, we test, observationally and experimentally, whether the credibility of agency scientific outputs is enhanced when stakeholders perceive the agency as more independent. Some support for the theorised link is present observationally, yet we do not find consistent and reliable experimental causal evidence for the purported relationship. We further find that the credibility of agency outputs is greatly influenced by stakeholders’ prior positions on the issue, pointing at persistent contestation. The study advances our understanding of the factors that shape credibility perceptions, supplementing institutional accounts with individual-level considerations, namely the role of priors. Our study indicates independence is a necessary but partial solution in that it can enhance stakeholder perceptions of credibility but does not compensate for the negative effect of priors. [R]
75.3722 ALTAY, Serdar —
This article devises an analytical framework that synthesizes neo-Gramscian and social constructivist perspectives to dissect international regimes amid global hegemonic shifts. It portrays regimes as intersubjective constructs with unique social purposes within the broader hegemonic fabric, shaped by dominant ideologies and power distributions. The study examines the transition of the trade regime from General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to World Trade Organization (WTO) through the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) and the Doha Round’s deadlock since 2001. The article posits that the Uruguay Round marked a pivotal hegemonic transformation, transitioning the regime from embedded liberalism to neoliberalism by transforming its social purpose, norms, and generative grammar. Yet, this shift, which precipitated a legitimacy crisis within the WTO and was exacerbated by the Doha Round’s failure to regenerate neoliberal hegemony with a fresh synthesis of free trade and sustainable development, arguably rendered the WTO directionless and contributed to the fragmentation of global trade governance amidst emerging regional pacts and varied ideological visions of economic liberalism. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4101]
75.3723 ANTOINE, Elise —
Understanding interest groups’ participation in global policy processes is critical not least because of an increasing shift in policy-making powers to global institutions. This paper contributes to existing research by examining advocacy efforts at the global level and proposing a novel argument linking the degree of policy complexity and the amount of groups’ resources to lobbying strategies. Specifically, it argues that interest groups invest in both inside (“sitting in”) and outside (“speaking up”) lobbying strategies when the policy at stake is complex and they have more resources. This theory is tested using extensive and novel data spanning interest groups’ lobbying efforts on global Internet privacy regulation. [R]
75.3724 BÄCKSTRAND, Karin —
The aim of the European Green Deal and the EU’s climate and energy legislation is to accelerate decarbonization to reach the goals of the Paris Agreement. This paper examines how public and democratic legitimacy affect the prospect for implementing the EU’s Fit for 55 package by comparing climate ambition and policy performance in Denmark and Sweden. While Sweden suffers from an implementation deficit, Denmark is on the way to reach its 2030 targets and emerged as a climate front-runner for stronger 2040 targets. Through an illustrative comparative case study of Denmark’s and Sweden’s implementation of the EU’s 2030 targets, this paper examines how public and democratic legitimacy affect climate ambition, policy performance and implementation. While public legitimacy of the EU’s climate policy is robust despite the rise of populist parties in Denmark and Sweden, democratic legitimacy to enhance accountability, transparency and participation is stronger in Denmark. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3725 BANASIŃSKI, Cezary ; ROJSZCZAK, Marcin —
The article discusses the regulatory challenges posed by the increasing availability of so-called smart implants, i.e., advanced medical implants that use networked communication capabilities and advanced data processing mechanisms. Such solutions offer unprecedented therapeutic possibilities and can improve the quality of life of patients for whom no other treatment options were available. However, the widespread use of modern information technologies leads to revealing many new cybersecurity risks, which are usually not linked with the functioning of implantable devices. The author examines the EU legal framework for consumer protection and cybersecurity, including product liability, to determine whether it can be considered sufficient for medical devices and services such as smart implants. The considerations presented lead to conclusions about desirable legislative amendments, including the establishment of a catalogue of prohibited practices regarding the use of certain IT technologies in advanced medical implants. [R]
75.3726 BARDOU, Marine —
This article studies the practices of interaction between the European Parliament (EP) and the Commission during the negotiation of international agreements. The Commission negotiates on behalf of the EU and since 2009, the EP can veto the ratification of most agreements. While the EP has sometimes leveraged its veto power through various activities, it is unclear how the EP and the Commission interact in practice. Therefore, this article asks: how do the EP and the Commission interact during the negotiation of international agreements? I rely upon twenty-nine semi-structured interviews with EP and Commission officials in six policy fields. I distinguish six practices and three types of EP-Commission interactions, which differ depending on the policy field. First, trade displays very dense, maximalist interactions. Second, justice and home affairs, and environment and climate, episodically display practices going beyond information provision. Third, other policy fields display only practices of informing the EP. These results confirm the distinctiveness of the policy field of trade, show the fragmentation of the EU’s political order regarding international agreements and the potential instability of practices of interaction. Taken together, the article demonstrates the value of analysing EP-Commission interactions, rather than focusing solely on the perspective of the EP’s assertion. [R]
75.3727 BAUTE, Sharon ; TOBER, Tobias —
Since the 1950s, the history of European integration unfolds as a unique social experiment, witnessing the transformation of a non-existent entity into an increasingly institutionalized force. This article delves into the consequences of this ongoing institutionalization on public attitudes towards the institution itself: the European Union (EU). We argue that as European institutional integration advanced, a divide in EU support between more and less educated individuals emerged, with the latter becoming progressively less supportive. Drawing on data from eighty-five waves of the Eurobarometer survey across fifteen countries and over 820,000 individuals from 1976 to 2014, a Bayesian mixed-effects analysis reveals that the gap in support between the more and less educated significantly widened with a country’s level of institutional integration. This study emphasizes the necessity of distinguishing institutional effects from temporal patterns in order to enhance our understanding of EU-related public opinion dynamics. [R]
75.3728 BEAUMIER, Guillaume ; COUETTE, Cynthia ; MORIN, Jean-Frédéric —
The constitutive organisations of governance systems tend to multiply and diversify over time. In parallel, a tendency toward homophily favours the creation of clusters of homogeneous organisations. Yet, few systems drift to the point of disconnection or dislocation. Several remain sufficiently cohesive to allow adaptation and other complex properties to emerge. To maintain equilibrium between order and chaos, some organisations must create bridges between otherwise homogeneous groups. This paper argues that hybrid organisations are ideally suited for this role. By their nature, hybrids share characteristics with different types of organisations in global governance, allowing them to overcome strict homophily and create bridges across clusters. Hybrids benefit from acting as brokers and in doing so, they facilitate the exchange of material and ideational resources across the governance system. Even if it is not their intention, they contribute to holding governance systems together and counterbalance the effect of homophily. We illustrate this argument by examining the space governance system and the hybrid nature, bridging activities, and brokerage role of the European Space Agency. [R]
75.3729 BERGER, Alexandra ; ROOS, Christof —
The migration-development nexus (MDN) denotes interdependencies between international migration and development. The article identifies six different causal relations between migration and development in the scientific literature and applies them to understand EU policy on the nexus. At EU level, the nexus often serves the central policy objective of limiting irregular migration to Europe, the so-called root causes approach. Yet, contrary to prior research, this article finds that an opposing nexus conceptualization that calls for enabling migration is actually the dominant causality promoted by the European Commission. Unlike studies that explain the dominance of the root causes approach as a lowest-common-denominator choice, this article argues that the Commission’s DGs also use the nexus strategically. They promote contradictory approaches, which however all call for an increased Commission mandate and financial resources, selectively omitting those nexus frames that would decrease their role. The migration literature often relegates the MDN to a sub-theme of migration policy. This study shows that MDN is central to the entire EU migration policy area and transpires much of its migration discourse. The nexus and its conceptualizations are thus instrumental for broader migration policy debates beyond the EU as they touch upon demographics, social security, and welfare questions. [R]
75.3730 BLANC, Emmanuelle —
Since the 1990s, migration has featured prominently in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The EU migration policy has progressively shifted from a normative-comprehensive approach tackling the root causes of migration through development aid towards a control-oriented toolbox designed to immediately stop migration flows to Europe. This change has blemished the EU’s image as a normative power and contravened the region-building logic of the Barcelona Process. Contributing to the emotional turn in European Foreign Policy, this article argues that this shift corresponds to the behaviour of an actor under the grip of fear. The securitization of migration has permeated the EU institutions and contributed to the social construction of fear, leading to the emergence of fearful emotional practices. Based on the emotion discourse analysis of relevant EU documents, this article highlights the importance of fear as driver of policy change, triggering the EU to deviate from its own normative commitments in its external relations. [R]
75.3731 BLAUBERGER, Michael, et al. —
After more than a decade of inaction or, at best, using soft instruments, the EU has become more assertive against democratic backsliding in member states. This special issue adopts a multi-level perspective to tackle the new research avenues that arise from this change in EU policy. Its contributions investigate two broad questions: first, the causes of this policy change, and second, its potential domestic impact in the backsliding countries. Focused on the EU level, a first set of articles revisits and refines existing accounts of EU inaction in order to explain the EU’s recent turn towards greater assertiveness. A second set of contributions concentrates mainly on the domestic level to explore the potential impact of the EU’s efforts to counter democratic backsliding in the member states that are the targets of EU actions. This introduction identifies the main themes of this new research agenda, provides an overview of the individual contributions to the special issue and their main insights, and sketches avenues for further research on countering democratic backsliding in the EU. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The multi-level politics of countering democratic backsliding”, edited by Michael BLAUBERGER, Daniel NAURIN, Ulrich SEDELMEIER and Natasha WUNSCH. See Abstr. 75.3662, 3676, 3706, 3733, 3741, 3788, 3799, 3801, 3824, 3835]
75.3732 BLAUBERGER, Michael ; SEDELMEIER, Ulrich —
In 2021, the European Union (EU) started to use material sanctions to punish democratic backsliding in Hungary and Poland. This policy change presents a puzzle for the existing literatures on international responses to backsliding. We theorise two distinctive processes that can account for why EU policy changed from inaction to enforcement. First, once the issue of backsliding in a member state has attained public salience across the other member states, their mainstream parties face domestic electoral incentives to support sanctions against illiberal governments abroad. Second, once backsliding governments also disrupt intergovernmental policy cooperation and threaten common policies at the EU level, even those actors who had been reluctant to defend EU values become more inclined to use sanctions. We demonstrate the plausibility of our explanation with evidence, first, of the increasing public and electoral salience of backsliding in other EU member states, and second, of the occurrence of a negative intergovernmental spillover through increasing attacks by backsliding member state governments against common policies. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3731]
75.3733 BRACK, Nathalie ; MARIÉ, Awenig —
Scholars have long believed that the influence of radical right parties in the European Parliament was indirect due to their internal heterogeneity, limited involvement in parliamentary activities, and the existence of a cordon sanitaire. However, the consolidation of these parties, marked by the Identity and Democracy group becoming the fourth largest group in 2019, raises concerns about their impact on European Union decision-making. This article seeks to understand the extent and conditions under which the radical right group in the European Parliament can influence policymaking. By analysing roll-call votes from the 9th term (2019 to 2024), we introduce a measure of voting influence, operationalised as the ability of a party group to sway the outcome of a vote in plenary. Our analysis reveals that while the radical right group frequently joins winning majorities in the European Parliament, its voting influence remains limited because of the low levels of conflict in plenary. [R]
75.3734 BRACKE, Matthias —
The EU has concluded many international agreements with third states. Since the EU is not a state, it cannot act as a party before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), either as an applicant or as a defendant, which means that the enforcement of these agreements must be regulated through Dispute Settlement provisions in the agreements themselves (though, depending on the subject of the dispute, a procedure within the framework of the WTO is also possible). However, the Court of Justice might have opened the door for a new enforcement possibility in its Venezuela v. Council judgment, where it ruled that Venezuela — a third state — could have legal standing before the Court on the basis of the fourth paragraph of Article 263 TFEU. This article will analyse whether third states could have access to the Court, in order to seek annulment of an EU legal act that potentially violates a provision of an international agreement that the third state had previously concluded with the EU. It will do so by looking at the ratio decidendi of the Court in Venezuela v. Council, and by analysing the conditions of direct and individual concern, the potential exclusionary effects of Dispute Settlement provisions in international agreements, and the need for direct effect of these agreements. For a variety of reasons, the article will mostly focus on Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). [R]
75.3735 BSISU, Naji ; HUNTER, Lacey ; URTUZUASTIGUI, Jerry —
What factors influence levels of repression targeting refugee populations? In this paper, we explore the efficacy of top-down and bottom-up approaches to mitigating host-state repression, specifically highlighting the role of human rights organizations (HROs) and institutionalized equal opportunity in influencing states’ decision to violently repress refugees. In so doing, we argue that repression levels can be moderated through proper accommodation and integration of refugee populations via the activities of HROs in addition to increased institutionalized equal opportunities for displaced persons. Using a new dataset that captures state repression of refugee populations together with a zero-inflated ordered probit model and an estimation technique that addresses endogeneity, we find mixed support for our hypotheses. [R]
75.3736 BUNEA, Adriana ; WÜEST, Reto ; LIPCEAN, Sergiu —
Public consultations strengthen the informational advantage and policy legitimacy of bureaucracies by allowing them to collect and aggregate information on stakeholder preferences. How well consultations perform this function depends on the dimensional structure and complexity of the policy spaces describing them. Building on the research on spatial models of politics, we derive a set of expectations about the dimensional structure and policy content of consultation policy spaces. We assess our argument empirically by analysing 42 consultations organised by the European Commission via online surveys across all policy areas. Using Specific Multiple Correspondence Analysis (SMCA) we find that more than 70% of the analysed consultations present low-dimensional policy spaces characterised by one or two main dimensions, although some also display a three-dimensional space. The substantive content of policy dimensions is consultation-specific and varies greatly across events. Most dimensions capture stakeholder alignments with respect to policy instruments, and only a few with respect to the orientation of the policy regime. The unveiled consultation policy spaces reflect a regulatory model of stakeholder engagement in policymaking. Our findings underscore the challenges and opportunities of information provision, preference aggregation and the identification of stable majority equilibria in the context of public consultations and bureaucratic policymaking. [R]
75.3737 BUZOGÁNY, Aron ; PARKS, Louisa ; TORNEY, Diarmuid —
The European Union’s European Green Deal (EGD) was announced as an ambitious endeavour to achieve a just transition, address climate change, biodiversity loss and more. Importantly, it expresses the desire to tackle these challenges in a democratic way. Indeed, the scale of the changes required to meet the EGD’s goals mean that without democratic consent it is likely to fail, with disastrous consequences. With this introduction to the Special Issue on the European Green Deal and democracy we sketch the contours of this wide-ranging debate through a focus on aspects of democracy that are central to the EU and the EGD: representation, participation and deliberation, justice and the just transition, and expertise. The different contributions to this Special Issue examine democratic elements in the EGD and surrounding governance structures by exploring alternative sources of democratic innovation, including deliberative mechanisms and social movements, as potential avenues for transformative change. [R] [First article of a thematic issue n “ The European Green Deal and democracy”. See also Abstr. 75.3724, 3738, 3769, 3797, 3800, 3811, 3818, 3821, 3822, 3825]
75.3738 ÇELIK, Feyyaz Barış —
The European Green Deal (EGD) aims to achieve a ‘deep societal transformation’ to address climate change. The European Climate Pact (ECP) is a key initiative to help achieve this objective. This article scrutinises how the ECP frames climate change as a problem and the solutions it proposes. By applying Foucault’s problematisation perspective, it argues that the ECP’s emphasis on democratic participation is intertwined with the EGD’s nature as a multifaceted strategy for growth, environmental protection, and democratic environmental politics. As a result, whilst the ECP primarily addresses climate change as a problem of insufficient participation, it offers largely consumerist solutions. This reflects an approach where climate responsibilities are individualised, citizens are framed as consumers, and different hierarchies of participation are created. Overall, the ECP’s focus on grassroots climate action is balanced with the pursuit of a competitive and growth-oriented EU economy, limiting the scope for just and inclusive climate action. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3739 CERON, Matilde —
The COVID-19 pandemic raises the question of austerity’s problematic social toll for health in the south of Europe. Has EU economic governance constrained health spending? If so, have these spending levels led to inequalities, which in turn shaped responses to the pandemic? EU economic governance is often dismissed as ineffective because of its poor track record of compliance. Yet austerity is blamed for negative health outcomes. This article shows that the EU fiscal rule is a determinant of health because it affects fiscal policies of European countries. First, the analysis of EU member states during 1995–2018 shows that austerity policies affect health spending and health inequalities. Euro-area countries under the EU Excessive Deficit Procedure significantly consolidated their health spending. The contractionary effect was concentrated in southern countries, contributing to rising health inequalities across the core and periphery. Finally, the analysis shows the pandemic implications of health inequalities, as periphery countries with a track record of high consolidation display more stringent (and costly) COVID-19 response models. This analysis contributes to understanding the supranational determinants of health in the EU, showing the pervasive spillover effects of the fiscal framework on national health policies. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3740 CHAS, Carmen —
Georg Schwarzenberger’s oeuvre has remained significantly underexplored in IR literature despite his status as one of the most important thinkers in IR and international law of the 20th c. Ahead of their time, his works reveal a picture of law that transcends academic boundaries and challenges the traditional portrayal of both realist theory and international law. Through a detailed examination of his works, this article offers an analysis of the fundamental aspects of his theory of IR and international law. It argues that his theory of IR provides a powerful commentary on the fundamental structure, nature, and problems of international law. It challenges our understanding of realism as a theory that is unable to account for international law and highlights Schwarzenberger’s continued relevance today. [R, abr.]
75.3741 CHERUVU, Sivaram ; KREHBIEL, Jay N. ; MUSSELL, Samantha —
With democratic backsliding spreading globally, international courts increasingly find themselves serving as democratic guardrails. This task poses a challenge, as national governments may attempt to punish international courts for trying to constrain their backsliding agendas. Since a government’s calculus for attacking a court is likely influenced by public opinion, we consider the impact of partisanship on the extent of public support for backlash against international courts in backsliding democracies. We theorise that support for backlash is driven by more than partisanship alone. For government partisans, support for backlash decreases with support for the international organisation to which the court belongs, while for opposition partisans it depends on their commitment to the democratic norms the court’s decision defends. We support our expectations by analysing original survey data collected from Hungary in March 2022, immediately following a major pro-democracy decision by the Court of Justice of the European Union. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3731]
75.3742 CIL, Deniz, et al. —
How does the deployment and withdrawal of UN peacekeepers affect local economic development in civil war countries? This study provides a large-N subnational analysis across UN peacekeeping operations that assesses their impact on the local economy both during deployment and after their withdrawal. We expect a positive association between UN peacekeeping and economic development. Besides providing a sizeable cash injection into the economy, peacekeepers can safeguard both the resumption of everyday economic exchanges at the grassroots level and the influx of aid and development projects. To test this, we combine subnational data on peacekeeping deployments with high-resolution data on nightlight emissions. Results from two-way fixed effects models, using matching, show that a more sizable peacekeeping presence can help boost economic activity in their area of operation. Importantly, we identify a slow but positive economic development in areas of deployment after peacekeepers withdraw, which is confirmed in a DiD estimation approach. [R]
75.3743 CINI, Michelle —
How public organizations respond to scandals is important as it affects their reputation and legitimacy. Yet very little research has been conducted on this topic. Drawing on insights from the literature on corporate reputation management, this article questions how effectively the European Commission has responded to recent scandals. It does this by creating an original analytical framework composed of five indicators: speed of response; openness of response; application of relevant rules; tone of response; and engagement with reform. These indicators are then used to evaluate two cases of Commission scandal: the first, a cash-for-influence case involving a Commissioner from a small Member State; and the second, concerning a former Commission President. While no clear pattern emerges across the two cases, the article provides evidence of a mix of good practice and room for improvement in the Commission’s handling of scandals. [R, abr.]
75.3744 CORDONIER SEGGER, Marie-Claire ; GARCIA, Matheus —
This paper considers the legal and policy impacts of Sustainability Impact Assessments (SIAs) carried out by the European Union (EU) throughout Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations. Specifically, it explores the role of SIAs in contributing information and guiding negotiations, evaluating the potential impact of a trade or investment agreement, pinpointing potential trade-offs, and optimizing policy decisions. This study scrutinizes whether and how this EU practice influences ongoing negotiations with potential partners and shapes its relationships with countries that have established FTAs. Additionally, it explores the approaches of other countries in the ex-ante analysis of their trade accords and considers whether and how the EU SIA practices are influencing policy decisions and legal provisions of its partners. Further, the paper provides a review of certain procedural innovations which may enhance the quality, relevance and likelihood of SIA recommendations being adopted, especially in anticipating and mitigating potential social and environmental impacts, and enhancing any co-benefits, for trade or investment agreements that might foster rather than frustrate sustainable development objectives. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3754]
75.3745 CRAWFORD, Neta C. —
Occasions such as the 75th anniversary of International Relations at ANU punctuate our moment with a pause; we look back, take stock of what was, look around and see who we are now, and look forward to who we might become. While International Relations theory is generally focused on space, there are multiple temporalities and narratives about time at play, and in some cases, in contention, in world politics. The different temporalities and the intersubjective and multiple senses of time and our temporal narratives consist of deep structures of possibility, and they shape our understanding of what is legitimate, responsible, and possible in politics. These temporal lenses, articulated in time present, are chronological horizons, orienting and shaping our causal narratives, our sense of agency and urgency, and, arguably, our chances for survival. My shorthand labels for the temporal frames that shape international politics are Sentimental, Teleological, Emergency, Foreshortened, Anticipatory, and Precautionary. To illustrate the effects of temporal narratives and temporalties, I discuss their role in military doctrines and in climate change policies. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.3746 DASSLER, Benjamin, et al. —
Materially powerful states tend to dominate both the creation of international organizations (IOs) as well as subsequent IO policymaking. Materially weak states are nevertheless expected to participate in IOs since it is generally assumed that they will still profit from cooperation and prefer power to be exercised through institutions. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how exactly institutional rules protect weak states from the powerful in IOs. This paper develops a theory of institutional design that specifies the institutional power equilibrium at the heart of IOs’ constitutional treaties. Through the inclusion of veto or exit rights, weak states obtain formal safeguards against exploitation by the powerful during an IO’s operation. This expectation of a power equilibrium in IOs’ design is borne out in design patterns within the constitutional treaties of IOs created between 1945 and 2005. [R, abr.]
75.3747 DÄUBLER, Thomas ; LÜHISTE, Maarja ; CHIRU, Mihail —
A shift in public attitudes towards gender equality may explain improvements we have witnessed in women’s descriptive representation. However, existing studies rely on cross-sectional comparisons, likely beset with confounding problems. To examine the causal effect of public attitudes on candidate selection, we draw on data from more than 10,000 candidacies across four European Parliament elections (1999-2014). Using a difference-in-differences approach, we compare nomination decisions in countries with major attitude changes between elections to those in the control group. We find no evidence that shifts towards more egalitarian gender attitudes lead to an increase in women candidates, neither overall nor in subgroups by electoral system or socio-cultural party positions. The heterogeneity of effects across time and space appears to be a plausible explanation for our findings. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3748 DLUHOSCH, Barbara ; HORGOS, Daniel —
Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have mushroomed over the last decades. However, the various forms of bi- and plurilateral arrangements have always been met with the concern that their proliferation might come at the expense of overall trade freedom because of undermining multilateral governance. This paper starts from the fact that international treaties are notoriously difficult to enforce, as is compliance with (trade) agreements. By focusing on the political economy of how cooperation in trade liberalization is ultimately sustained via the threat of retaliation as institutionalized within the World Trade Organization (WTO), the paper illuminates a novel and completely different channel between PTA membership and multilateral trade liberalization. Exploring their interaction with respect to trade freedom, we explain that PTA membership actually improves on the working of multilateral arrangements that are supposed to ensure cooperation in trade liberalization, thus effectively catering to more open trade. [R]
75.3749 DODEIGNE, Jeremy ; ERZEEL, Silvia ; RANDOUR, François —
The European Parliament is often presented as a success story regarding women’s representation. Yet, recent studies observe gendered patterns in parliamentary behaviour. This article contributes to this scholarship by studying gender differences in MEPs’ parliamentary behaviour on ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ policy domains. Analysing 136,787 parliamentary questions over 25 years (1994-2019), the study reveals moderate gender differences in MEPs’ behaviour. Moreover, gender differences are influenced by seniority and women’s numerical presence in the European Parliament’s political groups. Gender-stereotypical policy foci are more pronounced among newcomers and disappear for experienced MEPs. In political groups with fewer women, seniority is key for women MEPs seeking engagement in masculine policy domains. Overall, our findings underscore the interplay between gender, seniority, and women’s presence in shaping MEPs’ parliamentary behaviour within the European Parliament’s gendered context. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3750 DRECHSLER, Wolfgang ; KATTEL, Rainer ; CHAFIK, Salah —
This essay explores whether religion has a place in addressing public challenges, particularly in the context of Non-Western Public Administration paradigms such as Confucian, Buddhist, and Islamic. The authors focus on Islam as a case study and highlight the need for real-life cases to build a grounded theory. To this end, the essay documents the authors’ ongoing research on Islamic Public Value. We argue that to understand Public Administration in a global context, it is essential to recognize the limitations of a Western perspective, from which the dichotomy of religious versus secular emerged, and in so doing, consider alternative departure points, i.e. paradigms incorporating religious or semi-religious elements. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3065]
75.3751 ECH-CHARFI, Nour-eddine —
This paper shows that adopting fiscal rules (FRs) decreases the use of capital controls and increases cross-border financial integration. This result is robust to alternative measures of fiscal rules, capital controls, and international financial integration — it is also robust to alternative econometric approaches. It also shows that the adoption of fiscal rules increases financial integration. This paper innovatively employs a formal instrumental variables (IV) approach to tackle the endogeneity of the decision to adopt fiscal rules. The adoption of FRs is instrumented using the age dependency ratio (ADR). This strategy is particularly effective because adopting FRs is more likely when the ADR is relatively low, a finding well established in the empirical literature. Governments impose capital controls to channel domestic savings into the public sector, finance their excessive fiscal deficits, and reduce their borrowing costs. [R, abr.]
75.3752 EFRAT, Asif ; YAIR, Omer —
In a backsliding democracy, antidemocratic politicians often vilify nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and impose restrictions that make it harder for them to form, advocate, or obtain funding. Do citizens consider NGOs as a threat? Do they support regulatory measures to restrict NGO activities? We focus on two factors that may influence citizens’ attitudes toward NGOs: these groups’ reliance on foreign funding and their ideological leaning. In a preregistered survey experiment in Israel, we find that citizens perceive foreign-funded NGOs as slightly more threatening, but they are not more likely to support restrictions on these groups than on groups relying on local funding. The ideological bent of the NGOs has a much stronger effect: People perceive NGOs on the other side of the political aisle as more threatening and support restrictions on their activity. Antidemocratic leaders might exploit this type of partisan-motivated reasoning to silence civil society. [R]
75.3753 El YATTOUTI, Naoual —
This article explores the complex debate surrounding healthcare providers seeking to express their religious beliefs through the wearing of religious attire considering critical legal, ethical, and practical aspects. Drawing insights from the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights and European Court of Justice, it sheds light on the implications for healthcare settings. The study highlights the sensitivity of the healthcare context, where specific arguments surface, such as the debated significance of religious neutrality given the vulnerability of patients and concerns about health and safety. Difficulties may arise when patients feel discomfort when treated by visibly religious healthcare providers. However, patients’ preferences regarding the religious neutrality of healthcare providers cannot be generalised, especially when considering the needs of certain minoritised communities. Furthermore, questions can be raised about the admissibility of potentially accommodating prejudice through prohibitions on religious dress. The article further examines hygiene and safety arguments used by healthcare institutions to restrict religious attire, arguing that while health and safety standards are crucial, scientific support for outright bans is limited, especially considering the possibility of reasonable adjustments. The central theme is the necessity for balanced considerations while upholding religious freedom and prioritising patient care, with particular emphasis going on the idea that the needs of patients cannot be generalised. [R]
75.3754 ESPA, Ilaria, et al. —
This special issue investigates the European Union’s (EU) pioneering role in integrating climate change and sustainability goals into its trade and investment agreements. Through legal and policy analysis, the issue explores the EU’s influence in shaping global trade practices aligned with sustainable development, focusing on agreements with the Americas, particularly Latin America and the Caribbean. The contributions examine the institutional and legal mechanisms underpinning these agreements, their alignment with frameworks like the Paris Agreement, and the associated geopolitical implications. Articles address themes such as Sustainability Impact Assessments, deforestation commitments, and the evolution of EU external relations under the Green Deal. The analysis highlights the challenges posed by stricter EU regulations for its trade partners and the opportunities for fostering cooperative approaches to sustainability. By presenting case studies of EU agreements with regions like Mercosur and Andean communities, the issue serves as a lens to assess how the EU balances its regulatory ambitions with international collaboration. These insights provide a nuanced understanding of the EU’s evolving leadership in advancing sustainable development through its trade policies. [R] [First article of a thematic issue. See also Abstr. 75.3744, 3755, 3872, 3894, 3922, 3923, 3977]
75.3755 ESPA, Ilaria ; TOKAS, Marios —
This paper analyses the interplay between climate change provisions in European Union (EU) Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with Global South nations, with a focus on Latin American countries, and the principles outlined in the Paris Agreement. It aims to provide recommendations on how to better harmonize the obligations under the Paris Agreement and EU FTAs to enhance climate ambition among trading partners. More critically, the paper seeks to foster a harmonious coexistence between binding and enforceable commitments on climate change included in FTAs and the flexible framework of the Paris Agreement. The paper proposes that hard commitments and strict enforcement procedures with regards to climate change may not be compatible with the spirit of the Paris Agreement and its principles. More distinctively, such strict and inflexible options may constitute a major disincentive to EU trade partners to negotiate more ambitious commitments and implement them at the domestic level. The paper concludes by suggesting post-implementation options for parties to steer up the engagement within the FTA institutions and progressively introduce more ambitious climate friendly FTA disciplines centred on cooperation. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3754]
75.3756 EWERT, Benjamin —
Front-of-pack labeling schemes are an effective but contested regulatory approach to nudge consumers toward healthy food choices. The Nutri-Score, being implemented by eight European countries, is one of the most elaborated and evidence-based examples. Therefore, the Nutri-Score has been deemed as the front-runner within the European Commission’s attempt to harmonize front-of-pack labeling among European Union (EU) member states under its Farm-to-Fork strategy by the end of 2022. However, the endeavor is on the brink of failure because of massive resistance by Mediterranean member states and parts of the food industry capitalizing on patriotic narratives (e.g., “Made in Italy”). This article investigates the Nutri-Score saga from a political and commercial determinants of health lens. It argues that an EU-wide rollout of the label hinges on the specific interplay between political structures and stakeholder agency. As shown, the EU’s weak decision-making power has been exploited by the No-Nutri-Score alliance. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3757 FAYET, Héloïse ; FUTTER, Andrew ; KÜHN, Ulrich —
While major European powers may have to contemplate nuclear deterrence without America, the national flexibility and European financial support required to make it feasible is currently difficult to imagine. [R]
75.3758 FELDKIRCHER, Martin ; HOFMARCHER, Paul ; SIKLOS, Pierre L. —
We provide new insights into the effectiveness of central bank communication in the euro area relying on a novel methodology. The time-varying text based ideal point model (TV-TBIP) is used focusing on two crucial topics communicated by central bankers, namely price stability and financial stability. The methodology permits identification of the ideological position of the speaker. We find that the ECB transitions between a high ideal point state reminiscent of interventionist monetary policy and their effects on financial markets and a low ideal point state with emphasis on risks to fragmentation from monetary policy and financial stability policies. The individual euro area central banks tend to mirror the ECB’s position which suggests that some specialization/coordination of responsibilities from the communications activities of euro area national central banks takes place. [R, abr.]
75.3759 FISCHER, Torben ; MAUER, Nicole ; TILLE, Florian —
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted how the European Union (EU) impacts national health systems and people’s health. In November 2020, the European Commission launched the European Health Union (EHU) to better coordinate and maximize EU member states’ abilities to deal with cross-border health threats. This article scrutinizes the early institutionalization of the EHU and its implications for EU health policy as a political determinant of health (PDoH). The article explores how EU health policy may be appreciated from a PDoH perspective. It draws from EU documents and existing research to analyze the early-stage institutionalization of the EHU. The study complements this policy output-focused perspective with an outcome-based exploratory assessment of EU health policy as a PDoH focusing on three examples: joint vaccine procurement, health reforms and investments under the Recovery and Resilience Facility, and the development of a European Health Data Space. The article shows that the policy change triggered by the EHU and the potential impact on citizens’ health are not necessarily congruent. Modest change can have a potentially strong impact on health outcomes and vice versa. The article argues that the PDoH perspective provides a useful approach that is complementary to policy output–based perspectives, allowing for a more comprehensive assessment of the EU’s role in health. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The political determinants of health and the European Union”, introduced by Eleanor Brooks, Charlotte Godziewski and Thibaud Deruelle. See also Abstr. 75.3739, 3756, 3766, 3770, 3806, 3819, 3826, 3866, 4293, 4297]
75.3760 FORTIN-RITTBERGER, Jessica —
This essay takes stock of the current state of scholarship on gendered careers in the European Union. Examining the careers of women in the political system of the European Union raises several theoretical and analytical issues, especially considering the long-held reputation of European Union institutions as particularly favorable to the representation of women. First, it will ask whether scholarship has produced convincing evidence substantiating claims that European Union institutions are indeed more gender egalitarian in all aspects of the representational process, from the supply of candidates to shattering the glass ceiling of executive positions. Second, it asks whether scholarship has sufficiently theorized the contextual effects that account for the apparent success of women gaining representation in European Union institutions compared to national institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3761 FRECH, Elena —
Extensive research explores women’s entry into parliament and their political influence. However, reasons for women leaving, particularly in the European Parliament context, remain unclear. This study investigates departure patterns of women European parliamentarians from 2009 to 2019, investigating the role of politicians themselves, national parties, and voters. The study finds less gender differences in parliamentarians’ exit than expected, highlighting national parties’ pivotal role in a women-friendly European setting and the importance of the mediating power of the electoral system. Contrary to expectations, national parties do not disadvantage women during re-selection. Women experience higher re-election probabilities, influenced by parties’ strategies and voter preferences. Also, those women who want to progress to the national political level from the EP are not less likely to succeed in their post-parliamentary career. I conclude that electoral institutions, along with their interaction with political actors, influence women’s career paths. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3762 FREUDLSPERGER, Christian —
Which kind of European Union is emerging from the polycrisis? This paper argues that the EU is gradually becoming a ‘reinsurance polity’. In this system of transnational public reinsurance, European states remain their citizens’ primary insurers against individual and societal risks. As their insurance capacity is repeatedly overstretched by transboundary crises, the EU creates standing resources to provide back-up support. In contrast to federal co-insurance, EU reinsurance is directed towards states, with citizens affected merely indirectly. The paper defines public reinsurance, theorises its emergence and functioning, and provides three illustrative examples from the polycrisis (rescEU, Frontex standing corps, HERA). Reinsurance is a novel path of EU institutional development. Though a compromise among diverging national interests, it moves the EU beyond the regulatory polity without pushing it toward positive state-building. Formulating a pragmatic standard of transnational risk-sharing congruent with demoi-cratic notions of legitimacy, reinsurance could also provide a finalité of integration. [R]
75.3763 FRIEDRICHS, Gordon M. ; SOMMER, Jule —
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has put significant pressure on the European Union’s (EU) role conceptions, challenging its self-perception as a normative and civilian power. This article explores the impact of the invasion on EU role conceptions through the lens of ontological security theory. We differentiate between ontological insecurity and crisis, elucidating the EU’s responses to acute shocks that disrupt the connection between its self-image and social roles. Drawing on role theory, we examine how the invasion has prompted the EU to reconsider its roles. We identify adjustment, adaptation, innovation, and abandonment as key types of role change, exploring how these responses vary across individual roles within the EU’s role set. By combining qualitative and quantitative content analysis of EU documents, we empirically investigate changes in EU role conceptions pre- and post-invasion. Our analysis contributes to a deeper understanding of role theory’s application to international organizations (IOs), bridging gaps between foreign policy analysis and IO research. In addition, we advance methodological approaches to studying role changes, offering insights into the complex interplay between external events, institutional identity formation, and ontological security in the context of geopolitical crises. [R]
75.3764 GAMBAZZA, Giuseppe —
This provocation paper critically examines the discrepancy between policy rhetoric and implementation in the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, which was approved by the European Commission in April 2024. Despite its portrayal as a ‘fresh start’, the pact displays continuity with past security-focused measures. On the humanitarian side, the New Pact appears to be less effective: while it includes provisions for legal pathways and solidarity mechanisms, it inadequately addresses the rights of migrants awaiting asylum decisions. These shortcomings serve to illustrate the persisting internal conflicts within the EU regarding migration policies and values. [R]
75.3765 GEORGIOU, Natasha A. —
The Ukraine invasion has been a watershed moment in EU-Russia gas relations, which has resulted in a shift in the European Commission’s (EC’s) approach towards Russia and European energy policy. Whilst the EC has traditionally followed a rule-based market approach in its external energy relations with Russia, there appears to have been a shift from the prevailing liberal market model to a more strategic and geopolitical approach focused on energy security. Although the EC has sometimes displayed tendencies of a realist nature, these realist elements in its external action have been exacerbated following the invasion of Ukraine. This article engages in a theoretical debate between the conceptualizations of the EU as a liberal actor versus the perception of the EU as a realist actor. Whilst there is literature to support both views, the debate can be further developed after the war in Ukraine. Since the invasion, the EC appears to have undertaken a more robust and coherent stance towards Russia in its commitment to decouple European economies from Russian gas to ensure EU energy security. The change in objectives illustrate a shift in the EU’s energy policy from the liberal paradigm of markets to geopolitics, as the new dynamics of EU-Russia energy relations, following the invasion of Ukraine. [R]
75.3766 GODZIEWSKI, Charlotte ; RUSHTON, Simon —
Since COVID-19, the European Commission (EC) has sought to expand its activities in health through the development of a European Health Union and within it the Health Emergencies Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA). The authors applied a discourse analysis to documents establishing HERA to investigate how the EC legitimated the creation of this institution. They focused on how it framed health emergencies, how it framed the added value of HERA, and how it linked HERA to existing EU activities and priorities. Their analysis demonstrates that security-based logics have been central to the EC’s legitimation of HERA in alignment with a “securitization of health” occurring worldwide in recent decades. This legitimation can be understood as part of the EC’s effort to promote future integration in health in the absence of new competences. Securitization has helped the EC raise its profile in health politically without additional competences, thereby laying the groundwork for potential future integration. Looking at the discursive legitimation of HERA sheds light not only on whether the EC is expanding its health powers but also how it strategizes to do so. HERA, while constrained, allows the EC to further deepen security-driven integration in health. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3767 GOUGLAS, Athanassios, et al. —
The article investigates incumbent exit rates of women and men parliamentarians in the national chambers and European Parliament delegations of eight West European countries after elections. Relying on original data, the article uses a multi-level model to analyse the fixed effects of gender, type of delegation, and the politico-institutional context on incumbent exit rates, while also assessing random effects produced at the country level. The study finds that incumbent exit rate of men is significantly higher than women’s. However, this result is significant in the European Parliament, not national legislature delegations. Additionally, we find that men are pushed towards the exit by gender quotas and proportional electoral systems. Finally, our findings show different dynamics with respect to countries and types of delegation, thus expanding our understanding of the gendered implications of political careers and institutional frameworks across different parliamentary contexts in Western Europe. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3768 GOVAERT, Laura —
In the last two decades, human, labour, and environmental provisions have become a core pillar of European trade policy (TP) through the inclusion of Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD). They were widely criticized because of mismatched and limited provisions, lacking civil society inclusion, institutional and legal weakness, which raises the question if its involvement in national policy and actions are suitable and proportional to the benefits for partner countries. This article investigates how the chapters possibly exercise indirect control by looking at neocolonial characteristics. A selection of communications from the European Commission will be subjected to a post-structuralist discourse analysis and a framework based on three identified modes of neocolonialism and their characteristics.This research shows how ‘sustainable development’ has become an empty signifier to which a wide range of geopolitical, neoliberal, and value-loaded elements are connected by logics of equivalence. Sustainable development becoming more central has enabled neocolonial practices to become deeper and more prevalent, with neoliberalization, superior knowledge, asymmetric trade relations, and asymmetric diplomatic relations being the most prominent. Finally, it concludes that this vagueness around ‘sustainable development’ serves as a tool to preserve the European Union’s (EU’s) economic power, resulting in an increasing indirect control over its partners. [R]
75.3769 GRAY, Emily K. ; McARDLE, Rachel —
On the path to climate neutrality, the European Green Deal aims to address the economy and society inclusively, ‘leaving no one behind’ in the energy transition. Energy democracy highlights the role for diverse communities in this transition. This paper interrogates how inclusive the European Green Deal is through a content analysis of four policies. It finds a limited role envisioned for communities, focused on techno-economic communities of interest (including energy communities) contributing to EU initiatives. This largely ignores the multitude of diverse activities through which groups collectively engage in energy systems. A key contribution of this paper is to demonstrate that to achieve the goals of energy democracy, the European Green Deal must facilitate diverse, deliberative ways to ‘act all together’, with communities as important actors. Communities can act as a ‘site of struggle’ whose deeper engagement could lead to more democratic and richer outcomes for policy and research. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3770 GUY, Mary —
The connection between law and political determinants of health is not well understood, but nevertheless it is suggested that the two are inseparable, and this represents an upstream level with scope for influencing other determinants of health (particularly social determinants). Solidarity underpins European health care systems, and given its clear link with redistribution, it can be seen as a means for addressing health inequities. As such, solidarity may be seen as a political determinant of health in the specific context of European Union (EU) competition policy. A range of EU case law, treaty provisions, and European Commission publications relating to EU competition policy are analyzed. Solidarity is typically juxtaposed as antithetical to competition and thus as underpinning exceptions to the applicability of prohibitions on anticompetitive agreements, abuse of dominance, and state aid. Case law indicates an additional dynamic between definitions of solidarity at the EU and national levels. This analysis leads to two groups of considerations when framing solidarity as a political determinant of health in the EU competition policy context: first, the predominance of solidarity suggests it may shape competition reforms; second, the EU–member state dynamic indicates less EU-level reach into national competition reforms in health care than may be expected. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3771 GYŐRFFY, Dóra —
In the context of an increasingly ambitious EU industrial policy and the transition to electromobility, the article uncovers the interaction between the supranational level and domestic policies through examining the buildup of the electric vehicle (EV) battery value chain in illiberal Hungary and liberal Sweden. The study analyses these diverse cases through the lenses of comparative political economy. Through using a structured-focused comparison, the paper argues that the building of the EV battery industry implies the entrenchment of existing models of capitalism in both cases. Liberal democracy is only compatible with the coordinated market economy model of Sweden, while in Hungary the illiberal regime and the dependent market economy model reinforce one another in face of growing public recognition of the disadvantages of dependency — misallocation of resources, environmental damage, and limits to upgrading. [R, abr.]
75.3772 HAAN, Jakob de ; JACOBS, Jan P. A. M. ; ZIJM, Renske —
Using the measures proposed by Mink et al. (2012), we reexamine the coherence of business cycles in the euro area using a long sample period. We also analyze the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on business cycle coherence and examine whether our measures for business cycle coherence indicate a core versus periphery within EMU. Our results suggest that business cycle coherence did not increase monotonically. The COVID-19 pandemic made that the signs of the output gaps of euro area countries became more similar, but we find large differences in the amplitude of the output gaps across countries. [R]
75.3773 HAGLUND, Jillienne ; HILLEBRECHT, Courtney —
International human rights institutions impose obligations on their member states that extend long past the ratification stage. Each year, states receive tens, or even hundreds, of recommendations from international human rights bodies. These recommendations demand that states change their human rights policies and practices. While recent scholarship has emphasized the important role of domestic institutions and civil society actors in facilitating compliance with these recommendations, comparatively little research examines how the quality of the recommendations themselves affects compliance outcomes. Using two novel datasets, this paper sets out to understand the nexus between recommendation quality and compliance. Our research suggests that highly precise recommendations move the needle away from inaction on international human rights institutions’ rulings and recommendations but make full compliance more difficult. [R, abr.]
75.3774 HEERMANN, Max ; LEUFFEN, Dirk ; SCHUESSLER, Julian —
This article analyses whether and how fairness considerations affect citizens’ support of EU policies and integration. While past literature has revealed that perceptions of procedural and substantive fairness impact on public opinion at the level of the nation state, we know less about the fairness-support nexus when it comes to international cooperation. We here make use of the case of differentiated integration (DI) to experimentally dissect normative and utility-oriented considerations in the evaluation of EU policies. DI as an instrument to overcome heterogeneity-induced gridlock has been linked to both autonomy and dominance, and it can generate winners and losers in the EU. Our experiments reveal that citizens largely support DI. However, they are opposed to forms of DI which impose negative externalities on a subgroup of EU member states. This holds irrespective of the affectedness of citizens’ own member states. [R, abr.]
75.3775 HEGEWALD, Sven ; SCHRAFF, Dominik —
Citizens’ ability to hold corrupt politicians accountable is a key feature of democratic political systems. Particularly in the EU, such accountability mechanisms are often argued to malfunction due to the EU’s complicated and opaque institutional structure, which could compromise voters’ basic abilities to detect political malpractice in Brussels. Putting EU voters’ attentiveness to the test, we provide quasi-experimental evidence of the causal effect of a recent corruption scandal in the European Parliament. Leveraging an ‘Unexpected Event during Survey Design’ identification strategy in France and Germany, we document a sizeable negative effect of the so-called Qatargate scandal on public trust in the European Parliament. This provides causal evidence on the presence of attentiveness to EU politics within these electorates. Given the EU’s complex institutional structure, we derive two alternative implications from this finding. [R]
75.3776 HEINZEL, Mirko, et al. —
We analyse the impact of IMF programmes on appointing women leaders in ministerial positions. We hypothesize that women leaders are selected after an incumbent government starts an IMF programme to shift accountability to them during political and economic turmoil. This political manoeuvring of appointing women to leadership positions during a crisis is known as the ‘glass cliff’ effect. We demonstrate substantial evidence for such a ‘glass cliff’ effect using data covering all IMF programmes from 1980 to 2018. Our evidence shows that women are more likely to be appointed to austerity-bearing ministerial positions under IMF programmes but not in positions of authority during negotiations with the IMF. This effect is more pronounced when a country displays worse societal gender norms, a higher level of corruption and a government facing a deeper economic crisis. [R, abr.]
75.3777 HEINZEL, Mirko ; WEAVER, Catherine ; JORGENSEN, Samantha —
How does the representation of women in international organizations affect the implementation of gender mainstreaming policies? Many international organizations have adopted policies to prevent gender discrimination in their operations, but their implementation is often lackluster. We argue that these shortcomings appear due to a combination of institutional incentives and an underrepresentation of women in their staff. We test the argument in the case of the World Bank, drawing on highly disaggregated staffing data, an instrumental variable strategy, and an elite survey experiment. Our results show that most staff incorporate at least shallow gender mainstreaming in their projects. Deeper implementation of gender mainstreaming is more likely when women staff supervise projects, hold positions of authority, and are more represented as coworkers. [R, abr.]
75.3778 HERMANSEN, Silje Synnøve Lyder —
How does biased political recruitment — and the legislation of gender quotas — affect the quality of representation? The article theorizes that biased selection implies a higher hurdle for women than for men. As a consequence, fewer — but more talented and ambitious — female legislators enter office. When quotas are legislated, the bias lingers but takes new forms. Uncertain about their initial choice, parties compensate by drawing on incumbent women’s legislative record to update their beliefs. Quota women are thus more accountable. Drawing on a “before-after” design with a control group, this study investigates legislators’ effort, performance, ambition, and reselection to the European Parliament (1999-2014). It demonstrates that non-quota women handled more high-impact legislation and aimed at longer careers than other legislators. When quotas were imposed, the share of women did not increase. However, quota women had a higher pay off from performing well in office and reacted by increasing their effort. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3779 HERRANZ-SURRALLES, Anna —
Amidst heightened global power rivalries, the geopolitical aspects of the energy transition are taking centre stage, with even liberal-minded countries growing wary about foreign investment in the energy sector and the dependencies created by global value chains of green technologies. Building on current debates on the ‘geopoliticization’ of foreign economic policies, this paper sets out a conceptual framework to assess the extent to which the energy transition is becoming geopoliticized in the European Union (EU) and its impact on international energy relations. Theoretically, the paper makes the case for considering geopoliticization as a missing link in the study of politicization and securitization in International Relations, allowing for a more fine-grained diagnosis of current trends and their likely evolution. Empirically, the analysis identifies structural geopoliticizing dynamics in the EU’s framing of the energy transition, although to different degrees depending on the concrete issue at hand. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 75.3897]
75.3780 HIERRO, María ; MAZA, Adolfo —
Experience with the recent activation of the Temporary Protection Directive (TPD) in the EU has demonstrated its virtues as an emergency policy response to mass influx situations. However, in the absence of a long-term strategy to alleviate pressure, there is a risk that a sense of fatigue will emerge and intensify in cities of refuge, with this commentary presenting prima facie evidence of this issue. To mitigate the potential effect that refugee fatigue might have in terms of political discontent, we advocate a new temporary protection approach that embraces a genuine multi-level governance that recognises cities as key actors in refugee reception. The paradigm shift should prioritise cities when allocating funds to build reception capacity, as well as acknowledge the urgency of city-led relocation initiatives to alleviate the strain on overburdened cities. [R, abr.]
75.3781 HIRSCHMANN, Gisela —
How do international organisations (IOs) respond to existential challenges such as membership withdrawals or budget cuts? Some IOs manage to ignore the challenge or adapt to the demands of the challenging state whereas others build institutional capacities to resist the pressure. Yet, we know little about the internal dynamics that shape IOs’ responses to such challenges. This article investigates to what extent IOs’ threat perception determines the intensity and direction of their responses to crises. Using the League of Nations’ responses to early crises as an explorative historical case study, the analysis shows that a timely and homogenous perception of a crisis leads to a more assertive and substantial response. Two broader conclusions can be drawn from the analysis for IO research. First, the role of international bureaucrats should not be underestimated in shaping an IO’s response to crises. Second, the findings indicate that a more nuanced perspective on the League’s crisis management can help overcome the failure narrative that dominates the current understanding of the League in International Relations research. [R]
75.3782 HOFFMANN, Tessa Sophie —
The evolving global political landscape has brought forth the emergence of unfair trading practices, particularly the phenomenon of subsidization as a non-tariff barrier to trade. Within the European Union (EU), the persistent subsidization of companies by third countries has undermined the vision of an internal market without internal frontiers. In response to these challenges, the EU legislators have introduced the Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR) to address the distortions induced by subsidization and to empower the European Commission to take remedial action. Yet, the formulation of the FSR has given rise to several complications with existing state aid law and the frameworks of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Conversely, it has been argued that the approach proposed by the German Monopoly Commission regarding third country aid could have pre-empted these discrepancies. Thus, this article conducts a brief examination of the FSR’s interaction with state aid law, alongside a more in-depth analysis of its interaction with WTO subsidy law. In addition, it evaluates the feasibility of the German Monopoly Commission’s proposal to identify potential solutions for these challenges. Ultimately, it provides concrete legal recommendations to refine the FSR, whilst also acknowledging the political complexities in amending the FSR, including geopolitical streams and the EU’s ‘open strategic autonomy’ policy. [R]
75.3783 HÖGENAUER, Anna-Lena —
The representation of women in the European Parliament tends to be higher than in many national parliaments. Therefore, this article examines to what extent experience as a Member of the European Parliament could serve as a stepping stone into national politics. It focuses on Luxembourg and Malta as two typical cases of small states with preferential voting systems with an incumbency bias. It first identifies the challenges women face, then analyses how they affect the career paths of Members of the European Parliament. It argues that being a Member of the European Parliament does not resolve all cultural and institutional hurdles, but that it addresses the low visibility of women and the incumbency bias of the electoral systems in these two countries. However, reforms at the national level are unavoidable if the gender gap in national parliaments is to be resolved. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3458]
75.3784 IANNANTUONI, Alice, et al. —
The study of international organizations’ (IOs) peer review systems has focused largely on their efficacy in disseminating best practices, with mixed results. This paper informs the debate from a new angle: We evaluate the extent to which decisions about who reviews whom and where result from bureaucratic guidelines, or whether these decisions are shaped by the particularistic interests of member states that would need to be considered in efficacy evaluations of peer reviews. Our empirical case is the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) which requires that DAC donors have their practices reviewed by two peer examiners every few years. Using quantitative and qualitative methods, we study (1) the assignment of peer examiners (1962-2020) and (2) the selection of recipient countries visited for in-depth assessment during the review (1994-2020). [R, abr.]
75.3785 JUD, Stefano —
75.3786 KAPPLER, Moritz, et al. —
Trust between constituent actors within the European Union (EU)’s multilevel regulatory regimes is decisive for regulatory success. Trust drives information flows, increases compliance, and improves cooperation within these regimes. Despite its importance, systematic knowledge regarding the drivers of trust within regulatory regimes is limited. This paper inquires whether trust in regulatory agencies is influenced by their affiliation with the national or EU governmental level, as well as by their performance. While existing literature predominantly focuses on why citizens place their trust in governments or regulatory agencies, this paper presents original insights regarding the formation of trust among elites within the regulatory regime, including politicians, ministerial officials, agency officials, interest groups, and regulated entities. We employ data obtained from a large-scale vignette experiment conducted in six countries involving 752 decision-makers from relevant organizations. The experimental results suggest that both public and private elite actors’ trust assessment of regulatory agencies does not hinge on cues associated with the governmental level, but rather depends on agency performance. Accordingly, belonging to the national or EU governmental level does not create a difference in trust assessment of regulatory agencies in itself. It, however, shows that particularly elite actors are rather sensitive in terms of the performance of a regulatory agency. [R]
75.3787 KASSEM, Nermeen —
This article explores the role of traditional, state-run media as tools for both, promoting policy, and providing feedback about non-governmental organizations (NGOs)-related policies in Egypt. It also gives insights into how media might contribute to shaping policy on NGOs in countries with similar systems of media governance. The study tests the social construction and policy design theory’s “target population proposition” by conducting a thematic analysis of news articles on NGO Law 70 of 2017. It adds a new media studies perspective to Schneider and Ingram’s theory by exploring the framing effects of the media as mediators between governmental policy and target groups of that same policy. The findings confirm Schneider and Ingram’s theory in post-uprising Egypt. It delineates that state-run media variously frame policy rationales of Law 70 of 2017. Dichotomous framing was found to support the significant burdens imposed on, and the sub-rosa benefits granted to, NGOs by the new policy. Media frames also varied according to NGOs’ social construction and power level. This distinction in policy rationales draws the line between developmental NGOs and advocacy organizations whose agenda is perceived as a source of threat to the sovereignty, political independence, and national interests of the state. [R]
75.3788 KELEMEN, R. Daniel —
This article explores three intertwined questions concerning the European Union’s reaction to the rise of increasingly autocratic member governments. First, why did the EU fail to act robustly to address the emergence of such governments for a decade? Second, why has the EU become more assertive in challenging them since late 2021? Third, and more prospectively, should the EU’s more assertive stance and recent electoral developments in Poland give us reason to believe that the EU may be on the cusp of escaping its autocracy trap? The article identifies the key features of the institutional structure and political culture of the EU that long discouraged it from responding robustly to the autocracy crisis, explains why the erosion of these features spurred the EU to take more vigorous actions over the last two years, and concludes with an analysis of why — despite this recent shift in approach — we should not expect the EU to escape its autocracy trap anytime soon. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3731]
75.3789 KOSKIMAA, Vesa ; RAUNIO, Tapio —
Sudden crises present a ‘stress test’ for democratic policymaking. Amidst global crises the capacity for swift decisions is becoming increasingly important but reacting to abrupt challenges also easily leads to violations of democratic norms, as recent studies on Covid-19 pandemic demonstrate. To advance our understanding of this pressing tension that thus far has been mainly approached via broad regime-level comparisons, this study examines formal and informal coordinative institutions that facilitate efficient and democratic policy response in crisis situations. Applying the core executive model, we focus on Finland’s decision to apply for NATO membership that unfolded rapidly after Russia attacked Ukraine. Through detailed process tracing analysis, we show how the country’s strongly entrenched doctrine of military non-alignment was overturned with broad cross-party consensus in under three months via intensive mediation involving all key actors and governing institutions. Adding important nuance to constitutionally centred studies of crisis decision-making, our analysis shows how strongly institutionalised coordination mechanisms can facilitate radical policy changes to status quo even in the context of dispersed policymaking resources and high partisan fragmentation. Our findings especially underline the complementary roles and interplay of formal rules and informal practices, showing that in crisis situations the latter acquire fundamental importance. [R]
75.3790 KOVÁCS, Kriszta —
Europe has recently struggled with democratic backsliding and autocratization. This autocratization has accompanied a decline in academic freedom in many backsliding countries, as reported by the Academic Freedom Index. Can the standards set by the European supranational courts effectively safeguard academic freedom? This article provides answers to this question. It argues that despite differences in their approaches, the theoretical conceptions of scholarship held by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) share an essential feature: both have moved towards embracing the ‘liberal science script’ by protecting academic freedom. The main difference between the two courts’ approaches is the subject of protection. The ECtHR focuses on the individual rights of academics: It protects free speech in the academic context by establishing a high standard for holding academics liable for publicly expressing their views inside and outside of academia. The ECJ has applied the concept of institutional autonomy, thereby setting a high standard for safeguarding the freedom of academic institutions. This standard can be applied with regard to the demands placed by policy-makers on academia regarding its role in democracy, including gender equality requirements for EU research funding. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3053]
75.3791 KREUDER-SONNEN, Christian ; ZANGL, Bernhard —
In the wake of international organisations’ (IOs) politicisation, treaty-based transfers of authority to or from IOs have virtually come to a standstill. Instead, we increasingly see instances of informal internationalisation and unilateral renationalisation of IO authority. In this article, we introduce a Political Contest Theory (PCT) that explains both phenomena at the same time. PCT builds on the postfunctionalist assumption that, in the age of politicisation, IO authority transfers activate a transnational cleavage between communitarian and cosmopolitan factions fighting over the ‘right’ locus of political authority. Yet, beyond extant postfunctional theorising, PCT specifies the mechanisms through and the conditions under which either the one or the other faction may prevail. We argue that communitarians can rely on a structural mobilisation advantage which allows them to assert unilateral renationalisations, whereas cosmopolitans can rely on an institutional power advantage which allows them to push through informal internationalisations. Moreover, PCT highlights a pattern of mutual reinforcement between the systematic advantages enjoyed by the opposing factions that is likely to exacerbate the polarisation over IO authority transfers in the future. [R]
75.3792 KUDO, Yasuki —
Do military alliances promote human rights? Scholars and practitioners generally believe they do not because states form alliances largely to advance their strategic interests and thus are not interested in members’ domestic policies. I claim that some states may care about their allies’ human rights practices. Specifically, democracies are concerned that alliance relationships with rights-abusing governments harm their reputation, and thus urge their allies to improve human rights. However, this rights-promoting motivation is constrained because democracies also need to preserve alliance partnerships with governments that may rely on repression for their internal security. Empirical analyses of alliance relationships between democracies and autocracies provide support for this argument. Autocracies with a powerful democratic ally implement relatively advanced human rights protection; however, this association becomes weaker as the risk of domestic conflict becomes higher. [R, abr.]
75.3793 LALL, Ranjit —
Recent decades have witnessed the adoption of unprecedentedly broad and inclusive accountability mechanisms by many major international institutions, from grievance redress systems to transparency policies. What explains the establishment of these mechanisms — and why have only some institutions embraced them? I argue that adoption is more likely when member states, in particular the most powerful, face “bottom-up” pressures for accountability from dense transnational civil society networks — networks with the capacity to build leverage through agenda setting, coalition building, and advocacy strategies — and when institutions perform governance tasks that are costly to monitor. Analysis of a rich new dataset shows that adoption is positively related to the density of international NGOs in an institution’s issue area — including only those based in powerful member countries — and that this relationship is stronger when governance tasks entail high monitoring costs. [R, abr.]
75.3794 LAULHÉ SHAELOU, Stéphanie ; ATHANASSIOU, Phoebus —
Reflecting on twenty years of Cyprus’s EU membership, this paper aims to provide an account of the rationale for its accession to the EU and the euro area, and an assessment of their benefits. The argument made in the paper is that although it was security rather than economic considerations that accounted for Cyprus’s EU accession, the latter also came with certain financial benefits. Moreover, while Cyprus’s accession to the single currency was motivated by its desire to be part of the hard core of the European unification project, its euro area participation was to stand Cyprus in good stead in its hour of need, during the Cypriot sovereign debt crisis of 2012-2013. The paper also explores whether the unprecedented accession of a divided country to the EU may provide a source of inspiration for future enlargements, where sui generis circumstances prevail. [R]
75.3795 LAWSON, George —
This introduction to the forum marking the 75th anniversary of the Department of International Relations (IR) at the Australian National University (ANU) is organised in three parts. First, it ‘looks back’ at the origins and evolution of the department, highlighting the opportunities and tensions that have arisen from the housing of the department within administrative units concerned with area studies, particularly the Asia-Pacific region. ‘Looking around’ at the department today, the paper notes the prevalence of work on issue-areas previously unexplored (such as gender, justice and security) or being re-explored (particularly diplomacy), as well as the close relationship between theory and practice that emerges from the department’s base in Canberra at Australia’s national university. Finally, the introduction ‘looks forward’, using themes developed in the papers that make up this forum around ethical silences and openings to examine the public responsibilities of scholars, both in ANU’s Department of IR and further afield, around research, teaching and engagement. [R] [Introduction to a series of articles on “75th anniversary of the Australian National University Department of International Relations”, edited by Cian O’Driscoll. See Abstr. 75.3669, 3745, 3838, 3917, 3979, 4014, 4075, 4079, 4086]
75.3796 LIODAKIS, George —
Starting from a brief analysis of the structural characteristics of contemporary totalitarian imperialism, as a dialectical supersession of classical imperialism, and of the continuing crisis of capitalism, we focus on the new characteristics of global capitalism, which are arguably crucial for the unfolding geopolitical conflicts and the struggle for socialism. Referring more specifically to the emerging divide and conflict within world capitalism, between western NATO forces (US, EU, et al.) on the one hand, and the rising block of the BRICS countries on the other, we take a critical stance against those (left-wing) commentators or political currents, which consider this conflict as a typical inter-imperialist rivalry and argue for the need of taking an equal distance from the opposite poles of this rising confrontation. As argued, though the revolutionary forces struggling for socialism worldwide should not, by any means, identify with the BRICS coalition, the equal-distance approach should be criticized on the ground that a multi-polar world would be a more favorable condition for a communist perspective. What is more essentially argued is that, independently from the emerging two poles of geopolitical confrontation, there is an urgent need for a transnational class struggle (from below) towards communism, and that the fundamental capital-labor contradiction and the social question should be prioritized as against any national (or capitalist block) contradictions or national liberation struggles. As historical experience has asserted, the opposite prioritization will always work against social emancipation and the prospect of communism. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4202]
75.3797 MACHIN, Amanda —
Democracy can be imagined in vastly different ways, and the way it is imagined has implications for political projects and policymaking. In this paper, I assess the particular democratic imaginary that is reflected and reinforced by the European Green Deal (EGD). The EGD emphasizes citizens as a ‘driving force’ of sustainability transition. However, despite the emphasis on active citizens, their participation is circumscribed, since the actual aims and strategies of the EGD are apparently not open for debate. Using critical discourse analysis to interrogate the material surrounding the EGD, I identify some persistent tropes of the democratic imaginary that is found there. I find that the dominant political imaginary of the EGD is one of an ‘inclusive depoliticised democracy’ that engages a wide diversity of citizens in limited discussion. The EGD is placed outside of politics and democracy and becomes a matter of tutored knowledge exchange rather than impassioned engagement. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3798 MAILAND, Mikkel —
Recent research has shown how Commission entrepreneurship in meta-governance such as the European Pillar of Social Rights and the European Semester turned existing regulation in a more ‘social’ direction or led to new regulation strengthening Social Europe. This article asks whether the Commission also stands out as the most important actor in initiatives focused exclusively on working conditions and if the European social partners are also secondary reactive actors in these initiatives. Focusing on a recent case where the social partners had a treaty-based right to bargain — the Working Conditions Directive — the article confirms the Commission’s dominance and the reactivity of the social partners. The choice not to bargain reduces the social partners to lobbyists attempting to influence other key actors. [R, abr.]
75.3799 MAKARADZE, Soso —
This article examines Member States’ support for rule of law (RoL) enforcement in the Council of the European Union (the Council). Existing studies regarding this topic produce puzzling findings: there is a stable pro-RoL enforcement coalition between older Member States, while the positions of the newer members appear to be more nuanced in relation to different RoL issues and instruments. This article seeks to elucidate the factors underlying these divergent positions and proposes a solution to this puzzle by introducing the conceptualisation of Member States’ ‘differential support’ for RoL enforcement. Furthermore, it develops a theoretical framework to explain various factors influencing these positions. By analysing Member States’ stances on five RoL instruments designed for the promotion and protection of the RoL in the Union, this article demonstrates that the positions of new Member States on RoL enforcement are more stable than often perceived. Additionally, an in-depth qualitative analysis of Member States’ arguments reveals that strategic calculations largely influence their positions on RoL enforcement within the Council. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3731]
75.3800 MALLON, Benjamin, et al. —
The European Green Deal sets out a framework of far-reaching policy commitments in response to climate breakdown and biodiversity loss. Drawing on a qualitative study exploring a children and young people’s citizens’ assembly on biodiversity loss which took place in Ireland in 2022, this article explores how children and young people position themselves within, and take action to address, these significant global challenges, and how these perspectives and experiences compare and contrast against the theoretical and policy framework underpinning the EGD. The article considers representations and experiences of children within deliberative environmental decision-making, factors shaping effective deliberative democracy, and acts of environmental citizenship across multiple spheres of influence. The article argues that, if it is to fulfil its commitment to place citizens at the heart of the transition, the EGD must ensure children and young people’s participation, and that children’s perspectives can strengthen actions pursued within transformative policy. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3801 MANDUJANO MANRIQUEZ, Mauricio ; PAVONE, Tommaso —
The autocratization of Hungary and Poland prompted a revolution in the European Court of Justice (ECJ)’s caselaw. Brick by brick, the ECJ imposed novel obligations on EU member states to safeguard the rule of law while expanding the legal bases for the EU to sanction governments breaching the Union’s fundamental values. In this article, we ask whether the ECJ pioneered this rule of law revolution or, conversely, whether the Court responded to an entrepreneurial European Commission acting as ‘guardian of the Treaties’. While supranationalist theories depict the Commission as a proactive agenda-setter guiding the Court’s innovations, studies of the EU’s rule of law crisis argue that the Commission dragged its feet or only recently seized the reins of leadership. Which perspective is closer to the mark? Deploying a new theoretical framework to study judicial innovation and agenda-setting on an original dataset of all rule of law cases adjudicated by the ECJ from 2010 through 2023, we demonstrate that the Commission has been an inconsistent and often indifferent agenda-setter. Besides several proactive interventions limited to the latter years of the Juncker Commission, the Court’s innovative rulings prompted the Commission to act more than the reverse, belying a fundamental shift in leadership. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3731]
75.3802 MANZANO GÓMEZ, Noel A. —
Current perspectives on informal housing (particularly, the illegal development of precarious, self-produced housing areas) associate it with state regulations. However, scholars have yet to link informal housing and the socio-historical regulations that gave rise to the birth of urban planning at the beginning of the 20th century. This article draws on archival and historiographical research to discuss the juridical construction of informal urbanisation in two capital cities at the core of the world-system, Paris and Madrid. In both cities, shantytowns were legally developed from at least the 19th century. However, such spatial production was outlawed (without addressing the root causes) from the first decades of the 20th century. Thus, precarious housing became informal housing as we know it today, giving rise to comparable but differentiated patterns of legal and extra-legal shacks construction, commercialisation and control (much like those generally associated with the global south). This article traces the long-durée and transnational nature of the informalisation of self-produced housing during the first half of the 20th century. Housing tenure conditions and shelter rights were weakened not only in Europe but also in other areas under its political and cultural influence. European urban policies, developed during the first half of the 20th century, may have induced dynamics of informal spatial production at a global scale. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4159]
75.3803 MASSOC, Elsa Clara —
The new ECB leadership made it its explicit priority to make ECB’s policies greener. Although doubt remains about the scale and effectiveness of the policies implemented since then, the idea that the ECB has a role to play in the fight against climate change has become widely accepted. The main narrative in support of this idea states that the ECB’s pro-climate engagement is part of its primary mandate — price stability. However, until not long ago, ECB’s primary mandate was rather used by those opposing the greening of central banking, while it was largely ignored by pro-climate advocates. How has this narrative emerged and gained traction? This paper argues that this narrative results from a process of coalition-building between pro-climate central bankers and pro-climate politicians in the European Parliament. Building on a multi-method text analysis of original datasets of accountability communications as well as in-depth interviews, this paper documents the mechanisms through which pro-climate central bankers and pro-climate MEPs co-constructed the pro-climate narrative, using accountability relationships as a coalition-building arena. The paper contributes to ongoing discussions on central banks’ accountability, politicisation and role in the green transition. [R]
75.3804 MASTENBROEK, Ellen ; SCHRAMA, Reini ; SINDBJERG MARTINSEN, Dorte —
This article provides an analysis of the temporal development of interactions within SOLVIT, the European Union’s problem-solving internal market network. Adopting an agency-based, rationalist approach, we hypothesize that temporal development depends on cross-border interdependence, institutional homogeneity, SOLVIT centre caseload and Brexit. Testing these hypotheses, we control for members’ resources, perceptions of SOLVIT and endogenous network dynamics. The ensuing model is tested using stochastic actor-oriented models on interactions in 2011 and 2018, thus yielding a panel-data analysis. Our main finding is that SOLVIT interactions are remarkably stable over time. This is mostly due to the strong effect of interdependence, which is rather constant over time. Strikingly, we find no effect for institutional homogeneity, case load and Brexit. In sum, our analysis reveals that European Administrative Networks can develop into stable patterns of interactions, driven by rather structural features of interdependence. [R]
75.3805 MATTHIJS, Matthias —
Another crisis would generate the conditions for the European Commission to fill the leadership vacuum left by Europe’s most powerful states. [R]
75.3806 MOISE, Alexandru D. ; POPIC, Tamara —
The extent to which health care reforms affect health remains understudied. Health care reforms result in policy outputs that determine provision of medical services, which have consequences for the health of the population. The authors scrutinize this relationship between health policy outputs and population health by focusing on legislative changes implying privatization of health care delivery and finance. They ask the following question: What is the relationship between reforms that privatize health care provision and population health in terms of health outcomes and inequalities? They answer this question by relying on fixed-effects time-series cross-section models. The authors use an original dataset of health care reforms passed in 36 European countries from 1989 to 2019. Health outcomes are operationalized with measures of subjective health status, unmet health needs, and resulting health inequalities. Their results show that privatization of health care is associated with higher rates of bad subjective health and unmet health needs several years after the passing of reforms. These effects are stronger for individuals in the lower tiers of income and education, resulting in greater socioeconomic inequalities. The article contributes to conceptualization of the political determinants of health as health policy outputs and a better understanding of the relationship between policy outputs and population health outcomes. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3807 MURRAY, Jean-Pierre —
Studies of migration-related security concerns have focused on the emergence of these concerns through securitization or their potential dissolution through desecuritization. This paper challenges the conventional view of these processes — securitization and desecuritization — as oppositional and mutually exclusive. Instead, it argues that they are imbricated in complex ways in an arena of contestation where actors vie for legitimacy and justify their claims through ongoing actions and reactions. Focusing on the Global South case of securitized migration in the Dominican Republic, this paper conceptualizes desecuritization not as a discrete outcome measured by success or failure, but as a dynamic process evolving through interactions with securitization. By examining the role of non-state actors in contesting securitized policies, the paper reveals that such contestation can paradoxically intensify securitization through a “security backlash” that delegitimizes these actors and discredits their rights-based claims. [R, abr.]
75.3808 NAYLOR, Tristen —
Producing a means of conceptualising and analysing international society as an assemblage, this article reflects on Adam Watson’s Evolution of International Society and demonstrates how an assemblage theory approach allows us to undertake Watson’s general aims to engage in broad, comparative analyses of international societies historically and produce a history of contemporary international society, but without the problematic biases and omissions that plague the empirical dimensions of his work. Understanding international society as an assemblage affords an ability to see that the endurance of so much of Western European international society in contemporary, global international society is owing to its particular form of assemblage. As a highly adaptive form of assemblage, what changes there might be in the international domain tend to occur within the assemblage, as the assemblage’s form renders both a substantive change of the assemblage and the establishment of any rival assemblage unlikely. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3890]
75.3809 NELSON, Stephen C. ; DINKEL, Christopher P. —
Do IMF lending programs increase repression in borrowing countries? We argue that repression worsens when autocratic governments enter conditional lending arrangements with the IMF. Autocracies are likelier than democracies to harshly crackdown during episodes of heightened protest and unrest triggered by IMF-mandated adjustment and structural reform programs. But harsh repression of anticipated spikes in dissent spurred by liberalization-oriented IMF conditions may also be used by autocrats to proactively signal their commitment to preserve regime insiders’ advantages. We present several tests of the arguments. We use a compound instrumental variable to estimate the conditional difference in human rights scores between IMF program participation and non-participation in both democratic and autocratic country-years (1975-2014). Evidence suggests that IMF programs with more numerous structural reforms (namely, pro-privatization conditions) are associated with lower human rights protections in autocratic countries. [R, abr.]
75.3810 NIELSEN, Magnus Lund —
This article examines the evolution of the EU’s self-perception as a global actor over the past decade by analysing twelve State of the European Union addresses (SOTEU) from 2011-2023. By combining Niklas Luhmann’s system theory with narrative theory as presented by Miskimmon, Roselle, Chaban, et al., the article conducts study of each speech. A series of ‘matrixes of narrative logics’ position the identified narratives of each speech on the two axes posed by system theory and narrative theory. The analysis reveals a significant shift in the EU’s self-perception as a global actor over the past decade. Through the SOTEUs, the EU recognizes and communicates its self-vision of economic influence, regulatory prowess, and foreign policy values. It also narrates its transformation from enthusiastic involvement in global politics to a well-established civilian and regulatory global force. The article argues that the EU’s self-narratives projected through SOTEUs mirror conceptualizations of the EU found in relevant academic literature. It finds some continuity in the EU self-perception but also a gradual change. From a vocal ambition to federalize in the early years of the SOTEUs, the EU grows more content with its structural composition although wishes to reform resurface in the latest speech. The EU also comes to see itself as gradually more established on the world stage. [R]
75.3811 OBERTHÜR, Sebastian, et al. —
Well-designed public participation can bolster democracy and support the transition to climate-neutral societies. This article assesses the quality of EU-mandated public participation in Member States’ National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs), required under the EU’s 2018 Governance Regulation and linking EU and national governance. Based on a novel assessment framework, we find that the quality of participation has increased from the 2018 Draft NECPs to the 2019 Final NECPs, followed by a significant decline in the 2023 Draft Updates. Given the central importance of public participation early in the process, there is an evident need for enhancing the quality of public participation at the draft stage. In addition, strengthening elements related to the integration of participation outcomes into policymaking deserves special attention. Overall, significant shortcomings remain and have also curbed the potential of EU-mandated public participation in the NECP process to enhance the EU’s democratic legitimacy at large. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3812 OBHOLZER, Lukas ; WIESENTHAL, Moritz —
This forum article presents a new dataset on roll call votes in the committees of the European Parliament in the 2014 to 2019 legislative term. Data on roll call votes in the plenary has greatly informed research on the functioning of the European Parliament, broader legislative politics and European Union decision-making. Responding to transparency concerns about legislative decisions increasingly taken at committee level, a change of the European Parliament’s Rules of Procedure introduced mandatory roll calls in committees from 2014. The article explains the context of the rule change, the data collection effort, and the data as such. A discussion of conflict across committees, party group cohesion and participation in roll call votes illustrates potential applications of the data. [R]
75.3813 OSIEMO, Onsando —
Food and agriculture were largely treated as exceptions from the GATT disciplines. The GATT Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) initiated a long-term process of trade liberalisation in agriculture. Food security is among the objectives of the AoA. Trade liberalisation in agriculture, the removal of protectionism, and tariffs in agricultural trade are envisioned as food security enhancing. However, although African countries embraced the WTO AoA, they have failed to liberalise their agricultural trade in line with the disciplines of the AoA. African countries have missed out on the benefits of agricultural liberalisation, among them being food security. As a result, Africa’s agricultural trade is anaemic and, coupled with her low agricultural productivity, Africa is plagued by hunger. [R]
75.3814 OTTO, Sabine ; KUBE, Felix ; SMIDT, Hannah —
UN peacekeeping operations (UNPKO) have been deployed in conflict-affected countries for decades. While we thoroughly understand what UNPKOs are mandated to do, there is little research on what activities peacekeepers actually do upon deployment in their host countries and in which sequence, if any. To address this gap, we formulate descriptive hypotheses about the number of implemented peacekeeping activities, the expansion toward new activity categories, and the sequencing of implemented activities. We use the novel Extended Peacekeeping Activity Dataset to evaluate our theoretical expectations for all UNPKOs deployed after the end of the Cold War until 2017. Our findings show that UNPKOs implement more activities over time. Yet, the expansion of UNPKOs’ activities into new activity categories by generation (second, third, and stabilization) is not as clear-cut in practice as expected. [R, abr.]
75.3815 PALACIOS, Irene ; ARNOLD, Christine —
Much of empirical research on public opinion is dominated by a focus on individual-level determinants of support for, or opposition to, the European Union, missing the heterogeneity that lies within and between societies. Our article aims to understand whether national publics are increasingly heterogeneous in their opinions towards Europe, and if so, how this heterogeneity manifests itself. To do so, we rely on a Eurobarometer trend file containing data on the 28 member states between 1994 and 2019. The results show that the degree of popular dissensus over European Union integration has gone deeper since the Maastricht Treaty and reached a peak during the years of the Great Recession (2010 to 2013). The study also demonstrates that the public opinion dynamics triggering heterogeneity vary across clusters of European Union member states. [R]
75.3816 PALESTINI, Stefano ; VILLARROEL, Yancy —
Drawing on contemporary debates on legitimacy and contestation in international relations, the article offers a novel analytical framework to study processes of legitimation and delegitimation of international sanctions. We apply the framework to analyse foreign policymakers’ 506 evaluations of the legitimacy of the sanctions imposed by states and international organisations against Nicolás Maduro’s regime in Venezuela. The content analysis of evaluative statements shows that (de)legitimation processes focus mostly on who has the right to enforce sanctions and reveals differentiated legitimacy evaluations of multilateral versus unilateral enforcers, as well as of different types of international organisations. Sanctions imposed by multilateral senders and with a restricted impact on targeted individuals are evaluated as more legitimate than unilateral sanctions with a wider scope. We argue that the study of the (de)legitimation of sanctions may have important implications not only for enhancing compliance, but especially for transforming international sanctions into a legitimate mechanism of global governance. [R]
75.3817 PAPPA, Foto —
Digital agriculture is described as a solution to population growth and climate change. It entails technologies such as robots, drones, sensors, Internet of Things (IoT) and AI. However, with the adoption of digital agriculture comes the concern that existing power asymmetries may deepen, and inequalities between farmers may be exacerbated. This article focuses on small farmers due to the correlation between a large farm size and the adoption of digital agriculture, cautioning that digital agriculture may progressively drive more and more farmers out of agriculture. This article examines the risks that digital agriculture poses to the human rights to science and food. On the right to science, this article covers access to technology, especially in relation to barriers for small farmers in adopting digital agriculture. It also explores the obligation to protect from the negative effects of (digital agricultural) technology. On the right to food, the article analyses the impacts on its elements, such as availability and accessibility. Finally, the article presents State obligations under the right to food, alongside an examination of potential measures to ensure State compliance with this right. [R]
75.3818 PARKS, Louisa —
The European Green Deal (EGD), a broad programme aiming at EU climate neutrality by 2050, includes attention to democratic participation. This article unpacks how social movement claims about participatory democracy are reflected in the EGD. It discusses the long-term impacts of social movements through the cumulative effects of protest cycles on complex political contexts and explains how movements’ claims about participatory democracy contributed to shape the EGD. After discussing how these claims have been carried through protest cycles since the turn of the millennium into current demands for citizens’ assemblies by climate justice movement groups, the EU’s actions to include this idea in the EGD and beyond is described. The EU has taken up the idea of citizens’ assemblies, but with important differences from their practice in protest cycles. Attention to the experiences of social movements and co-design approaches could allow for innovative EU policies and improved legitimacy. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3819 PEREHUDOFF, Katrina ; IPPEL, Kaja Anastazja —
The European Union (EU) governs global health through its constituent laws, institutions, actors, and policies. However, it is unclear whether or how these political factors interact to position the EU as a political determinant of global health. The authors conduct a case study of the political factors influencing the adoption of the EU’s Biotechnology Directive 98/44/EC and Orphan Medicines Regulation 141/2000. The European Commission (EC) generally framed both of its proposals around economical and biomedical paradigms aligned with the needs of the EU’s industry and patients, whereas the European Parliament (EP) contested some of these frames and proposed amendments supporting global access to medical products. The political factors influencing the adoption (in the Biotechnology Directive) or rejection (in the Orphan Regulation) of the EP’s amendments include the complementarity between the EP and EC proposals, the EP’s power in the intra- and interinstitutional negotiating process, the existence and support of civil society, and the alignment with member state priorities in the Council. In the late 1990s, the EU was an internally fragmented and politicized player concerning global health matters. These political factors should be considered for a coherent post-2022 EU strategy on global health. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3820 PINTO, Pablo M., et al. —
Does the intervention of an international organization in domestic politics render policy change more popular? While voters may ultimately care only about policy outcomes, the involvement of international actors often seems to lead to resentment. Still, citizens may have greater faith in the wisdom of international actors than in their own government. As others have argued, a well-respected international actor might provide a cue, especially for voters considering controversial policies like spending cuts. We test this argument in a novel pre-post experimental panel study conducted in Spain. We find that citizens become less opposed to unpopular spending cuts when informed that they are required by an international institution. The effects differ, however, across the two organizations that we test: They are stronger for the EU than for the IMF. [R, abr.]
75.3821 POLLEX, Jan —
The European Green Deal has defined the European Parliament’s recent term, pursuing an ecological transformation. This article examines key debates on its pillars, including nature protection and circularity, using perspectives from environmental and climate justice research. Distributive issues, such as the allocation of costs and benefits, emerge as central themes in the debates. The article highlights an emerging shift in environmental and climate policy towards distributional concerns as a central theme of the transition towards climate neutrality. It also addresses whether MEPs engage in climate scepticism, revealing a polarisation in Parliament, particularly between right-wing populists and centre-left groups. These divisions emerge along ideological lines, for instance, with centre-left groups emphasising global responsibility and the climate crisis, and centre-right groups focusing on internal cost distribution. Overall, it shows that questions of equity and justice are increasingly dominating environmental and climate policy, underscoring their importance in shaping future EU sustainability debates. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3822 ROSAMOND, Jeffrey ; DUPONT, Claire —
Climate policy negotiations in the EU have previously undermined the democratic legitimacy of the bloc’s legislative process. During both the 2020 and 2030 Climate and Energy Framework negotiations, the European Council went beyond its Treaty roles by laying out the policies needed to reach emissions reduction targets. Inter-institutional negotiations for Fit for 55, however, saw the Commission fulfil its executive function. In this paper, we ask the question: how has a shifting balance of power between the EU institutions impacted the democratic legitimacy of climate policy negotiations? Drawing from a political analysis of 21 interviews with policymakers, we argue that three processes characterised Fit-for-55 negotiations: a softening intergovernmentalism, cordial parliamentarianism, and empowered supranationalism. Each process appears to bolster core tenets of democracy: representation, accountability, and evidence-based policymaking. This paper therefore demonstrates that Fit for 55 seems to have proceeded with somewhat more democratically legitimate negotiations than preceding climate packages. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3823 SANCHEZ SALGADO, Rosa ; HANEGRAAFF, Marcel ; CREPAZ, Michele —
The study contributes (1) analyzes to which extent findings from previous studies can be replicated with a more nuanced research design and by employing the largest existing dataset on interest groups and EU funding, and (2) tests new hypotheses inspired by an alternative theoretical focus to mainstream approaches: associative democracy. To do so, we use data from the Comparative Interest Group Survey, a dataset of almost 2500 organizations across eight EU countries (Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, Portugal, Slovenia, Lithuania, the Czech Republic and Poland) and at the EU level. Our results offer two main contributions. By replicating recent studies, our findings nuance conclusions drawn this far regarding existing biases in the EU system of interest representation: it is true that rich and experienced interest groups are more likely to obtain EU funding. [R, abr.]
75.3824 SCHEPPELE, Kim Lane ; MORIJN, John —
Since 2010, the European Union has been challenged by rogue Member States that reject its fundamental values. The European Commission cajoled, expressed concern and occasionally brought infringement actions. Yet autocratisation continued. Then the EU passed three regulations with the 2021-2027 EU budget cycle and in response to the COVID-19 pandemic that explicitly permitted the Union to freeze funds to rogue Member States. At the end of 2022, the EU had acted on all three, freezing all non-agricultural funds to Hungary and Poland. Did this action restore EU values? The results are mixed. One the one hand, given the financial stakes, the funding freezes spurred rogue governments’ responses and moved rogue states’ publics to challenge their leaders more than any other mechanism had. On the other, the EU has since buckled under pressure to unfreeze all funds to Poland and most to Hungary, both before meaningful changes were implemented. Therefore, the jury is still out on the longer-term impact and benefits of budgetary conditionality, and on the question of whether we will see a definitive move away from the default of Money for Nothing. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3731]
75.3825 SCHMID, Benjamin, et al. —
The European Green Deal aims to put citizens at the heart of the European energy transition. Yet, their participation often falls short in terms of political involvement and self-governance. In contrast, the imaginary of energy democracy envisions democratising the energy system by involving citizens as political actors and assigns a key role to collectively organised energy citizenship initiatives in achieving this goal. However, it remains elusive how such initiatives contribute to democratisation processes and under what conditions of polycentric governance they achieve to do so. A Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of 14 energy citizenship initiatives in seven European countries shows that these contributions are diverse and characterised by national contexts. They range from strengthening local capacities for action to ownership and co-determination of energy infrastructure and direct participation of citizens in political decision-making processes. Four pathways of specific polycentric governance configurations are identified along which such contributions were achieved. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3737]
75.3826 SCRUGGS, Lyle ; FOX, Ashley ; REYNOLDS, Megan M. —
Social determinants of health are finally getting much-needed policy attention, but their political origins remain underexplored. In this article, the authors advance a theory of political determinants as accruing along three pathways of welfare state effects (redistribution, poverty reduction, and status preservation), and they test these assumptions by examining impacts of policy generosity on life expectancy (LE) over the last 40 years. The authors merge new and existing welfare policy generosity data from the Comparative Welfare Entitlement Project with data on LE spanning 1980-2018 across 21 countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. They then examine relationships between five welfare policy generosity measures and LE using cross-sectional differencing and autoregressive lag models. The authors find consistent and positive effects for total generosity (an existing measure of social insurance generosity) on LE at birth across different model specifications in the magnitude of an increase in LE at birth of 0.10–0.15 years (p < 0.05) as well as for a measure of status preservation (0.11, p < 0.05). They find less consistent support for redistribution and poverty reduction measures. The authors conclude that in addition to generalized effects of policy generosity on health, status-preserving social insurance may be an important, and relatively overlooked, mechanism in increasing LE over time in advanced democracies. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3827 SIGRIDUR FINNSDOTTIR, Maria —
Even as the far-right parties of Western Europe have made broad electoral gains, mainstream parties continue to enact a cordon sanitaire, effectively curtailing their legislative impact. Any potential ability of women far-right politicians to cooperate across party lines would open up important political opportunities not available for them within the far right. This article seeks to address the following question: are women of the far right able to cooperate with members of other political parties in ways that their men colleagues cannot? Using a network analysis of motion co-authorship across three sessions of the European Parliament, I find that there is a double marginalization of far-right women politicians — as women in far-right politics, and as far-right politicians in the European Parliament — which results in women politicians who lack influence within their parties, and within the European Parliament more broadly. [R]
75.3828 SIMEONOVA BARZACHKA, Nina —
The article examines Brexit through the historical institutionalist scholarship on European integration, critical junctures and institutional change. It finds that the concepts of path dependence, and critical junctures that emerge from exogenous shocks, as well as most processes of endogenous institutional transformation cannot fully account for Brexit. How can a Member State leave the EU, if membership in the organisation produces path-dependent effects and there is no exogenous shock? To answer the question, the article introduces the concept of a hybrid critical juncture — a period of increased contingency and uncertainty that is created gradually by a combination of exogenous and endogenous causes and agency. The article examines the events that led to the UK’s withdrawal from the EU to demonstrate how the hybrid critical juncture concept explains Brexit. [R, abr.]
75.3829 STOETZER, Lukas F. ; KROH, Martin ; DASEY, Leonard —
The free movement of people is a fundamental principle of the EU that has led to an increase in EU-internal migration. This study investigates the impact of increased immigration to Germany resulting from the 2004 and 2007 eastern enlargement of the EU on concerns about immigration within the German population. By merging 20 years of annual migration statistics with panel data on individual attitudes and exploiting exogenous variation in the gradual enlargement of the free movement policy, we examine the causal effects of EU-internal migration on immigration concerns. Our findings suggest that the influx of immigrants from new member states did not have a clear average effect on concerns about immigration, but increased concerns among German natives with materialist-survival values. The study provides insights into the societal division caused by opposition to immigration as part of the European integration process. [R]
75.3830 SZÉP, Viktor —
For a long time, foreign policy and trade were separated from each other in the European Union (EU). Although certain links have always existed between them, in the past the creation of such nexuses often generated constitutional tensions in the EU’s legal order and sparked controversies surrounding the choice of appropriate legal basis. This article aims to show that, since the birth of the geopolitical Commission, the traditional boundaries of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) have been blurred to the extent that it no longer makes sense to draw a strict line between these external policies. The geopolitical Commission has been the engine behind the transformation of EU external relations with its decision to align economic and foreign policy in a more strategic fashion. Although this article represents an effort to analyse the new legal developments in EU external relations, to some extent this research considers internal and external factors affecting EU law that go beyond traditional legal approaches, including the tectonic shifts in the global economy that triggered political reactions by the geopolitical Commission to use trade competences for CFSP purposes. [R]
75.3831 TOSHKOV, Dimiter —
This article studies the impact of immigration from Central and Eastern Europe on support for Eurosceptic parties. The analysis covers 30 national and European Parliament elections in seven Western, Northern and Southern European countries (2004 to 2019). For each election, I analyse how the local-level share of the vote for right- and left-wing Eurosceptic parties varies as a function of the levels and changes in the local-level share of Central and Eastern European immigrants from the population, controlling for the influence of relevant demographic, social and economic variables. I find that higher levels of immigration from Central and Eastern Europe are systematically related to higher voting shares cast for right-wing Eurosceptic parties at the local level in all of these countries, net of the influence of non-Western immigration, in elections for the European Parliament and in national elections as well. The effects on left-wing Euroscepticism are heterogeneous: positive in the Netherlands, Austria and Portugal, but negative in Italy, Denmark and Sweden. The effects have not diminished significantly over the past 15 years and are most visible in mid-sized localities. [R]
75.3832 VAN BEEK, Maël, et al. —
Scholars have written extensively about hierarchical international order, on the one hand, and war on the other, but surprisingly little work systematically explores the connection between the two. This disconnect is all the more striking given that empirical studies have found a strong relationship between the two. We provide a generative computational network model that explains hierarchy and war as two elements of a larger recursive process: The threat of war drives the formation of hierarchy, which in turn shapes states’ incentives for war. Grounded in canonical theories of hierarchy and war, the model explains an array of known regularities about hierarchical order and conflict. Surprisingly, we also find that many traditional results of the international relations literature — including institutional persistence, balancing behavior, and systemic self-regulation — emerge from the interplay between hierarchy and war. [R]
75.3833 VERSTRAETE, Wannes —
The world is entering an era of nuclear disorder. Therefore, this article aims to examine the European engagement with nuclear weapon questions at the beginning of this disorder. The research questions are: in what ways does Europe engage with nuclear issues? And how to make sense of the divergence and ambivalent stances among European states on nuclear weapons? The review identified engagement regarding non-proliferation and divergence on disarmament at the EU level, but mostly disengagement with nuclear deterrence questions outside of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), apart from short-lived discussions on the so-called ‘Eurodeterrent’. Regarding the former observation, it becomes increasingly hard to forge common positions on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament within an EU context. The latter observation is exemplified by recurring but ephemeral debates on a European nuclear deterrent. To understand the divergence and ambivalent stances, several factors are of importance, varying from the primacy of national interest to geography. Consequently, while the world is entering an era of nuclear disorder, Europeans should start a strategic dialogue on the necessity of nuclear weapons without undermining transatlantic relations. [R]
75.3834 VRIES, Karin de —
Four years after the murder of George Floyd and the global Black Lives Matter protests, racial profiling not only remains prevalent in law enforcement practices in- and outside Europe, but takes on new forms in the wake of technological developments enabling large scale data analysis and the use of algorithmic risk profiles. A few years ago, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) first dealt explicitly with the issue of racial profiling in the twin cases of Basu v. Germany and Muhammad v. Switzerland. More recently, the ECtHR held in Wa Baile c. Suisse that Switzerland had violated the prohibition of discrimination by subjecting the applicant to racial profiling at Zürich train station, as part of a police action to apprehend persons without a valid residence permit.1 While these judgments, especially in Wa Baile, go some way towards securing international State accountability for racial profiling, they also illustrate the difficulties of fighting such profiling as a form of structural discrimination under the ECHR. Meanwhile other human rights bodies, at the European and international levels, have both acknowledged the structural nature of racial profiling and published numerous policy guidelines and recommendations for positive State action to ensure non-discriminatory law enforcement. Yet, to date all of these instruments remain at the level of soft law. [R, abr.]
75.3835 WUNSCH, Natasha ; CHIRU, Mihail —
The European Parliament (EP) has repeatedly been criticised for its slow, insufficient response to democratic backsliding in several member states. At the same time, it is the arena where we find some of the most vigorous defences of the EU’s fundamental values and appeals to safeguard the rule of law across the Union. Leveraging an original dataset of MEP statements from plenary debates over the last two EP terms (2009-2019), this article examines the dynamics of norm contestation in the EP’s responses to democratic backsliding. We observe a discursive polarisation primarily along ideological lines, with a notable slippage among European People’s Party legislators who shift from scepticism towards EU intervention in rule of law matters to overt support. We show how Eurosceptic MEPs and those from backsliding countries seek to appeal to domestic voters by invoking negative partisanship and anti-Western resentment to discredit EU criticism. In contrast, pro-intervention MEPs situate their discourse at the supranational level and focus on defending European unity and the rule of law as shared identity. Overall, the growing contestation over the nature of fundamental values by Eurosceptics has crystallized a more vocal and differentiated engagement of Europhile MEPs in democratic backsliding debates. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3731]
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
75.3836 AHLAWAT, Dalbir —
This article examines the complex dynamics between India and China, particularly their positional and spatial rivalries in the Indo-Pacific region. Since the late 1940s, the two nations have engaged in territorial conflicts along the disputed border, culminating in the 1962 war. China’s quest for preeminence in the Indo-Pacific prompted India to strengthen ties with the US, join the Quad, and enhance regional partnerships. This paper argues that China’s intrusions along the Line of Actual Control in May 2020 aimed to teach India a lesson reminiscent of the 1962 war, diminish its influence, and force acceptance of China as the preeminent power. Analyzing China’s ambitions, and India’s strategic responses, the article assesses India’s inclination to recognize China’s dominance in the Indo-Pacific. As the two nations grapple with historical baggage and contemporary geopolitical shifts, the article explores the implications of their strategic choices on regional stability and global power dynamics. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.3837 AIZENMAN, Joshua, et al. —
We investigate the event-based geopolitical shocks from the Russian invasion of Ukraine on agricultural and energy commodities using daily event-based structural vector autoregression (SVAR). We find that the geopolitical shock affects the markets of wheat (2%), corn (1%), and European natural gas (7.5%). However, substantial heterogeneity is observed among the agricultural and energy markets. Geopolitical risk stemming from the Russia-Ukraine conflict affects the European natural gas market more strongly than the US and Asian markets. The regional segment of natural gas markets could explain this. Finally, our analysis explores how geopolitical news affects the dynamics of stock, currency, and bond markets. [R]
75.3838 AKAMI, Tomoko —
The institutional and intellectual setting of the IR Department of the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific (CAP) was closely connected to the broader knowledge-making process which had begun in the inter-war period. There, various social scientific methodologies and framings were deployed to deepen the understanding of the region and regional affairs as a part of global affairs. As the disciplinary boundaries developed, these interactive dynamics were pushed to the edges of the respective disciplines. The more the views from these edges were to be incorporated into the ‘centres’ of the IR discipline, the more meaningful and inclusive its disciplinary knowledge would become. Not a simple back-to-the-origin of the CAP IR, which was inevitably laden with colonial, racial, and gender biases of the time, but a spiral progression to its origin may lead us to a ‘different IR’. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.3839 ALDERMAN, Petra, et al. —
Combining international relations and critical geopolitics literature with a public opinion survey in Thailand that delves into some rarely explored and sensitive questions to understand respondents’ political views and attitudes, we examine the extent to which domestic political developments can be understood through a US-China great power lens. Are politically progressive Thais more likely to be pro-US, and more politically conservative Thais likely to favor China? While we find some relationship between liberal domestic political leanings and sympathy for the United States, we also show that conservative domestic political leanings do not automatically translate into support for China. To view election outcomes in a country such as Thailand as “wins” for one or other great power would be highly misleading. [R]
75.3840 ALIBELI, Madalla Awad —
This study gives a general overview of the Ukrainian crisis through the lens of game theory, examining the motivations and constraints of Ukraine, Russia, and the West. Game theory provides structural concepts that explore trust, cooperation, risk-taking, and coordination challenges within the crisis. The analysis considers the impact of power imbalances and external factors like alliances and historical ties, strategic behavior, and other factors. The article concludes by highlighting key takeaways from the game-theoretic approach that can provide a roadmap towards a deeper analysis, and a structural diplomatic approach to conflict resolution. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4202]
75.3841 ALLWÖRDEN, Laura von —
In 2017 US president Trump announced the intent to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. This was widely perceived as a major challenge to continued cooperation to counter climate change. A feared consequence was further member withdrawal leading to the weakening of the Paris agreement and thus, the climate change action norm. Yet instead, states and non-state actors recommitted to the agreement and further legitimated the norm. How did this contestation of the US withdrawal announcement contribute to the further legitimation of the climate change action norm? I argue that this is due to climate change action being established as a legitimate, institutionalized norm within a diverse community in the global climate regime, especially by the UNFCCC’s effort. Contestation and legitimation are connected in a holistic process. Trump’s contestation therefore triggered legitimation rather than de-legitimation. Based on 26 interviews with UNFCCC officials, COP negotiators and non-state actors, I show that the announcement can be perceived as catalyst to the norm legitimation. This article contributes to the literature on the legitimation and contestation of norms, especially those facilitated by international organizations in the global climate regime. [R]
75.3842 ALMEZAINI, Khaled —
This article critically examines the shifting dynamics of foreign aid politics within the Gulf states. Historically rooted in cultural factors and solidarity with Arab and Muslim nations, foreign aid from prominent donors such as the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait has undergone a profound transformation. Their aid has evolved from solidarity aid into an effective instrument of foreign policy, used strategically to project power and expand regional influence. This shift has not only redefined the role of Gulf countries in international and regional politics but has also catalysed the transformation of states in the broader Middle East. This article, therefore, seeks to answer the following two questions: (1) How do we explain the evolution of the politicisation of Gulf foreign aid? and (2) To what extent has the provision of Gulf foreign aid been a crucial determinant of changing regional dynamics in the Middle East, particularly since the Arab uprisings in 2011? It argues that Gulf donors have become crucial power brokers, shaping the politics and trajectories of key states such as Egypt post 2011. Their substantial financial assistance has proven instrumental in steering political and socio-economic transformations, highlighting the pivotal role of Gulf aid in shaping regional affairs. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.3843 ALUF, Dale —
Perceptions of Chinese activities are influenced by Western analysis that often inflates the China challenge and portrays it as an existential threat. [R]
75.3844 ANDORNINO, Giovanni B. ; CAFFARENA, Anna —
Fostering trust in international relations is a critically important yet challenging endeavour. Over recent decades, trust deficits among states have intensified and become more widespread, resulting in a systemic condition of pervasive mistrust. The United States (US)-People’s Republic of China (PRC) rivalry has played a pivotal role in generating this pervasive mistrust, as states pursue hedging strategies to mitigate their actual or potential vulnerabilities and safeguard their autonomy. A trust-building strategy is needed to counteract the detrimental effects of pervasive mistrust and bolster multilateralism in order to address critical global challenges in the ‘dangerous 2020s’. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Shifting alignments, alliances and rivalries in the Asia-Pacific and beyond”. See also Abstr. 75.3849, 3891, 3895, 3945, 3952, 4019, 4021]
75.3845 ANDRE, Pierre ; PIRLOT, Alice —
Arguments in support of carbon border adjustment measures are often based on considerations of justice. Implementing carbon border adjustment measures would be necessary to, first, promote fair competition between corporations and, second, make carbon pricing instruments more effective and thus prevent the harms of dangerous climate change. Yet, both arguments tend to obscure considerations of distributive justice relative to the burdens of climate policies and the benefits of economic cooperation. In this article, we first explain why the case for carbon border adjustment measures based on the ideal of fair competition between corporations is flawed. Second, if the priority of harm avoidance over fair burden-sharing can justify carbon border adjustment measures, we argue that it does not justify all kinds of carbon border adjustment measures. On the contrary, it puts significant constraints on their design. We contend that just carbon border adjustment measures should include design features that allow for some form of carbon leakage risk, either via country-differentiated prices or via country-specific exemptions. [R]
75.3846 ANOSOVA, Iuliia ; AKSAMITOWSKA, Karolina ; SANCIN, Vasilka —
Complementarity has been traditionally understood in a twofold manner. On the one hand, the principle of complementarity explicates the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. On the other hand, it has been conceptualised as the broader principle that governs the functioning of the international criminal justice system built after the entry into force of the Rome Statute. Understood in this sense, complementarity outlines the interplay between different (domestic and international) accountability actors, including national authorities and civil society. This article explores the ways in which the principle of complementarity has been operationalised in Ukraine since 2014, in an attempt to highlight the challenges faced by domestic and international justice actors in the situation of atrocities being committed in an ongoing armed conflict. It puts forward an argument that ad hoc responses introduced in cooperation and coordination with local and international partners — including the civil society — have been prioritised over permanent legislative solutions. These ad hoc responses have the potential to influence the expansion of the complementarity architecture, shape the coordinated accountability approaches and advance positive complementarity for core international crimes in ongoing armed conflicts. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3847 APETI, Ablam Estel ; EDOH, Eyah Denise —
This paper analyzes the effect of US economic sanctions on sovereign debt default across 118 developing countries from 1980 to 2018. We use entropy balancing method, and provide robust evidence that US sanctions increase sovereign debt default in the targeted states. This finding withstands several robustness tests, including alternative specifications and databases, and alternative estimation methods. The results also reveal some heterogeneity depending on the type of sanctions (for example, trade versus financial sanctions), on whether they are imposed unilaterally or multilaterally, on the severity of the sanctions, on the geographical distance from the United States, the time since sanctions were imposed, and some structural characteristics. In addition, we find that the development of cryptocurrencies reduces the effect of sanctions, and that failed sanctions have a greater effect on default. [R, abr.]
75.3848 ARIÖZ, Zeynep ; TOPDAĞ, Derya —
State fragility has received increasing attention in recent decades as a result of the nexus between development and international stability. This study investigates the empirical drivers of state fragility in sub-Saharan Africa from 2007 to 2019. We shed light on the explanatory variables of government effectiveness, political stability, per-capita GDP, grow GDP%, International Monetary Fund loans, and official development assistance. Using panel data analysis and a 39-country sample, our study finds that government efficiency and political stability, in contrast to foreign aid, has a significant effect on reducing fragility in sub-Saharan Africa. In light of these findings, the article proposes delivering foreign aid in ways that strengthen state capacity. [R]
75.3849 ARYAL, Saroj Kumar ; PULAMI, Manish Jung —
An examination of the McMahon Line, Radcliffe Line and Durand Line highlights their role as agents shaping regional security complexes in South Asia. By unravelling the intricate interplay of historical and rising populist narratives, evolving power dynamics and intensifying state rivalries surrounding these colonial-era boundaries, a comprehensive analysis of their contemporary security implications is provided. Building on Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s renowned theoretical framework, it is possible to elucidate the complexities of these boundary disputes while also addressing the inherent challenges in empirically applying such a framework to the nuanced dynamics of South Asia. Overall, a case study analysis of the McMahon, Radcliffe and Durand Lines allows the gap between the conceptual construct of the regional security complex and the intricate realities of regional security to be bridged. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3844]
75.3850 ATTINÀ, Fulvio ; CARAMMIA, Marcello —
The EU’s foreign policy makers are committed to backing the rule-based international order and the creation of international law treaties to tackle global issues. The importance of world framework policies as the foundation of the current world order system that was created after the Second World War is overlooked by the rules-based concept of world order. Based on the High Representative’s strategy papers, this article assesses the views of EU foreign policy makers on world order, multipolarity, and multilateralism to understand the EU’s position in the current transition phase of the world order system. The article also addresses the significance of strategic autonomy as it appears as the core concept of the EU policy towards order transition. The analysis is based on International Relations (IR) scholarship and Complex Systems Theory (CST), which reveals gaps and inconsistencies in current EU views on the changing world order and the necessity to improve our understanding of how the world order transition is evolving. [R]
75.3851 AYDIN, Mustafa ; IFANTIS, Kostas —
This short paper provides an overview of the complex and often turbulent relations between Greece and Turkey, focussing on recent developments and the challenges in their bilateral relationship. It discusses the historical context, including attempts at reconciliation, and examines the role of perceptions, geopolitics, and historical grievances in shaping the current situation. It emphasises the cyclical nature of Greek-Turkish relations, with periods of calm followed by tensions and crises. It highlights the need for a comprehensive approach to resolving the existing disputes between the two countries, including the importance of confidence-building measures and a political settlement. Overall, it underlines the complexity of Greek-Turkish relations and the challenges in achieving lasting peace and stability in the region, calling for a new paradigm in bilateral relations that addresses historical grievances, promotes mutual understanding, and fosters cooperation for the benefit of both countries and the region. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Greek-Turkish relations: theoretical reflections”. See Abstr. 75.3935, 3965, 3966, 4045, 4077, 4078]
75.3852 BADEL, Laurence —
This article draws upon perspectives opened up by a ‘subaltern’ approach to diplomacy and by the New Consular History. This study challenges the dichotomous approach between the diplomatic professions and the auxiliary professions of diplomacy, conveyed by the taxonomy of administrative sources and by the representations of the diplomatic actors themselves. Without having the title of junior civil advisor, some women abroad or in the central administration have held political responsibilities available to them. Finally, in the case of France, this article confirms the importance of female involvement in the Resistance as a factor of integration for 10 women, and even of career acceleration for the few women already present in the Foreign Ministry before the Second World War. [R, abr.]
75.3853 BADELL, Diego —
The EU is a liberal normative community, where liberal norms play a central role. While contestation is considered essential within a normative community to establish the legitimacy of norms, within the EU, contestation can also challenge the validity of its foundational norms. This raises the question of how this type of contestation affects EU foreign policy. This study examines two radical forms of contestation: opposition and dissidence. Through the analysis of two case studies, namely the Global Compact for Migration and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights, it becomes evident that the EU’s foreign policy system can sustain opposition, but dissidence has the potential to challenge or undermine those norms. [R]
75.3854 BADRI, Adarsh —
How do we explain the United States’ interventionist mindset in the international system since 1991? Since the end of the Cold War and the subsequent unipolar moment, America has actively promoted democracy and human rights globally. However, the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 and the Taliban’s subsequent takeover prompts us to re-think the ideological roots of interventionism between 1991 and 2021. Scholars have taken two broad positions on how they view America: an empire or a hegemon. In this article, I suggest that two conceptions help explain the US actions and behaviour in the international system but do not explicitly outline the rhetorical roots of the US intentions. Drawing on historical instances of messianic tendencies in the global political structure, this paper argues that a messianic state is a nation-state that assumes the global responsibility of saving societies from an impending threat. As a messianic state, the US has used the discursive logic of saving others by drawing on American exceptionalism and the global vision of democratic peace. The messianic content in American foreign policy matured between 1991 and 2010, but it has been in steep decline since 2015 with the rise of China and American inwardness. [R]
75.3855 BAE, Joonbum ; LEE, YuJung Julia —
While human rights are an integral part of liberal democratic rule, the extent to which public opinion in democracies prioritises human rights in other countries relative to other competing foreign policy priorities is not clear. This is particularly the case when a country that systematically breaches human rights also poses a serious security threat and there are incentives to improve relations with the regime in power. To assess whether and how the public values human rights vis-à-vis national security in foreign affairs, this paper utilises survey questions that capture the public’s relative preferences between the two in South Korean public opinion regarding relations with North Korea. It provides evidence that when a democratic government attempts to improve relations with a regime committing grave human rights violations, public opinion in the democracy deprioritises human rights in favour of reducing military tension. The findings shed light on the trade-off that exists in attempts to improve relations with a regime that is both a security threat and a systematic violator of human rights. [R]
75.3856 BARAN, Sinan —
The recent African scramble has resulted in uneven and combined development (UCD) in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) throughout the 21st century due to unequal exchange. South Africa plays a sub-imperial role in this scramble in SSA. It both exploits and is exploited. The mining industry in South Africa has attracted interest from colonial powers, English-speaking businesses, and foreign investors, making it a highly lucrative sector. Furthermore, most black South Africans have been employed in the mining industry since the late 19th century. Over the past 25 years, the African National Congress government has utilised the mining industry to achieve economic transformation through black economic empowerment policies. This study proposes that the mining sector in South Africa is responsible for the ongoing UCD, despite receiving new investments and empowerment policies. South Africa’s inclusion in BRICS has broadened its range of international partners beyond its traditional Western or African counterparts. However, South Africa’s decision to join the BRICS group in 2011 has not yet yielded the expected transformation in the country’s economy and growth. As a result, it is uncertain whether South Africa’s BRICS membership has addressed the country’s persistent problem of UCD. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 75.4101]
75.3857 BAYER, Reşat ; TAFAZZOLI, Bijan —
While some degree of competition is present in many authoritarian regimes, the implications of such controlled competition on international issues have not received much consideration, including towards international environmental accords. We attempt to rectify this through a framework where we focus on internal political competition in a hybrid, nondemocratic system where national elections are held regularly. Specifically, we argue that the presence of multiple actors competing in elections in nondemocratic settings results in them assuming positions on various issues, justifying their positions, and attempting to mobilize their supporters with considerable implications for international environmental policies. We display our argument in the context of Iranian debates on the ratification of the Paris Climate Accords. Our findings demonstrate that the competing Iranian sides rely on different justifications for their environmental positions, resulting in extensive (negative) competitions of rhetoric where the international dimension emerges as an important feature in the internal competition. Overall, we show that political competition within non-democracies is likely to add to the complexity of international (environmental) negotiations and cooperation. [R]
75.3858 BECKMANN, Joscha ; CZUDAJ, Robert L. ; MURACH, Michael —
The objective of this paper is to analyze the macroeconomic effects of media coverage related to the trade conflict between China and the US for selected countries of the EU. Our main aim is to evaluate whether media coverage constitutes a relevant transmission channel for macroeconomic effects. We evaluate the response of survey-based macroeconomic expectations, stock prices, and realized industrial production. Our analysis focuses on Germany, France, Italy, and Spain in order to allow for heterogeneous effects across major EU countries. We find significant effects on expectations, stock prices, and industrial production. Especially, a significantly negative effect on current account expectations is observed for three of the four considered EU countries (Germany, Italy, and Spain). [R]
75.3859 BINDER, Andrea —
Offshore finance allows foreign banks to create US dollars under the laws of an offshore jurisdiction. How and why does this affect international monetary power? Conceptually, I argue that offshore finance bifurcates across borders the shared power of the state and banks to create money, combining the US dollar with mostly English law. Empirically, I demonstrate that more US dollars are created offshore outside US jurisdiction than onshore within it. Offshore finance increases liquidity, at higher risk, and leads to a cross-border entanglement of issuing country, offshore financial centers, borrowers, and global banks. In short, offshore finance changes the power inherent in money. Consequently, international monetary power has become the ability to get access to offshore dollars in combination with the capacity to determine international liquidity and to set, select, or circumvent the related rules. [R, abr.]
75.3860 BÖHM, Hynek ; NOVOTNÝ, Lukáš ; KUROWSKA-PYSZ, Joanna —
The Turów lignite coalmine, a decisive economic actor and employer, is situated on the Polish side of the trilateral Euroregion Neisse-Nysa-Nisa. The decision to continue coal mining until 2044 was disputed, as Czech authorities raised concerns about its negative impact on the environment. This resulted in a Czech-Polish dispute that ended with an intergovernmental agreement in February 2022. However, during the 2 years preceding the conflict-resolution, the dispute caused controversy in this part of the borderland, which was considered well-integrated thanks to the activities of the Euroregion Neisse-Nysa-Nisa created in 1991. Thus, we examine the impact of this dispute on mental distance in this part of the borderland and the resilience of cross-border integration through interviews with local stakeholders and surveys with local inhabitants. [R, abr.]
75.3861 BORDÓN, Javier ; REFAI, Eyad —
This article examines aid as a foreign policy tool for power and influence. In doing so, it highlights the historical and contemporary Saudi-Yemeni relationship to analyse the different patterns of Saudi aid over the last three decades, including shifts in aid criteria and allocation. The article travels between 1994 and 2022, accounting for domestic, regional and international structures and dynamics that influenced the strategy, direction, scope and sum of Saudi aid. Saudi Arabia’s use of foreign aid as an instrument of political ordering and control is not only governed by the kingdom’s complex and multifaceted relation with Yemen, whose particularities and contingencies call for thorough consideration. Rather, regional and international realities also play a role. All these external influences are mediated by the priorities and perceptions of the Saudi leadership, whose decisions are also affected by elite struggles, domestic politics and institutional arrangements, and for whom Yemen invariably represents a source of concern– but also of opportunity. The work embraces a neoclassical realist framework to make sense of how domestic and external shifts redefined and redirected aid as concept and practice. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.3862 BOYS, James D. —
The Clinton administration’s drive to enact reform in Ukraine during the 1990s was viewed at the time as being necessary for the nation’s revitalization and re-integration into Western Europe. Decades later, these policies have been critiqued for antagonizing the Kremlin, causing it to seek political control over its former satellite. This paper addresses the viability of the Clinton administration’s efforts and the reasons for their ultimate failure. It finds that despite its best intentions, the administration’s economic strategy faced unanticipated resistance from the Kremlin, as long-standing ties with Kiev undermined US-led efforts for economic and political reform. [R]
75.3863 BRANDON, Emma —
This article provides a summary and reflection on the results relating to the United States of America (United States or US) in the EU cost Action ca18228 (the Action) and the Scoping Survey on states’ experiences with international criminal justice. It looks at how the United States has engaged or not engaged with international criminal justice in its law, policy, institutions, civil society, and culture. The data demonstrates that the United States’ relationship with international criminal justice has been complex and, at times, controversial. More specifically, it shows the importance of framing international criminal justice as within the United States’ national interest to ensure US support for the project. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3864 BRAVO-LAGUNA, Carlos ; LEVI-FAUR, David —
The increasing institutionalization of regulatory oversight worldwide has not resulted in the creation of numerous formal channels of transnational regulatory oversight cooperation. Despite its puzzling nature, this circumstance has barely attracted scholarly attention. Additionally, the study of cooperation across transgovernmental regulatory networks with actors having low autonomy from central governments remains under-researched. We fill these literature gaps by applying insights from the policy networks literature to identify drivers of transnational regulatory oversight cooperation. Combining Exponential Random Graph Models with semi-structured interviews, we show that commonalities in administrative traditions drive cooperation. Innovative bodies become sources of best practices. Conversely, exchanges between countries with similar regulatory oversight settings or preferences are rare, perhaps due to their low independence from their political principals. These results suggest that regulatory oversight actors use relational opportunities and general country features as cues for transnational cooperation. [R, abr.]
75.3865 BRIGHI, Elisabetta —
Silvio Berlusconi’s legacy in Italian politics has been considerable and widely studied. However, did Forza Italia’s leader change Italy’s foreign policy as dramatically as he changed domestic politics? What legacy, if any, has Berlusconi left in international politics? In this article, I will argue that Berlusconi left a distinctive although not enduring legacy in Italian foreign policy, initiating a populist, nationalist and revisionist course that partially disrupted Italy’s traditional diplomatic stance and foreshadowed a number of global trends. Berlusconi’s impact on international affairs, however, goes beyond his record as diplomat. Berlusconi provided a template, or model, that leaders worldwide widely emulated, helping to set the stage for populists everywhere. The combination of short-lived policy changes and long-lasting shifts in political attitudes constitute Berlusconi’s complex legacy in international politics. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3590]
75.3866 BROOKS, Eleanor ; LAUBER, Kathrin —
The European Union’s “good governance” program, known as Better Regulation, seeks to improve the quality of EU legislation by controlling the policy-making process. Despite its importance, it is rarely accounted for in the EU health policy literature. Seeking to address this gap, this article introduces Better Regulation in the context of health policy making. It conceptualizes a model of regulatory chill, drawn from the literature on international trade, to interrogate the impact of Better Regulation on EU policy-making processes. Using examples from the literature and data from a series of interviews with EU officials, it explores potential pathways of response and anticipatory chill, identifying direct enforcement of Better Regulation, its utilization by corporate actors, interpretation of its provision by officials, and feedback loops as possible routes of influence. The article argues that such an approach not only presents methodological challenges but also offers a valuable way of conceptualizing the relevance of political institutions in general, and Better Regulation specifically, for health. As part of broader calls for attention to the political determinants of health, the article’s findings highlight the particular, and often overlooked, importance of metaregulatory policy frameworks. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3759]
75.3867 BROWN, Jonathan —
This article reopens the case of British involvement in the Belmonte Letter by mining insights from thousands of primary documents that have remained either undiscovered or untapped in archives across Britain, the United States, Bolivia, and Colombia, including a cache of recently released material. The resulting analysis generates novel findings that challenge conventional understandings and suggest a new history of Britain’s role in the incident, with the Foreign Office taking center stage. [R]
75.3868 BRUSENBAUCH MEISLOVA, Monika ; GLENCROSS, Andrew —
The article analyses the renewed importance of bilateralism for the UK’s engagement with individual EU member states in relation to security and defence policy. By systematically scrutinising the bilateral agreements with 18 EU countries concluded between the EU membership referendum in 2016 and the end of Boris Johnson’s premiership in 2022, we argue that the UK currently finds itself in the process of transitioning from one policy regime (multilateralism) to another (bilateralism); we look at it through the lens of four key aspects stemming from regime theory, namely (1) triggering factors; (2) institutional design and adaptation; (3) path dependency; and (4) regime sustainability. The analysis shows how the sustainability of a purely bilateral regime, with its high degree of customisation and intrinsic reliance on specific reciprocity, is precarious, albeit while leaving open the possibility to incorporate a future multilateral component. [R, abr.]
75.3869 BUFANO, Sarah —
Global leaders in renewable energy, the European Union (EU) and Brazil have repeatedly referred to energy cooperation as fundamental to their relations. Through the EU-Brazil Strategic Partnership, they established the Energy Policy Sectoral Dialogue (Dialogue) in 2007 to foster cooperation on this mutual interest. Yet cooperation has been limited. Other scholars have investigated the hindering factors, and this article contributes to that research by identifying additional ones. Since the Dialogue’s last meeting, there have been changes in technology, climate change, and the global environment. This article explores whether there are new opportunities for cooperation in renewable energy, analysing biofuels, hydropower, wind, nuclear, and solar. It concludes that solar energy cooperation is a shared priority, would meet the Strategic Partnership’s objectives, and has growth potential — and therefore could revitalize the Dialogue and EU-Brazil renewable energy relations. [R]
75.3870 BULJUBAŠIĆ, Mirza —
The post-conflict landscape of Bosnia and Herzegovina remains deeply fragmented, characterized by the interplay of international and domestic responses to atrocity crimes committed during the 1992–1995 war. The Dayton Peace Agreement established frameworks to address these atrocities but also entrenched ethnic divisions. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s judicial measures, led by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and domestic courts, aimed to establish accountability but faced significant challenges, including political polarization. Civil society organizations and cultural initiatives have played important roles, yet their efforts are often hindered with, for example, the continuity of ethnic grievances. Drawing on the EU cost Action ca18228 Scoping Survey on states’ interactions with international criminal justice, this paper explores how different actors in BiH navigated the responses to atrocity crimes and assesses what has been fulfilled or left unfulfilled. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3871 BUTLER, Graham —
Only one of Europe’s micro-states is a republic: the Republic of San Marino. This non-EU Member State is an enclave of Italy and sits in a mountainous region of the Apennine Mountains. Given its proximity to the EU, being fully surrounded by it, and the extent to which integration through law has occurred within the EU, the law and policy of EU external relations demands that EU-San Marino relations must exist in some way. Yet the EU’s legal relations with third states in Europe have evolved along different trajectories, accounting for the individuality and uniqueness of each. As uncovered in this article, the EU-Sammarinese relationship stretches across a limited array of international agreements, with their own specific width and depth. Taken together, this mishmash of accords, and the way in which regulatory alignment is designed by them, portrays an outdated model of relations that need an update. With an envisaged association agreement between the EU and San Marino on the horizon, this article analyses the legal relations of the parties as they presently stand, accounting for their history, the substance of the international agreements, and the promise of what future legal relations ought to achieve between them. [R]
75.3872 CÁCERES BUSTAMANTE, Javiera ; PACHECO, Yilly Vanessa —
Traditionally relegated to the periphery of European Union (EU) trade agreements, sustainable development concerns have gained prominence in the last decade, reflecting a paradigm shift in the EU’s external relations. The urgent need for action against climate emergencies and biodiversity loss has underscored the instrumental role trade policies can play in achieving environmental objectives and has shaped the EU’s global leadership in environmental protection. This article highlights the growing significance of forest protection as an integral component of the EU multilateral environmental agenda linked to climate change and biodiversity protection in the context of the EU preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, and Chile. The study scrutinizes the EU’s unilateral and bilateral trade policies related to antideforestation commitments and sustainable forest management, particularly in the context of trade treaties with Chile and the Andean region, examining how the evolving approach in forest matters may influence EU-Andean relations within the context of their trade agreements. By exploring these dynamics, the article contributes to understanding the intricate intersections between forest concerns, international trade, and sustainable development, offering insights into the evolving landscape of the EU’s efforts. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3754]
75.3873 CADORET, Isabelle ; PADOVANO, Fabio —
This paper examines how and to what extent spatial interactions among EU national governments affect the stringency of environmental policies (EP). We innovate on the literature along three dimensions: (1) we evaluate the spatial interactions across countries to assess the “interaction dividend” associated with international treaties; (2) we better examine how political and institutional variables shape EP when such interactions are taken into account; (3) we identify the type of EP for which these interactions play a more relevant role by considering for the first time the new EPS21 disaggregated indexes of policy stringency. In a sample of 21 European countries between 2000 and 2018, a benchmark model shows that, among country-specific effects, proxies for the industries’ lobbying power, quality of governance, government’s ideology, decentralization and the urbanization rate of voters play important roles. [R, abr.]
75.3874 ÇAKMAK, Gizem Alioğlu —
The discovery of new natural gas resources in the Eastern Mediterranean fueled the tension in the region and led to a highly complicated crisis involving multiple actors. This study adopts a constructivist approach in analyzing the political economy of the Eastern Mediterranean energy crisis by relying on the role of identities and ideas in shaping economic decisions. The historical enmity between Turkey and Greece over Cyprus is at the heart of the crisis. Thus, the study focuses on the Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus triangle to reveal the impact of Turkey’s image constructed by Greece and the Republic of Cyprus, on the political-economic aspect of the decisions of Greece and Greek Cypriots. To accomplish this objective, a two-stage content analysis was conducted by filtering the official statements of Greece and the RoC from their respective foreign ministries, utilizing the keyword “Eastern Mediterranean.” By scrutinizing the official discourses and documents, the analysis aims to delve into the image of Turkey held by these actors. [R]
75.3875 CARCELLI, Shannon ; PARK, Kee Hyun —
In 2018, the US-China trade war drove down the price of many US agricultural goods. While many farmers responded by planting alternative crops instead, others continued planting the low-value crops, with a high cost to their bottom line and resulting in a large number of agricultural bankruptcies. Why did some farmers disregard their own economic interests and plant low-value crops during the trade war? We argue that political preferences partially explain farmer behavior. Matching geo-referenced crop data to product-level sanctions lists from China, we calculate county-level changes in the planting of crops affected by the tariffs. We find that counties with a higher Trump vote share in the 2016 election were significantly less likely to change planting decisions due to the trade war. This suggests that partisanship may affect the economy more broadly than previously realized. [R]
75.3876 CARELLI, Daniel —
In European governance, transnational administrative networks have become crucial for addressing complex cross-border challenges, supplementing formal harmonization efforts with informal collaborative mechanisms. However, little attention has been given to their role in addressing super-wicked policy problems, where formal structures and political prioritization are lacking despite pressing temporal deadlines and substantial costs for future generations. This study investigates the drivers of administrative coordination in Europe within such contexts, using the case of antimicrobial resistance as a case study. Employing a mixed-method approach, including Logistic Regression Quadratic Assignment Procedure and a qualitative analysis based on originally collected expert survey and interview data, the research uncovers a notable trend: countries with similar levels of institutional quality are four times more likely to establish connections. [R, abr.]
75.3877 CASPERSEN, Nina ; GUEUDET, Sophie —
The dependence of de facto states/breakaway-territories on external patrons is well-established, but we lack detailed knowledge of the dynamics of these hierarchical relationships, including opportunities for client agency. Through a comparative study of two patron–client relationships that had reached a crisis point, this article examines how the weaker client responds when at odds with its patron. Drawing on original data, including archival sources and interviews, it provides a bottom-up analysis of the relationship between Serbia and Republika Srpska after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement and between Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh immediately after the 2020 war. The out-of-equilibrium behaviour presents an opportunity for analysing the underlying mechanisms of patron–client relationships. In both cases, the crisis resulted in deep mistrust of the patron, but the de facto states were unable to sever links. They were constrained by a lack of reliable alternative supporters, continued patron dependence and powerful ethno-nationalist narratives. Non-recognition added to the client’s weakness, yet we still find clear examples of agency: external supporters were courted, and patrons were pressured through obstruction or appeals to its domestic forces. What resulted was a renegotiated, less hierarchical relationship. The article adds to our understanding of patron–client relationships, including those involving non-sovereign entities where an effective patronage monopoly still exists. It contributes to the existing literature with typologies of patron–client crises and client strategies for reclaiming autonomy, and with detailed empirical evidence of client agency and constraining factors, and by demonstrating the potential leverage of some of the weakest international actors. [R]
75.3878 CHACHAVALPONGPUN, Pavin —
This article reinterprets the Thai discourse of bamboo diplomacy. In a normative study of Thai foreign policy, bamboo diplomacy has been readily taken as a self-explanatory approach behind the resilience of Thailand’s position through bending with the prevailing wind of international politics for its survival. However, the oversimplification of this view of bamboo diplomacy belittles the reality in which the making of Thai foreign policy demands careful calculations and even sacrifices from the political elites. Proposing a reinterpretation of Thai diplomacy, the article argues that Thai bamboo diplomacy has been shaped by the interplay between interests and values as a basis of the shift of Thai positions and alliances throughout the country’s history. A main research question is: Under which condition is a values-based Thai foreign policy formulated and implemented? While the interests-driven approach has remained central to Thai foreign policy, Thailand has demonstrated some resilience in its shift towards a values-based foreign policy if dictated by domestic and international factors. Under this circumstance, values are vital as a legitimisation mechanism for the shift of foreign policy and alliances for the ultimate attainment of national interests. [R]
75.3879 CHAJDAS, Tymoteusz —
This article examines the transformative role of connectivity politics amid global upheaval, focusing on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Western connectivity strategies. It explores how China’s strategic use of connectivity has enabled it to navigate crises and exert global influence, while also analyzing the strengths and weaknesses of both Chinese and Western approaches. The article highlights the importance of multilateral collaboration, environmental sustainability, local empowerment, and adaptive policies for future connectivity initiatives. By synthesizing lessons from both the BRI and Western models, the article proposes a balanced and sustainable framework for global development, offering insights into fostering a more interconnected, equitable, and resilient world. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4202]
75.3880 CHAN, Steve ; HU, Weixing —
We argue that there is a need for greater conceptual clarity, transparent logic and systematic evidence to substantiate the claim that a rising China poses a threat to international peace and stability. This topic is clearly important for verifying theories of war and peace. It also has obvious policy relevance, as an armed clash between China and the US would be an enormous tragedy not only for the people of those countries but also for the rest of humanity. For these reasons, we discuss the case of China; we place it in the context of prevailing discourse on the sources of war and order, and caution against sweeping generalizations and dogmatic assertions. We offer caveats both for colleagues studying IR and those in the policy community. We aspire to encourage greater empathy and introspection in contemplating the issue of rising states and world order. [R, abr.]
75.3881 CHAROENSRI, Narut —
Thailand’s development has been influenced by numerous factors, one of which is its interplay with China. However, the Thai government and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) hold different perspectives on China’s role in the Mekong subregion and Thailand. This article aims to analyze the differences in views between the Thai government and NGOs regarding China’s rise in four key areas: the environment, infrastructure development, the economy, and the political rivalry between China and the United States. I argue that Thai officials perceive China’s ascent as an opportunity. It provides Thailand, as a medium-sized country, with more opportunities to receive assistance and engage in trade. Additionally, China can help balance the power of the United States. Conversely, NGOs view China’s rise in the region as a problematic phenomenon. [R]
75.3882 CHAUHAN, Rishika —
In China’s pursuit of aggrandizing power and regional hegemony, it has employed various tactics and strategies — “salami slicing” is one of them. “Salami slicing” is defined as policies used incrementally by Beijing to improve its foreign policy position. China has employed “salami slicing” in the South China Sea and along its borders with India, Nepal, Bhutan and other countries. The tactic has caused concern in India, as China has gradually occupied the disputed territory along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), raising the questions: How does Beijing employ this tactic to gain disputed territory from India and what is its rationale? Besides, has India prepared itself to retaliate? This article examines these questions, arguing that China intruded along the LAC in May 2020 at multiple points to grab territory on the Indian side under the aegis of its salami slicing tactic. Beijing knew from previous attempts that India would provide a strong response if it tried to grab territory at one point along the border, thus, incursions took place at multiple points backed by significant military reserves to force India to accept China’s land grab. However, India demonstrated both military preparedness and political resolve to tackle Beijing’s salami slicing tactic. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.3883 CHEN, Jia ; XIN, Ge ; YE, Fangjin —
Studies of international investment treaties have debated whether these agreements independently increase foreign investment flows. This article contributes to the debate by contextualizing the impact of bilateral investment treaties on post-coup domestic political environments. We argue that these treaties enable capital-receiving countries to live up to their commitments of investment protection and promote foreign investment when signatories’ capacity for investor protection has been compromised by the political turmoil of coup events. Using a sample that covers 81 countries between 1970 and 2017, we find that bilateral investment treaties are positively associated with foreign investment in post-coup countries, and that this association is strongest in the immediate years following the coup and attenuates gradually over time. This finding potentially lends support to theorizations of bilateral investment treaties as substitutes, rather than complements, to domestic institutions in fostering investment activities. [R]
75.3884 CHILDS, Nick —
The UK’s critical challenges is to achieve the right balance between integrated and sovereign capabilities so as to add values without overstretching limited resources or descending to mere tokenism. [R]
75.3885 CHO, Hyun-Binn ; CHAO, Brian C. —
Freedom-of-navigation operations (FONOPs) led by the United States have become a prominent policy tool in the South China Sea. These operations, however, have caused much confusion and consternation in the region despite the limited legal purpose that they officially serve. Why? This article departs from existing research by examining FONOPs as a form of signalling. Utilising an original dataset on US FONOPs in the South China Sea, we explain why and how FONOPs are ambiguous signals. Because of the nature of FONOPs using warships, the complexities in the maritime environment, and the irregularity of FONOPs, serious sender-receiver gaps emerge in the South China Sea regarding whether FONOPs signal resolve, coercive intent, and/or intentions to check certain states’ broader ambitions. Our analysis reveals that some signalling interpretations of FONOPs in the region are more plausible than others, thus helping to reduce the signalling ambiguity of these operations. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4025]
75.3886 CHOI, Inho ; KWON, Minju —
This article examines the ontological complexity of interpolity orders with a focus on peripheral polities in the Qing order. Existing multiculturalist studies of the Qing order emphasized diverse cultural representations of a single imperial reality, lacking an understanding of multiple realities experienced by peripheral participants. Our analysis reveals the ontological complexity — rather than cultural diversity — of the Qing order, in which multiple ontological agents experienced different lived worlds, from the encounter between Chosŏn Korean envoys and the Tibetan Panchen Lama at Emperor Qianlong’s birthday ceremony. By analyzing the Chosŏn envoy member Pak Chiwŏn’s travelog and Tibetan records, we argue that the Chosŏn envoys with Confucian ontology experienced the Panchen Lama as a subhuman, while the Lama experienced the envoys as ignorant lay beings. Observing this ontological dissonance, Pak Chiwŏn criticized the Qing court’s appropriation of peripheral ontologies and proposed experiencing other ontologies to foreground the presence of the pluriverse in the interpolity order. Beyond the Qing, an ontological approach will help reveal heterogeneous lived worlds of interpolity orders and reconceptualize interpolity order under the condition of ontological complexity. [R]
75.3887 COLLINS, Robin —
The paper critiques the expansion of NATO as a nuclear-armed alliance, exploring whether enlargement provoked Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the role of deterrence in conflict escalation. Despite NATO’s efforts to bolster Ukraine’s defenses without direct intervention, questions remain about the effectiveness of its deterrence strategy. Public opinion shifts in Sweden and Finland toward NATO membership after Russia’s actions highlight broader implications for European security. The paper also assesses the non-implementation of the Minsk agreements, exploring missed opportunities for conflict resolution and peacebuilding. By examining these dynamics, it contributes to debates on NATO’s future, the efficacy of nuclear deterrence, and the prospects for cooperative security amidst escalating global tensions. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.3888 COLOMBA-PETTENG, Léonard —
The EU has been attempting to promote stability in the Sahel since 2011 through capacity-building missions in the security and defence sectors. These policy instruments have been criticised for their limited effectiveness. To explain it, a common argument claims that ‘local elites’ lack ownership and political engagement. This article opposes such rationale and suggests that we need to rethink the agency of non-European actors beyond a Eurocentric conceptual toolbox (‘resistance’, ‘fragility’, ‘ownership’). Building on an ethnography of the European capacity-building mission in support of security forces in Niger (EUCAP Sahel), this article shows that Nigerien elites regard the EU as an economic resource rather than a genuine security actor. Therefore, they primarily seek economic profits, material advantages, and professional opportunities from EU security policies. [R, abr.]
75.3889 COSTA BURANELLI, Filippo —
Among the founding figures of the English School of International Relations (ES) and the British Committee (BC), Adam Watson is perhaps the least studied and researched. How, for example, did his past as diplomat informed his Weltanschauung and his understanding of combining theory and practice? How did his academic relationship and friendship with other members of the BC and colleagues shaped his outlook on international politics? What was his political theory and philosophy? And what have his contributions been, not simply to the ES, but to IR writ large? This paper offers an intellectual portrait of Adam Watson and his persona, making use not only of his published written production, but also of so far unexplored archives and materials. Specifically, the paper situates Adam Watson within the ES and the broader IR panorama, taking into account the professional, academic, and human material that the extensive research for this paper has uncovered. [R] 3890]
75.3890 COSTA BURANELLI, Filippo ; STIVACHTIS, Yannis —
This is the introduction to the special issue ‘Adam Watson and International Relations: A Contemporary Reassessment’. In this short piece, the guest editors outline the genesis, development, and purpose of the project, offer a rationale for the special issue, summarise the papers in it, and reflect on the importance of Adam Watson within the English School and International Relations canons. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue. See Abstr. 75.3103, 3118, 3135, 3137, 3141, 3145, 3808, 3889, 4004, 4044, 4064, 4073]
75.3891 DAGA, Giulia —
In the past few decades, the concept of tolerance has gained a central place in Oman’s political discourse and foreign policy. It is often attributed to the country’s national identity, which in turn is interpreted as deriving from Oman’s Ibadi tradition, the cosmopolitan character of its maritime history and its strategic geographic location. Despite greater attention being paid to the constructive nature of Oman’s identity, including its connection with Ibadism, however, a careful reflection on how the concept of tolerance developed from a religious to a foreign policy principle is still missing. A Discourse-Historical analysis of speeches directed towards a domestic and international audience highlights how the political discourse on tolerance, by reinforcing identity-engineering efforts, supported the Omani government’s legitimation and status-seeking purposes at home and abroad. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3844]
75.3892 DAI, Xinyuan ; LU, Lucie —
The rise of China represents a seismic shift in the field of IR. We examine the implications of this for the international order, with a focus on human rights. Is China seeking to undermine or replace rules and institutions that an earlier and much weaker China did not fully participate in creating? Using the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) as a laboratory, we analyse over 93,000 recommendations made by states between 2008 and 2021. We highlight the multidimensionality of international human rights norms and provide new and systematic evidence that China, like most other countries, endorses some norms more than others. China champions social and economic rights both strongly and increasingly — a position shared by many countries, particularly in the global South. [R, abr.]
75.3893 DAL, Emel Parlar ; MATSUMOTO, Nobuhide Mert —
This article investigates the legitimacy of informal intergovernmental organizations (IIGOs) based on the six identified criteria and by understanding the impact of 94 active IIGOs on diverse issue areas within the realm of multilateralism. It introduces an innovative framework grounded in six specified legitimacy criteria derived from six hypotheses: (1) IIGOs’ selected policy areas (economic, political, security or social affairs); (2) bureaucratic structure; (3) economic development level of member states; (4) geographical distribution of members between the global North and the global South; (5) pursuance of proactive diplomacy within formal intergovernmental organizations; and (6) the capacity of IIGOs for norm creation and diffusion. We aim to uncover the extent to which IIGOs exhibit high, moderate or low levels of legitimacy based on the six legitimacy criteria. [R, abr.]
75.3894 DELEV, Christian —
The Climate Crisis fixes our attention on a hurdle at the heart of the European Union’s (EUs) trade policy agenda. While striving for deeper trade liberalization commitments with its trading partners, the European Commission recognized the need for ‘proactive’ cooperation and ‘mainstreaming’ sustainability in its 2022 Trade and Sustainable Development review. To achieve these strategic objectives, the EU must ensure effective and lasting cooperation with its trade partners, and Latin American states in particular owing to the latter’s pivotal role within the global value chains that shape the global green transition. Adopting an institutionalist perspective, the present article examines the powers and limits of trade committees in EU-Latin America free trade agreements (FTAs) as drivers for sustainability action. Designed as the main channels for engagement between FTA parties, trade committees are treaty bodies typically exercising broadly-defined powers. This article makes three contributions to the analysis of trade committees. First, it examines the circumstances under which EU-Latin America trade committees generate regulatory cooperation and the types of sustainability action they are empowered to take. Second, the specific role of EU-Latin America trade committees in shaping the scope and interpretation of treaty obligations and monitoring treaty implementation, is explored. Finally, the article considers the likely place of trade committees within ‘next generation’ EU-Latin America FTAs and the EU’s broader ‘trade and sustainable development’ policy shift. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3754]
75.3895 DELL’ERA, Alice ; PIASENTINI, Matteo —
The Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), launched by Italy, Japan and the United Kingdom (UK) in December 2022, is among the latest examples of strategic minilateral arrangements — that is, defensive balancing coalitions formed to respond to the systemic challenges of an increasingly competitive international system. A comparative analysis of the three members’ objectives suggests, however, that GCAP differs from other forms of strategic minilateralism. Indeed, members’ participation in the programme does not necessarily rest on overlapping strategic objectives, but rather on internal considerations linked to domestic industrial and export opportunities. Accordingly, we argue that GCAP should be better categorised as a ‘tech-oriented’ rather than a ‘strategic’ minilateral. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3844]
75.3896 DENI, John R. ; NIELSEN, Elisabeth —
Ukraine’s membership in NATO would pose unique challenges for allied collective defense, as Ukraine is likely to remain under threat from overt and covert Russian military activities. [R]
75.3897 DIJKEMA, Claske ; ANCTIL AVOINE, Priscyll ; KOOPMAN, Sara —
Peace is often represented as a matter of time, as a political state that happens after war. This special issue contests this linear and binary view by giving an account of being and thinking between the boundaries of peace and war. It challenges mainstream ideas, political discourses, and collective imaginaries about the location of violence, peace, and peacebuilding. It provides empirical and theoretical arguments as to why Peace and Conflict Studies and Geographies of Peace should widen their scope of empirical sites to include contexts of non-war violence, such as military urbanism, counterterrorism, police violence, migration, environmental struggles, and continued everyday violence and peacebuilding in different locations. It presents four theoretical lines of inquiry: (1) spatiality; (2) temporality; (3) feminist phenomenology; and 4) decolonial thought. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue. See also Abstr. 75.3541, 3779, 3980, 4003, 4054, 4129, 4146, 4153, 4161, 4220, 4254, 4265]
75.3898 DING, Mengli, et al. —
China’s role in global health governance has evolved during the COVID-19 pandemic, sparking academic discussion. Most literature focuses on the structural factors shaping China’s participation in global health governance at the international level, with fewer studies addressing China’s domestic ideational factors. This article integrates these two levels of analysis by examining how China’s domestic political system has shaped the transformation of its role in global health governance using the concept of ‘politics of attention’. Through a case-study of global health partnerships (GHPs), the article argues that China’s role transformation in such partnerships is attributable to a policy outcome driven by shifts in Beijing’s attention in response to external shocks, facilitated through resource mobilization and allocation. Moreover, the article explores the limitations of China’s participation in GHPs during the pandemic as a non-western power. [R, abr.]
75.3899 DİPAMA, Samiratou ; DAL, Emel Parlar —
This paper delves into an assessment of the impact of Turkey’s quest for status since the 2000s on changes in its foreign policy. In other words, how has Turkey’s search for status influenced its foreign policy stances since the 2000s? And can we consider the changes in Turkey’s foreign policy change transformational or transactional in essence? In this vein, this paper will make essential contributions to the existing literature on Turkey’s status-seeking strategies by using specific cases to link them to changes in Turkey’s foreign policy and assessing the extent to which they are transactional or transformational. The examination of this topic is all the more important in light of internal developments in Turkey, such as democratic backsliding and economic crisis, as well external factors such as its tense relationships with the EU, its rapprochement with Russia and China, and its increasingly proactive profile in regional crises. This paper critically assesses the pattern of Turkey’s foreign policy change from transformational and transactional perspectives. [R]
75.3900 DORJI, Passang ; THOMAS, Nicholas —
Bhutan sits across a geopolitical fault line in South Asia. To its south lies its traditional partner — India. To its north lies China: a country whose economic power could significantly benefit Bhutan but whose regional orientation is strategically opposed to that of India. This article explores how Bhutan manages its growing relationship with China and seeks to chart where the relationship might go in the future. It shows how increasing economic and commercial ties with China are exerting growing pressure on Bhutan, a country with few developmental opportunities. These ties — in parallel to increasing political engagements — are moving Bhutan closer to diplomatic recognition of China; a decision that will impact on the regional balance of power well beyond the country’s borders. How and when this policy shift will occur is unclear, as Bhutan has been able to successfully prioritize its own interests over Chinese agendas. In doing so, Bhutan has managed to exert a higher degree of agency than other small states in the region. This outcome challenges traditional notions of small state agency in international relations. This study finds that this has been possible due to both material power considerations and the perceptional value accorded to the relationship. [R]
75.3901 EDER, Franz —
What impact do populist and radical-right ideas have on a country’s foreign policy? Although research on the nexus of populism and foreign policy has taught us much about populists’ conduct of foreign affairs, we still lack distinctive categories characterising the nature of a populist and radical-right foreign policy. Furthermore, the impact of populist and radical-right parties on foreign policy and the question of how to measure this impact is still unanswered. This article examines the populist and radical-right Freedom Party’s participation in the Austrian government from 2017 to 2019 and by applying a mixed-methods approach to government programmes and official press releases. The article proposes distinctive categories of a populist and radical-right foreign policy conception. Second, it introduces an approach to measure the impact of this conception on a country’s foreign policy. And finally, it determines this impact on Austria’s foreign policy. [R, abr.]
75.3902 EDWARDS, Jack —
For the discipline of International Relations (IR), the study of International Peace Settlements (IPS) for the organization of postwar international orders has thus far primarily been the purview of realist, liberal, and constructivist approaches. To date, Marxist approaches have tended to either ignore the significance of IPS in the formation of new global orders or have been inscribed into longer-term overarching processes — namely, the reified consequences of the development of capitalism. These proclivities have had the unwelcome effect of subsuming the role historical agents have played in the devising of international ordering strategies under preordained universal “laws of motion” and downplaying the broader efficacy of foreign policymaking in the building of world order. This paper proposes to rectify this Marxist lacuna by highlighting how adopting an approach that elaborates on the principles of Geopolitical Marxism (GPM) in IR can overcome these shortcomings. The paper argues that a radical historicist methodology for analysing these important world-historical junctures retrieves the significance of contextualized agency within the historical materialist tradition and overcomes the issues beholden to structuralist Marxist approaches. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4101]
75.3903 ELAYAH, Moosa ; AL-AWAMI, Hasan —
This article delves into the significant role played by the five Arab Gulf oil states in global development and humanitarian aid efforts. It also acknowledges the criticism they face for their preference for bilateral and earmarked aid, with allegations of political motivations. Focusing on Yemen as a case study, the research explores the motivations and effectiveness of Gulf states’ aid preferences. Using a qualitative approach from 30 semi-structured in-depth interviews and a comprehensive literature review, the study takes three distinct research directions, examining how Gulf donor countries strategically employ bilateral aid in conflict running, how they use bilateral aid to forge and strengthen geopolitical alliances within the region, and the complexities associated with multilateral aid channels in Yemen. In providing insights into the motivations and strategies of Gulf countries in their aid policies, this research contributes to discussions on aid delivery and maximising impact in conflict-affected areas. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.3904 ELKAHLOUT, Ghassan ; MILTON, Sansom —
Over the past two decades, the Gulf states have emerged as leading humanitarian actors both regionally and globally. This paper charts the evolution of four of the six Gulf states–Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait, and Qatar–as humanitarian donors and actors. It analyses the evolving humanitarian sectors of the Gulf states, focussing on trends in humanitarian funding, the increasing centralisation of humanitarian governance, and growing capacities in logistics and operations. It then considers the dynamics of politicisation and securitisation of Gulf state humanitarian donors and the potential of and limits to humanitarian coordination and partnership between Gulf and international humanitarian donors. In sum, the study charts the rise and transformation of the Gulf states from merely funding humanitarian efforts to becoming multifaceted humanitarian actors playing diverse roles in the regional and international humanitarian systems. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.3905 ELSIG, Manfred ; SPILKER, Gabriele —
For years, IR scholars have addressed questions related to regime complexity and its effects. However, there is a lack of understanding of how individuals react to clashes of international law obligations when assessing domestic policies. We study the extent to which citizens are concerned with compliance and noncompliance with international law when their governments design domestic laws to implement international obligations. We are, in particular, interested in whether citizens’ reactions to clashes of international obligations are driven by concerns about being exposed internationally for breaching international law or concerns about tangible material costs. Our empirical analysis is based on an experiment embedded in a survey of Swiss citizens’ attitudes toward environmental issues. [R, abr.]
75.3906 ENDRICH, Marek ; GUTMANN, Jerg —
We analyze the effect of state visits by the Catholic pope on human rights in the host country to understand how a small theocracy like the Vatican can exert disproportionate political influence in international politics. Our theory of the strategic interaction between the Catholic Church and host governments describes how the pope’s use of conditional approval and criticism incentivizes governments to refrain from human rights violations. Drawing on a new dataset of papal state visits outside Italy and a novel identification strategy, we test for the first time whether governments react in anticipation of a papal visit by improving their human rights protection. Our empirical analysis offers robust evidence for this causal effect, which is supported by qualitative evidence. [R]
75.3907 EROUKHMANOFF, Clara —
This article offers an innovative gendered analysis of the thesis of US decline, a prominent theory shared amongst International Relations scholars and US foreign policy experts about the impending end of US hegemony and the US-led international order. Inspired by feminist International Relations, it demonstrates that masculinism underscores the theory in three important ways: the methodologies used to (dis)prove US decline, the values declinism privileges and reinforces, and the way US decline appeals to phallocentric imagery. The article illustrates this argument through a discourse analytical reading of hi/stories of decline since the end of the Cold War in which I argue that US declinism paved the way for ‘Make America Great Again’ (MAGA) and the return to a hybrid masculinity embodied by Donald Trump and his supporters. The article thus acts a cautionary tale against declinism by showing the constitutive effects of alarming scenarios of falling empires. It offers an original inquiry in the thesis of US decline and advances wider studies on declinism, and in so doing, contributes to International Relations scholarship. [R]
75.3908 ETTINGER, Aaron ; COLLINS, Andrea M. —
This paper explains the ideational foundations of Donald Trump’s rejection of global climate cooperation and its implications for the future of global climate governance. We argue that Trumpism’s antipathy is a fundamental normative challenge to the key ideas that underpin global climate cooperation. Here we explore two specific norm contestations: (1) Collective action versus extralegal sovereignty, and (2) Common but Differentiated Responsibility versus fairness-as-reciprocity. Trump’s aggressive norm rejections are quite novel. His rejection of climate politics in particular and his desire to return to a status quo ante in world politics, positions him as a distinct type of actor in the spectrum of norm contestation — a reactionary norm entrepreneur. We contribute an ideational explanation of Trumpism’s rejection of global climate cooperation by identifying the fundamental clash of ideas and his role as a reactionary norm entrepreneur within the broader framework of global climate governance. It offers a case study in a high-profile instance of norm contestation and its implications for the survival of the global climate change regime. [R]
75.3909 FACON, Clothilde —
This paper focuses on Gulf states’ responses to Syrian arrivals in Lebanon since 2011. It explores the dynamics of aid governance of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. Among the international donor community and scholars, a widespread narrative stigmatises Gulf humanitarian donorship as being the result of Gulf states’ strategic choices. In the particular case of Lebanon, this narrative posits that they have been using aid to support Syrian opposition groups and to promote political alliances. With a constructivist perspective, this paper assesses the existence of alternative narratives discrediting these claims. By looking at the everyday experiences of humanitarian professionals in Lebanon, it analyses discursive narratives of legitimisation taking shape at the field level, among observers and participants of Gulf interventions, and challenges conventional narratives on Gulf donorship as purely politically motivated. The research has revealed a narrative of religious humanitarianism legitimising Gulf support by presenting it as the result of a moral necessity; legitimisation through identification with legitimate symbols such as ‘the local’; and ‘pragmatic’ legitimisation praising their visibility on the field and their concrete efficiency. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.3910 FAHEY, Elaine —
An EU-US Trade and Technology Council (TTC) has been a key element of transatlantic cooperation in trade and technology in global challenges against a backdrop of decades of complex disputes, regulatory cooperation failures and minimalistic combined multilateralism. It was by intent seeking to move beyond regulatory cooperation and instead was to focus upon policy and shared global challenges. The TTC has evolved during a US administration prioritizing soft law in international economic law, arguably increasingly influencing the EU. The TTC has a complex and bifurcated approach to law that is explored here, arguably evident of its post-Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) identity in an era of a shift away from trade agreements. This paper argues that its soft law structures, executive to executive set-up and wide-ranging emphasis on international law-making goals contrasts considerably with certain developments in EU-US data and digital trade governance, involving hard law solutions. The TTC aligns well with broader trends in international economic law preferring soft law solutions. The TTC raises questions as to the place of global law-making goals in the complex transatlantic relationship. It examines its overtly legalistic framing yet heavily delegalized outcomes using soft law, grounded in international law references. [R]
75.3911 FARQUET, Christophe —
This article offers a new perspective on the history of Swiss foreign policy between 1938 and 1940 by focusing on Switzerland’s relations with the Allies. It argues that the Allies were well-disposed towards Swiss foreign policy during this period. France and Britain respected Switzerland’s wish to appear completely neutral in international relations until the eve of the war. When the Swiss Confederation adapted to the new international situation from the summer of 1940, British rulers tended to welcome the preservation of Swiss democracy amidst an authoritarian Europe. However, it should not be forgotten that relations experienced a period of tension during the Phoney War, as the Allies attempted to use economic ties with Switzerland to bring the Confederation closer to their side. This article provides a nuanced analysis of the often-paradoxical interaction between economic and diplomatic relations. [R, abr.]
75.3912 FEHRS, Matthew —
Summit meetings between Soviet and American leaders critically influenced events during the Cold War. However, despite their significance, little is known about why these meetings transpired. This paper provides a crucial understanding of when leaders sought summit meetings and when the meetings actually occurred. Moving beyond previous research that focuses on particular meetings or leaders, this study develops a theory of leadership security to explain why leaders sought summits. This theory is tested using a new dataset developed by the author, with the results showing that tenure in office and job security were more critical in determining the desire for a meeting than strategic or economic concerns. [R]
75.3913 FORSBY, Andreas B. —
This article investigates China’s ‘emotional assertiveness’ as a distinct discursive practice of coercion in which state representatives publicly express moral indignation and urge offenders to apologize for violating China’s red lines. It examines several western non-state actors targeted by China in this way, as these unexplored cases provide a unique perspective on the role played by emotions in state coercive diplomacy. Specifically, they demonstrate how identity-related emotionalized concerns, rather than instrumental and strategic considerations, may sometimes constitute the underlying motivational driver of China’s assertiveness. To illustrate China’s practice of emotional assertiveness, the article analyses two specific cases: Intel’s instruction in 2021 to its suppliers to avoid products from Xinjiang and an opinion piece that appeared in the Wall Street Journal in early 2020, titled ‘China is the real sick man of Asia’. [R, abr.]
75.3914 FRAISE, Thomas —
Do states change when they acquire nuclear weapons? This article looks at the consequences of nuclear acquisition on democratic states. It argues that nuclear acquisition is best understood as a process of political change through which state actors adapt existing institutions to the new, and unprecedented, challenges created by nuclear weapons. One form of this process of “nuclearization” is the development of nuclear secrecy regimes, which results from actors’ desire to maintain control over information they perceive as potentially having major security implications. Actors may not know what, exactly, must be concealed. The ultimate stakes of nuclear policy, however, are so high that they have incentives not to take their chances. Secrecy has implications for democratic governance: it can exclude actors from decision-making, distort information made available to the public, and be abused by actors in search of autonomy from democratic control. As a result, nuclear secrecy affects the overall level of public consultation inside a state, causing a democratic recoil. To borrow Charles Tilly’s concept, during this process of nuclearization, states also de-democratize. To make this case, the article examines the French nuclear secrecy regime from 1945 to 1974. Drawing on primary sources, it traces the origins of nuclear secrecy in France back to security concerns and shows how this development ultimately reduced the level of public consultation in France and caused a form of de-democratization. [R]
75.3915 FREISTEIN, Katja ; MÜLLER, Thomas —
This article explores the temporality and manipulability of status symbols. The competition over status has started to move past traditional markers such as economic wealth and military strength, and new status symbols have emerged that may become attainable even for states without such traditional forms of capital. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s work, we develop a discursive approach to status symbols that distinguishes three phases of their life cycle — creation, institutionalisation and capitalisation — to show how certain practices and achievements are turned into new status symbols and how these status symbols can be converted into other forms of capital. We illustrate this approach by studying the role of the Conference of the Parties (COP) presidency and performance rankings as status symbols of leadership in global climate politics. As the field of climate politics is premised on assumptions of a greater common good, we also aim to explore whether and how status symbols can be strategically used as incentives for status competition with desirable outcomes. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3978]
75.3916 FRIEDMAN, Jeffrey A. —
Scholars and practitioners of US foreign policy commonly describe the early Cold War as a lost golden age of bipartisan consensus. This article uses public opinion data, congressional voting patterns, and party platform statements to refute this conventional wisdom. In fact, the core internationalist principles that enjoyed bipartisan agreement during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations retain widespread approval from Democrats and Republicans today. Enduring support for this Truman-Eisenhower consensus is concealed by the way that recent presidents have enlarged the US’s foreign policy agenda to pursue policies that historically did not generate bipartisanship, such as fighting climate change or conducting decades-long projects in armed nation-building. Rising political divisions in US foreign policy are thus primarily a result of Democrats and Republicans deploying global influence in new ways rather than renouncing traditional international commitments. [R]
75.3917 FRY, Greg ; TARTE, Sandra —
The transformation in Pacific regional diplomatic culture associated with the rhetorical and institutional expressions of the principle of regional self-determination in the period 2009-2014 has held over the past decade despite significant challenges from a rapidly changing geopolitical context and threats to regional unity posed by a move by Micronesian states to leave the Pacific Islands Forum. Significantly, what we then called the ‘new pacific diplomacy’ has become institutionalised in the practices and policies of the main regional organisation, the Pacific Islands Forum, and in particular in its 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. This has enabled a continuation of Pacific diplomatic agency in relation to key issues such as climate change, and law of the sea and fisheries, and even regional security. Although the changing geopolitics has not yet succeeded in submerging Pacific diplomatic agency the hardest test is ahead of the Pacific states as they try to defend their interests in a context where the important strategic decisions affecting the future peace of the Pacific Islands region are increasingly made in metropolitan capitals and international groupings outside the reach of the Pacific Islands Forum. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.3918 FUJITA, Masafumi —
Generalized trust has attracted attention as a non-material disposition that affects risk-perception in political and economic international cooperation. However, its effect on public support for free trade or trade agreements has been debated. This debate centers on whether the economic impacts of trade are evident or uncertain to ordinary citizens because generalized trust operates only when trade impacts are uncertain and risk perception is crucial. However, the visibility of trade impacts varies significantly depending on the economic environment. This study explores the role of industrial tertiarization, the shift from agriculture and manufacturing to services, in altering the visibility of trade impacts. It hypothesizes that generalized trust shapes trade preferences primarily in highly tertiarized local economies. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Studies and World Values Survey Wave 7, this hypothesis was tested and confirmed. [R, abr.]
75.3919 GALLAGHER, Adrian —
This article argues that the norm death narrative surrounding the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has problematic implications for both its critics and defenders. Critical claims that the norm is dead create an overly high benchmark against which to measure the norm. The implication here is that it allows R2P defenders to make the case that the norm is not dead with relative ease. This position, however, falls into the trap of downplaying the crisis facing the norm. Put differently, norm studies only advance the arguments to a limited extent and we need to better understand the political environment in which all human rights norms are now located. Building on contemporary reassessments of the false assumptions embodied in the R2P project, the picture presented here is far graver than is commonly found in those studies that conclude the R2P has not declined as critics suggest. [R, abr.]
75.3920 GALLAGHER, Adrian, et al. —
The terminology of ‘never again’ has been studied in Sociology, Cultural Studies and History, yet remains neglected in International Relations. This is despite its centrality in debates over humanitarian intervention, the Responsibility to Protect and mass atrocity prevention. To foster a conversation over the term’s use, this article uses an interdisciplinary approach to show how the meaning of ‘never again’ has changed over time. Building on this, we analyse five real-world problems: (1) the quantitative problem, (2) the nuclear problem, (3) the regime change problem, (4) the weak state problem and (5) the P5 problem. We find the blanket call of ‘never again’ oversimplifies the complexity of mass atrocity prevention and creates an unrealistic goal. Going forward, we call on those invoking the phrase to explain what they mean by it and why they are using it as part of a broader reassessment of the term’s use in International Relations. [R]
75.3921 GAT, Azar —
The wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, and the China challenge, revive the question of whether the world is becoming more peaceful. Realists’ claim that we told you so compares oranges with cabbage. Today’s world is divided into a “zone of peace”, encompassing all the developed countries, and a “zone of war”, comprising less developed countries. Within the former, interstate wars, civil wars, and the “security dilemma” itself have all disappeared. The Long Peace since 1945 is widely attributed to nuclear deterrence. However, the sharp decrease in war had begun during the 19th century. The effect of industrialization is the greatest lacuna in IR theory. The Malthusian Trap that plagued premodern societies has been broken. Wealth is no longer finite and a zero-sum game. This transformation has made democracies as well as nondemocracies fight much less, and has sharply increased international trade. It underlies both the democratic/liberal and capitalist/trade interdependence peace. [R]
75.3922 GEHRING, Markus W. —
EU External Relations Law and Policy significantly evolved since the seminal Singapore Opinion in the Court of Justice (ECJ). This paper analyses the new trade and sustainable development (TSD) policies by the European Union (EU) and highlights how the changes at the EU domestic level in the course of the EU Green Deal have fundamentally changed the outlook for EU external action and even changed EU External Relations Law in the process. The use of constitutional objectives in external relations is now firmly established but the new mix of autonomous and cooperative elements also changes the more fundamental principles on which EU foreign relations are based. While the EU is still finding the right balance between autonomous measures and international cooperation, the new flexibility, particularly to address global sustainable development challenges and in the context of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) allow the EU greater foreign policy flexibility in areas covered by global targets such as the SDGs, the Paris Agreement and the new Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework. It is argued that the existence of global goals and targets combined with EU internal action in the context of the EU Green Deal fundamentally change the availability and legality of EU External Relations Law on Trade and Sustainability. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3754]
75.3923 GEHRING, Markus W. ; CABRERA, Jorge —
Obligations on climate change and biodiversity are increasingly evident not just in the European Union’s (EU’s) environmental policy and cooperation, including through the rapid ratification of and attempts to strengthen implementation and compliance with the Paris Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), but also in other economic relationships of the EU. While sustainable development has been an objective of the EU’s international trade agreements since 1994, efforts to address climate change and biodiversity originally appeared almost as an afterthought in these agreements. This article documents a fundamental shift in the EU’s external relations through the meaningful inclusion of cooperation on climate change and biodiversity in the EU’s trade and investment agreements, and provides an analysis of the legal and policy consequences. It argues that including global response to climate action (and potentially biodiversity) as an essential element in a bilateral or inter-regional economic relationship changes the nature of that relationship. The Paris Agreement and the new Kunming- Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF) contain long and medium-term objectives that all trading partners will want to achieve. While the legal text is designed not to be used in practice, the elevation of both climate change now and biodiversity in the future to an essential element, fulfils an important signalling function that permeates the entire trade relationship and has the potential to change its basis. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3754]
75.3924 GELLWITZKI, C. Nicolai L. —
What is ontological (in)security? Recent scholarship on ontological security in International Relations has increasingly turned to the concept’s theoretical origins in psychoanalysis and existential philosophy to address the field’s (meta)theoretical limitations. This article argues that this development also necessitates an interrogation of the concept of ontological security itself to address the field’s theoretical tensions. Further developing the nascent Kleinian approach to ontological security, this article conceptualises ontological (in)security as two distinct positions that denote the different ways in which subjects, be they individuals, groups, or states, manage anxiety. To develop this proposition, the article draws on Melanie Klein’s work on the paranoid-schizoid and depressive positions to elucidate these positions of ontological (in)security, their respective defence mechanisms against anxiety, and their socio-political implications. This Kleinian approach facilitates a clear theoretical distinction between security and insecurity, providing an analytical toolbox to differentiate the various ways in which anxiety is managed in different positions. This framework particularly underscores the ethical, reparative, and transformative potential of the position of ontological security, aspects that have received limited theoretical and empirical attention to date. [R]
75.3925 GERDECI, Alba ; JUSUFI, Islam —
This article aims to provide an account on Albania’s encounter with international criminal justice, reflecting on the data collected under EU cost Action ca18228 and the States’ Scoping Survey. It looks at how Albania has engaged or not engaged with international criminal justice, in relevant provisions of domestic law, in its level of support and cooperation with international and hybrid courts, in domestic prosecutions of international crimes, and memorialisation activities. The findings suggest that the response to international crimes committed in Albania or abroad has been mixed. While little, if any accountability has been sought for the horrendous crimes during its communist past, Albania’s response to international crimes abroad in neighbouring Yugoslav territories was that of justice and accountability for those who committed crimes. The Kosovo War prompted a strategic shift in Albania’s approach, as the Kosovo Specialist Chambers (KSC) faced criticism highlighting tensions between accountability and nationalistic sentiments. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3926 GILLEY, Bruce —
Malaysia’s economic growth and democratisation since 2003 have vaulted it into the ranks of the middle powers in the international system. However, Malaysia remains hesitant about its middle power status. It has assumed a counterhegemonic or pro-multipolarity role; it has supported some new international rules and institutions; it leads regional governance institutions; and it advocates for small countries on development issues. However, these middle power behaviours are countered by a continuation of traditional Malaysia diplomacy which is inactive in shaping the emergence of superpower China as well as being disruptive and personalistic, most recently because of its embrace of radical Islam. It would require major shifts in international system structures and Malaysian national role conceptions for Malaysia to become a fully active middle power. [R]
75.3927 GODBOLE, Avinash —
This paper argues that China intruded at multiple points along the LAC in May 2020 to showcase strength amidst the COVID-19 pandemic which is believed to have originated in Wuhan. COVID-19 led to large scale deaths and a global economic meltdown with Beijing severely criticized for the emergence of COVID-19 pandemic, poor regulation of the animal markets, suppressing information and failure to prevent the spread of COVID-19 beyond China’s borders. This caused immense damage to China’s international reputation and status, its economy, and relations with other countries. Border incursions by China in May 2020 were a guise to highlight China’s strength lest India consider China in a weakened state and gain leverage over Beijing in the bilateral relationship. Through border incursions, Beijing wanted to mask its vulnerability created by COVID-19 and showcase its willingness to not compromise over its security interests. China is both powerful and insecure about its status. This combination makes it undertake a particularly pessimistic security-centric outlook and more likely to engage in risky behavior. Like in the previous instances, the use of military force against India in the year 2020 stemmed from a sense of vulnerability caused by loss of status due to Covid19. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.3928 GOLDMANN, Matthias —
A visible sign of changing relations between the Global South and Global North are reparation claims for colonial injustice. An interesting case is the 1904-1907 Namibian Genocide. Germany has recently concluded a draft agreement with Namibia on reconciliation and compensation. Nevertheless, Germany maintains that it is not under any legal obligation to pay reparations. This article challenges that position, arguing that colonial international law was far too ambiguous to support this conclusion. For this purpose, the article contrasts this ‘conventional view’ of colonial international law with post-colonial and pluralistic approaches. Post-colonial approaches reveal colonial-era law as a deeply ambiguous, contradictory practice that mirrors the identity crisis of the colonizers. Pluralistic approaches juxtapose colonial international law with autochtonous views of inter-polity law, i.e., the normative framework governing colonial encounters. To reconstruct autochtonous views, the article draws on letters by Hendrik Witbooi and Maharero, traditional leaders from Namibia, and examines the contours of their inter-polity law relating to territorial sovereignty and warfare. These contending perspectives undermine the cogency with which the conventional view rejects reparation claims. [R, abr.]
75.3929 GOLDSTEIN, Erik —
This article considers the efforts of sub-diplomatic actors in building the Anglo-American alliance during the long 19th c. Particular attention is given to the role of Dissenting churches, the use of common heritage, joint building projects, and trans-Atlantic tours as a form of public diplomacy in pursuit of this goal. The ‘Pilgrims’ in particular became a useful device for promoting closer Anglo-American relations — symbolising a common history and common values, civil liberties, the rule of law, and religious toleration, all in a world where these were not common. This brought British and American voices and values closer to many ordinary people, strengthening the increasingly complex and not always visible web linking Britain and the US, creating personal relationships and group networks, together with a sense of common political values and history. [R]
75.3930 GOPAL, Raksha ; LUPO, Luisa —
In this article, we examine the practices of survival that Rohingya and Syrian refugees perform as they confront multiple forms of violence resulting from their forced displacement in India and Turkey, respectively. We consider these practices as they are performed in the everyday and reflect on how they expand existing debates in social reproduction feminism. Social reproduction refers to those practices that are essential for the everyday and generational maintenance of life. First, we show that for people living in conditions of prolonged displacement and violence, practices of social reproduction become a matter of survival that entails “making secure” amid the insecurity of displacement. Second, we demonstrate that these practices highlight the role of not only the welfare state but also the security state for social reproduction. We propose the concept of the “(in)securitization of social reproductive capacities” to examine how state and non-state actors hinder social reproduction as much as they support it and how displaced people negotiate with this. We conclude that survival, including the ways in which refugees cope with insecurity, care, and sustain their lives, can be a meaningful tool to pluralize understandings of social reproduction, bridging insights from feminist political economy, critical migration, and security studies. [R]
75.3931 GOTTWALD, Martin —
The State adopted the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) in 2018 to consolidate the International Refugee Protection Regime (IRPR). Drawing on IR theories and international law, different perspectives can be taken on the nature of the GCR and the IRPR, and their legal and non-legal relationship. Applying realist, liberal, and constructivist theories, this article argues that the GCR’s anticipated legal and political development and its impact on the IRPR will be influenced by the chosen IR paradigm, reflecting different views on the rule of international law and power dynamics among stakeholders. By examining the case study of Kenya as a host of a protracted refugee operation, the article provides a practical illustration of how different IR lenses offer divergent perspectives on international burden and responsibility-sharing in the Global South. [R, abr.]
75.3932 GOULD-DAVIES, Nigel —
The recent prisoner deals shows that Putin, for all his ruthlessness, can act rationally and make concessions for goals he values highly. [R]
75.3933 HADJIATHANASIOU, Maria —
By interrogating the role of status symbols in Britain’s (de)colonial management practices, this article joins an emerging body of International Relation (IR) scholarship that conducts historical analyses of international status dynamics. Situated within the context of the age of the mid-20th century, at a time when empires were increasingly contested by their colonial subjects via near-simultaneous violent insurgency campaigns, this article aims to further our understanding on the (mis)use of imperial status symbols, using the case study of the British colony of Cyprus. Drawing upon unpublished material accessed via the Cyprus State Archives, the article reads this newly found material, such as Savingrams, Circulars and private correspondence between Empire officials in the metropole and the colony, to explore how Britain introduced several status symbols on its colonial subjects. The article argues that Britain did so, for a specific purpose, namely to maintain an informal empire as soon as ‘boots were off the ground’, by influencing and managing selected colonial subjects, thus safeguarding its imperial legacy. At the same time, the article investigates how these colonial subjects successfully leveraged the prospect of a lingering ‘British connection’, while simultaneously a large part of the Greek Cypriot community stood, and even fought, against this connection. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3978]
75.3934 HERZOG, Stephen —
Scholars and policy analysts have debated the health of the global nuclear order since the beginning of Russia’s February 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Their analysis often yields disturbing predictions about the future of the nonproliferation regime, arms control, and the “taboo” against using nuclear weapons. This article concludes, however, that the components of this longstanding order are durable. They have proven robust to Russian nuclear threats, just as they did in the face of past great power transgressions. Yet, cracks are forming that will require attention in the long run as the nuclear order built by Washington and Moscow adapts to Beijing’s emergence. The best remedy appears to be enhanced trilateral cooperation between China, Russia, and the US. Active Chinese participation is necessary to sustain the global nuclear order due to—and in spite of—great power competition. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.3935 HISARLIOĞLU, Fulya ; KARAGIANNOPOULOU, Chara ; YANIK, Lerna K. —
The article examines how Turkey’s decision to reconvert the Ayasofya Museum into a mosque in June 2020 has shaped the ‘self’ and ‘other’ perceptions of the Greek and Turkish politicians of their respective countries by instrumentalizing the concept of sovereignty. We argue that what has been termed ‘the right to sovereignty’ by Turkey’s leadership through the reconversion of Ayasofya — from a museum to a mosque — is indeed a ‘sovereignty performance’. What is more, we deconstruct how ‘sovereignty performances’ centred on the conversion of Ayasofya produced by Turkey and Greece came to define, narrate and naturalize the essence and standards of ‘national’ and ‘foreign/international’ legitimizing mutual and respective identity perceptions held for themselves and each other. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3851]
75.3936 HOFFERBERTH, Matthias —
For some time, Global Governance has made the case that multinational enterprises (MNEs) have become so involved in multistakeholder provisions of public goods that they should be considered as global governors. Their involvement and whether it improves governance, however, remain fiercely debated. In this context, MNEs are frequently framed and discussed as entities sui generis, pursuing private interests while reconciling with broader public expectations. The article argues that the concept of crisis, if adequately theorized, offers a new perspective into this discussion. To do so, I draw from American Pragmatism to introduce crisis both as a challenge for an actor but also a lens into the beliefs expressed throughout for the researcher. Against this dual use of the concept, I develop a typology of crises and relate this to the roles and responses of MNEs that are likely to follow from different crises. As a lens into corporate beliefs, I illustrate the conceptual potential of crisis by looking into how Shell and ExxonMobil respond to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. As an exogenous, rather immediate crisis, the article discusses to what extent their responses reveal a broader acceptance or rejection of new corporate responsibilities. Based on careful reconstruction, the article concludes that neither productively solved the crisis. [R, abr.]
75.3937 HOFFMANN, Tamás —
Hungary has had an intense engagement with international criminal justice. During communism and democracy alike, the normative framework and language of international criminal law was used to delegitimise the political opponent. This article aims to describe the way international criminal law was repeatedly instrumentalized to not simply serve as a genuine tool for justice but also as a potent political pawn through presenting the use of international criminal law in four different time periods: (1) during the post-World War ii war crimes trials at the People’s Tribunals; (2) the adoption of universal jurisdiction during the communist era as a tool of Cold War status competition; (3) in the 1990s, as an instrument of transitional justice; and finally, (4) in the post-2010s, as a tool for memory politics and anti-migration propaganda. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3938 HOMOLAR, Alexandra ; RUIZ CASADO, Juan Alberto —
This article speaks to an established interest of International Relations scholars in the construction of the ‘China threat’ in US political discourse. We advance recent works which have argued that the rise of China has contributed to the success of populism in the United States and Western liberal democracies more widely. Specifically, we transpose the concept of the ‘populism of the privileged’ to the international realm to understand how narratives of status loss nurture perceptions of collective trauma and victimhood. We argue that the concept helps explain why Trump’s anti-China populism is centred on the counterintuitive articulation of an American underdog identity at the domestic and international levels. It sheds light on why populist narratives of unjust suffering have grip even if supporters stem from comparatively privileged groups. Victimhood-centric narratives are always relational and, as we show, the imaginary of lost status is a powerful device in the populist toolbox. [R]
75.3939 HOSSAIN, Mohammad Pizuar —
Bangladesh gained its independence from Pakistan in 1971 after a nine-month long war. The Pakistani military and local collaborators carried out brutal operations on Bangladeshi civilians during the period of 25 March to 16 December 1971, which caused genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. This scoping review synthesises the data related to laws, policies, institutions, and culture of Bangladesh surrounding victims, their families, and perpetrators of the aforesaid crimes. Bangladesh faced questions in prosecuting the local collaborators of the Pakistani military at the domestic tribunal, whilst Pakistani war criminals have not yet been tried, and there is still no international consensus on recognising the genocide. On the other hand, the lack of an internationalised judicial response further indicates that no sincere effort has been made to establish a global post-conflict resolution that transcends the regional parties involved in this matter. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3940 ILNITSKY, Andrey ; YANOVSKY, Oleg —
The willingness to go all the way, to surpass and mentally defeat the West, is the Russian path. We will fall silent, and this will be our main word. [R]
75.3941 IVANOV, Denis ; ASHYROV, Gaygysyz —
This paper aims to understand the potential role of mega events in addressing wealth inequality. We empirically test the impact of sports mega events on wealth inequality across more than 120 countries. Utilizing panel data analysis on a comprehensive dataset dating back to 1900, we find that hosting mega events such as the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cups, and Universal Expositions is associated with an increase in the wealth shares of the top 1% and 10%, often at the expense of the bottom 50%. This effect is double in magnitude in non-democracies and non-OECD countries, as well as higher during the organization of FIFA World Cups. We propose two possible explanations for this phenomenon: episodes of extreme growth during the organization of mega events that disproportionately benefit the wealthiest individuals, and vested interests associated with the organization of such events. [R, abr.]
75.3942 İZMEN, Ümit ; ÖZEL, Soli —
Economic nationalism and state intervention recently gained attraction in many countries including Turkey. This paper questions whether Turkey has changed its economic policy framework towards a statecentric model and, if so, whether these changes are well thought-out and sustainable. The examination of key areas of state capitalism, that is the monetary, industrial, trade, financial, and state economic enterprise (SEE) policies put forward in the officially adopted five-year plans and annual programs, suggests that the changes in the economic policy framework began after the 2008 global crisis and accelerated after the transition to a presidential system. Upon examination, the policy framework does not reflect a definitive, coherent, and wholistic approach but rather a pragmatic attitude that swings back and forth, which exposes the country to swings in the global system. [R]
75.3943 JABALI, Oqab ; DWIKAT, Hanadi ; SAEEDI, Munther —
This article explores the military operation-naming practices of Palestinian factions in response to Israeli aggression, analyzing their strategies and their impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict dynamics. The research uses the War Normalizing Discourse (WND) theory as a framework and draws from Islamic tradition, official Hamas documentation, publicly disseminated materials, and insights from Arab intellectuals. The results show that the names chosen for military operations by Palestinian factions hold deep symbolic, cultural, and emotional significance, aiming to recruit fighters, gain public support, and maintain resilience. Understanding these naming practices provides valuable insights into the complex Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the intricate interplay between the nomenclature of battles conducted by Palestinian factions and Israel’s military operations. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4202]
75.3944 JACKSON, Karen ; SHEPOTYLO, Oleksandr —
This study investigates how political alliances influence trade and welfare in Europe and major global economies amidst escalating geopolitical tensions. Utilizing a panel data approach, we assess the impact of military alliances on trade through structural gravity and staggered difference-in-difference methodologies. We further simulate the potential trade and welfare effects of the strengthening and disintegration of political alliances within blocs. Results reveal significant trade and welfare consequences stemming from the expansion or disintegration of NATO and the establishment of a military alliance under the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). From a European point of view, our results suggest that the accession of new NATO members will bring economic benefits, while the US leaving NATO, or the deepening of the SCO, will bring negative trade and welfare effects. [R, abr.]
75.3945 JAFFERY, Tayyaba ; PERVEZ, Muhammad Shoaib —
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) is one of the most prominent security arrangements to have emerged in the Indo-Pacific during the 21stcentury. This dialogue provides its founding members — the United States (US), India, Japan and Australia — with a platform to counteract the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) rising regional and global stature. The QUAD can be conceptualised as a Heterarchical Regional Security Complex (HRSC), a novel theoretical construct that involves the formation of regional clusters of like-minded states against a competitor because of its contrasting political system, security outlook and worldview. Indeed, the Quad is a heterarchical minilateral security arrangement that is based on a ‘diffusion of power’ logic against the PRC whose global projection is causing mini-superpower rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3844]
75.3946 JO, Kyu-hyun —
The primary purpose of this article is to examine and analyze Kang Hang’s Ganyangnok, one of the few existing eye-witness accounts of Japan during the Imjin War. Kang, a nobleman who was abducted to Japan during the second and final phase of Japan’s invasion of Korea from 1596-1598, wrote Ganyangnok to not only record what he heard and saw in Japan during the late 16th century, but to remind the Korean government of the importance of ensuring adequate preparations before the advent of a war and maintaining a wary eye on the possibility of Japan launching a similar invasion in the future. Ganyangnok is nevertheless important for understanding the origins of Korea’s distrust and alarm towards Japan’s attempt at territorial expansion and is a unique document that took the form of a travelogue and yet functioned as a policy report, informing Koreans about the nature of Japanese feudalism before the Imjin War. Rather than divorcing the form of the text from its function, as much of the existing scholarship has done by either focusing on Ganyangnok as a travelogue or a war captive’s diary, the work ought to be understood holistically since the observations Kang recorded became the basis of his policy reports, which comprise the second part of Ganyangnok. [R]
75.3947 JOHNSON, Gaynor —
The approaching centenary of the Locarno conference in October 1925 provides a convenient reason to re-evaluate the significance of the treaties that emerged from it. Often styled as the ‘real’ peace settlement at the end of the First World War, the treaties of Locarno collectively represent one of the most important attempts to ensure lasting peace in Europe in the first half of the 20th c. This article focuses on the contribution made to the conference by the head of the British delegation, the Foreign Secretary, Sir Austen Chamberlain. It re-examines his diplomatic priorities, especially his reputation as a Francophile. Its central thesis is that Chamberlain himself can be seen to embody the essential reasons why the Locarno agreements were heralded as a success at the time of their conclusion, but less so with the perspective of hindsight. [R, abr.]
75.3948 JOHNSON and, Jesse C. —
Governments have a number of structural advantages over rebel groups in civil wars, one of which is their greater ability to make credible international commitments. Governments can use foreign policy commitments to incentivize other states to provide them military support or deny support to their rebel groups. We analyze international intervention in civil conflicts between 1975 and 2017 and find that some kinds of alliances are associated with pro-government intervention, but all alliances are not equal. Alliances with consultation commitments are associated with interventions that provide materiel, training, intelligence, and/or other forms of non-troop support, while defense pacts are associated with both troop and non-troop support. Members of nonaggression and neutrality pacts are not more likely to intervene to support the government but are less likely to provide support to anti-government forces. [R, abr.]
75.3949 JÓJÁRT, Krisztián —
Over the past two years, since the beginning of the full-scale war in Ukraine, there have been very few studies that have examined the war from the perspective of Russian military thinking. To be able to more accurately predict ways in which the Russian way of war and force structure may change, it is essential to study the Russian military scientific discourse on the lessons of the war in Ukraine. Taking for granted that the Russians come to the same conclusions as Western observers can lead to mirror-imaging and will ignore the likely prospect that Russian lessons learned from the war will not coincide with those of Western military experts. This article contributes to the understanding of Russian military thinking with regard to the war by focusing on three key aspects. (1) The evolution of Russian thinking about indirect strategy. (2) The changing Russian perspective on the concept of non-contact war. (3) The Russian military discourse about the challenge posed by the increasingly transparent battlefield of contemporary wars. [R]
75.3950 JUNEAU, Thomas —
The Houthis now understand that threatening shipping in the Red Sea effectively pressures their adversaries — Israel, Saudi Arabia and the US — and will continue to do so unless checked. [R]
75.3951 JUNG, Yeonju ; SHYROKYKH, Karina —
What drives China’s peace engagement in conflict-affected countries: does China provide peacebuilding support where its help is needed the most or to advance its own interests? Despite a growing body of literature addressing this question, the analytical scope remains limited to China’s short-term peacebuilding measures and individual case studies. In this article, we build on longitudinal large-N data addressing China’s long-term peacebuilding. We detect a strong association between Chinese peace engagement and the economic needs of recipients. Mixed results are obtained regarding the role of China’s interests. While security and diplomatic interests appear to drive its peace engagement to some extent, there is no clear evidence of its economic interests influencing the engagement in conflict-affected countries. The article makes three contributions. First, we add to the growing literature on China’s peace engagement by adopting a broad definition of peacebuilding and, by doing so, expanding the analytical scope. Second, we contribute to the literature on emerging peacebuilding actors drawing on the case of China. Last, we make a policy-relevant contribution by demonstrating the complexity of peacebuilding actors’ motivation in engaging with conflict-affected countries. [R]
75.3952 KAPOOR, Nivedita —
Russia’s aim to build a role as a neutral, independent player in Northeast Asia (NEA) is now under threat as a result of its regional policy choices since the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Moscow’s evolving position in the region can arguably be better understood in the light of the dynamic of the Sino-Russian partnership. The decline of Russian capacities, its growing partnership with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and NEA developments have exerted a unique impact on Moscow’s relations with regional stakeholders. As a result, Russia’s position as a neutral player in Northeast Asian security issues, including in the case of the Korean peninsula and China-Japan Senkaku/Diaoyu island dispute, is no longer tenable. Despite its weaker status, the declining power (Russia) has a specific strategic value to the rising power (PRC) in the short to medium term, thus requiring a more nuanced understanding of the behaviour and role of such powers in the international system. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3844]
75.3953 KAŞIKCI, Tamer ; YETIM, Mustafa —
The primary objective of this study is to elucidate the impact of ontological security on states’ foreign policy preferences. The study posits that foreign policy preferences are closely related with their basic trust, a product of the intricate interplay between actor’s agentic capacity and its internal and external environment. This theoretical proposition is subsequently subjected to comparative examination within the contexts of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The study contends that despite sharing similar concerns regarding physical and ontological security, these two actors have pursued distinct foreign policy trajectories regarding the Arab uprisings and normalization with Israel that owe to differing types of basic trust. In doing so, the study aims to contribute to the ontological security literature from two perspectives: (1) to refine and elucidate the scope of the basic trust concept by reinterpreting it and highlighting its central role in ontological security analysis, and (2) to contribute to the practical applications of the field by applying the concepts developed in the ontological security literature to case studies of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. [R]
75.3954 KELLY, Conor J. —
The electoral growth of Sinn Féin on both sides of the Irish border has generated much political and academic attention in recent years. The party could form part of the government in Dublin for the first time at the next Irish general election, though that outcome is far from certain. If it were to gain power, Sinn Féin is likely to pursue policies which address the core socioeconomic issues its new supporters south of the border are concerned with, namely housing and healthcare. It will also be expected to push for an Irish unification referendum in the coming decade. While Sinn Féin entering government would clearly constitute a seismic event in the politics of the Irish state, there would also be knock-on effects for politics in Northern Ireland, as well as British-Irish and EU-Irish relations. This article examines the impact Sinn Féin gaining power in Dublin could have on these various political dynamics, arguing the party exerts a unique influence on Irish, UK and European politics. [R]
75.3955 KHAN, Raphaëlle ; SULLIVAN DE ESTRADA, Kate —
When signalling in the Indo-Pacific, India must manage several contradictory imperatives. Signals of resolve that explicitly frame China as a threat or order challenger can raise tensions with this more powerful neighbour. Yet, given India’s strategic resourcing needs, some indication of resolve is necessary in order to project ‘like-mindedness’ with strategic partners – especially the United States – who seek to counter-balance China. Meanwhile, signals of reassurance to the United States and its allies may read as signals of resolve towards China in and of themselves, and/or lead to rhetorical entrapment into alliance-like relations that erode India’s strategic autonomy. Since signalling is both purposeful and socially contingent, these complexities are reflected in India’s discursive signalling strategy. We argue that India often signals via a mode of indirect speech known as implicature. When states implicate, they convey meaning beyond what is explicitly said, while depriving recipients of the rhetorical material to evidence resolve or reassurance. As a signalling strategy, implicature aims to avoid breaches in India’s distinctive social relationships with China and the United States. Signalling through implicature thus manifests as a mode of social hedging, intended to widen the choices of secondary states in the polarised signalling arena of the Indo-Pacific. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4025]
75.3956 KIM, ByungKoo ; OSGOOD, Iain —
One of the most fundamental economic policy choices a society makes is how to order its global economic relations. What models do states use to structure this multifaceted decision, and how do they choose among these alternatives? We combine data on trade policies, foreign investment, exchange rates, capital flows, and international treaties to discover states’ strategies of global economic engagement. We identify five distinct strategies through dynamic clustering. We then examine the economic and political drivers of states’ choices among these competing strategies, focusing on the tradeoffs between public and private goods activated by differing styles of openness. In particular, we uncover a model of high global integration favored by (party-based) nondemocracies that emphasizes sacrificing consumption for production and embraces the risk of tight integration with global markets. We also uncover a cautious model of partial globalization favored by (large) democracies. [R, abr.]
75.3957 KIM, JongHo —
During the period from the 19th to the mid-20th centuries, colonial Singapore played a central role as an Asian trading hub. From 1965, the Republic of Singapore, as a sovereign nation, attempted to uphold its former colonial position of dominance. The efforts undertaken by the Singaporean elites proved to be highly effective, surpassing even the ideological conflict of the 1960s. This resulted in communist nations like the Soviet Union, China, North Vietnam, and North Korea expressing a desire to establish commercial trade relations with Singapore. In the 1950s and 1960s, North Korea stood out as an Asian nation that had achieved notable industrial advancements. North Korean leaders sought to utilize Singapore as a platform for disseminating its industrial products and economic achievements. The efforts made by North Korean communist leaders can be analyzed through various activities carried out between Singapore and North Korea. In the case of Singapore, its leaders aspired to broaden its trading horizons by establishing connections with socialist nations and adopting the insights gained from North Korean industrialization. Through primary sources of Singapore news articles, North Korean news articles, South Korean diplomatic archives, and CIA archives, this paper focuses on the mutual interactions of Singapore, the trading hub, and North Korea, the industrial estate. [R]
75.3958 KIRABIRA, Tonny Raymond —
The article explores the domestic implementation of international criminal law and complementarity, when operating alongside parallel transitional justice approaches. International criminal justice in Uganda is best understood as part of the broader lens of transitional justice, in response to a two-decade war in the Northern part of the country. Besides a doctrinal analysis of the relevant legal regime and cases, the article benefits from the author’s personal insights working in Uganda and The Hague, the two sites of international justice that inform this article. Specifically, the International Crimes Division (icd) which is the specialised court dealing with war crimes and crimes against humanity and the International Criminal Court (icc). The article highlights critical paradoxes of the icd and trial of former rebel Thomas Kwoyelo, putting this domesticated International Criminal Justice regime in a dilemma, also suggesting pathways for reforms. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3959 KIRATLI, Osman Sabri ; AYTAÇ, Selim Erdem —
How do citizens respond to their government’s decision to accept or reject foreign assistance in the face of a natural disaster? While the increased frequency and intensity of natural disasters necessitate international cooperation for effective response, there have been numerous instances where states have declined foreign assistance offers due to reputation concerns. In this article, we focus on the domestic audience dynamics of such behavior. Drawing on experimental survey data from Turkey and India, two middle-income countries with geopolitical ambitions and recent experience in refusing foreign assistance, we find that accepting foreign assistance during natural disasters leads to higher evaluations of government performance, though this positive effect is driven by opposition voters only. Incumbent voters, conversely, solidify their support for the government regardless of its decision toward foreign assistance. The domestic political effects of government decisions in response to aid offers are largely independent of the identity of the country offering assistance. [R]
75.3960 KLIMOV, Eduard —
This article examines the socio-political causes of border disputes and armed conflicts between states in Central Asia. Socio-political causes of border disputes in Central Asia encompass ethnic tensions, resource allocation conflicts, geopolitical influences, weak governance, cross-border community ties, and strategic national security interests. The article assesses the importance of Central Asia in the world political system and describes interactions between the states of the Central Asian region in the context of the settlement of territorial disputes at the present stage. [R]
75.3961 KOBIERECKI, Michał Marcin —
This research focuses on the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) and the politicised debates held within its forum, and analyses attempts to terminate them by emphasizing their political character or invoking the technical nature of the ICAO. The primary research question examines the arguments used by delegates or representatives engaged in these political debates. The study argues that participants, mostly diplomats representing member states, employed depoliticisation techniques to terminate inconvenient debates, claiming the ICAO is a technical organisation where political issues should not be discussed. The study analyses various diplomatic standoffs, including debates over ICAO membership/statehood involving Spain, Taiwan, Cyprus, and South Africa; instances of the Arab-Israeli conflict; shootdowns of Korean aircraft by the USSR and Iranian aircraft by the US; and aviation aspects of Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. [R, abr.]
75.3962 KOGA, Kei —
How are the rise, fall, and evolution of minilateralism in the Indo-Pacific region explained? To address this question, I examine the cases of the Quad and AUKUS, and argue that they were caused by the success and failure of coalition-building efforts made through ‘tactical hedging’. As the world transitions from a unipolar to a non-unipolar world, states attempt to formulate coalitions to safeguard their national interests. However, the challenge is to figure out which states are truly ‘like-minded’ and can strategically coordinate their policies for mutual interests. Under this circumstance, states send signals through ‘tactical hedging’ – ‘an ambiguous, temporal declaratory policy doctrine’ – that assists the hedger in assessing whether its allies and partners are willing to cooperate; in this case, building a coalition towards the same or similar strategic objectives. The key is the initial ambiguity in signalling, which becomes critical to the future success of building a coalition among parties whose interests are not always congruent. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4025]
75.3963 KÖLLNER, Patrick —
Amid growing strategic competition, regional powers have intensified their engagement with Pacific Island Countries. This article examines Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’, a signature foreign policy initiative of the Scott Morrison government (2018–2022), from a signalling perspective. Through the Step-up, Australia sought to affirm its resolve to be partner of choice for Pacific Island Countries. This was not cheap talk but led Canberra to invest substantially in its ties with the region. Despite this and significant prior Australian engagement leading to a bilateral security pact, Solomon Islands’ government signed an additional security agreement with China in 2022. How can we explain this sender–receiver gap? I argue that close attention to the agency of domestic actors on the receiver side and the context in which such agency occurs — in this case, an extended history of insecurity in the Pacific country — provides us with analytical leverage when examining concrete instances of signalling. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4025]
75.3964 KOO, John N. L. ; QUEK, Kai —
Two states are stuck in a conflict because backing down is costly to their leaders. What can they do to exit the conflict peacefully? We propose a novel mechanism that is practically significant but not yet theorized and tested in international relations: win-win deescalation. One side “wins” because the other backs down, but the other also “wins” because it successfully frames its action to its public as a win. How effective are win frames? How would the public react to their leader’s — and the opponent’s — win frames? Using an original experiment in the midst of an ongoing US-China trade war, we identify win frames that can induce the perception of winning and reduce the public costs of deescalation for the Chinese government. [R, abr.]
75.3965 KOTELIS, Andreas ; TRIANTAPHYLLOU, Dimitrios —
Greece has faced since 2009 one of the most significant crises in its modern history. Unique in its intensity, at least during times of peace, the financial crisis impacted the country’s economy, politics, and society. Despite the country being under the international spotlight for several years, one cannot help but notice that little has been written on the issue of Greek foreign policy, especially, on whether there is a necessity for adaptation to the limitations imposed by the new realities which have augmented the sense of marginalization and the challenges presented by a continuously complicated international arena amid systemic change. Similarly, Turkey has undergone substantial changes during the past years. Following the July 2016 failed coup attempt and the April 2017 referendum, the country has been in the midst of both administrative change and a change in its foreign policy approach, while its leaders have challenged long-held foreign policy orientations and priorities, in search of a new outlook for the country’s international relations. Our paper aims to explore whether there is a need for Greece and Turkey to adopt a new role in the international system, and therefore, the necessity for the two states to adjust their respective foreign policies accordingly. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3851]
75.3966 KOUKOUDAKIS, George —
This paper focuses on evaluating and proposing ways for a breakthrough from the ongoing crisis in Greek-Turkish relations. In particular, the paper adopts a constructivist approach to the Greek-Turkish case and tries to trace the international and domestic actors and the socio-psychological variables in both countries that can contribute to the initiation of a new reconciliation — conflict management procedure — between them. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3851]
75.3967 KRÖGER, Sandra ; DEDE, Maria —
According to Rodrick, there is a globalization paradox between democracy, national sovereignty, and economic integration where only two out of these three can ever be achieved. Brexit was presented by its defenders as a way of resolving the trilemma. This contribution uses a novel survey (n = 95) to examine how UK businesses assess the new Trade and Cooperation Agreement between the UK and the EU and which model of trade they prefer moving forward. The findings by and large confirm expectations. First, the large majority considered that Brexit has had a negative impact on their businesses, including Leave voters. Second, and as regards sovereignty, the majority of Leavers thought labour shortages are a price worth paying for being able to limit freedom of movement as well as preferred to decrease EU regulations in their business sector. Third, economic integration seems to weigh heavier than concerns about sovereignty. Those who consider that Brexit had a negative financial impact on their business, including Leavers, now prefer a closer future relationship between the EU and the UK. [R]
75.3968 KUCUKDEGIRMENCI, Oktay —
At the 2014 summit of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, Chinese President, Xi Jinping with New Asian Security Concept, announced the slogan of ‘Asia for Asians’ or ‘Asia belongs to Asians’, and he played a leading role in the reactivation of CICA. In this sense, it can be stated that China has aimed to play a more active role in shaping the existing regional security order in Asia-Pacific. Although the regional policies of the United States, starting with the ‘Pivot to Asia’ and continuing with the ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ strategy and the regional and international developments in China’s strategic environment have increased China’s need for CICA, it served as a kind of soft balancing act, rather than hard balancing act, that increased diplomatic maneuverability for China. In this regard, the article attempts to explain why CICA remains a soft balancing act in China’s regional security policies, taking into account a number of factors such as power parity/disparity, economic dependence/interdependence, threat perception and increasing institutionalization in the international system, and attempts to explore why CICA is becoming an increasingly important regional security institution for China. [R]
75.3969 KUIK, Cheng-Chwee ; BENNY, Guido —
This article traces the trajectories, theoretical propensities, and thematic insights underlying Malaysian scholarly thinking and writings about international relations (IR). It argues that while their contributions to the Global IR research program have been indirect and implicit, they are not insignificant. The contributions are not claims of exceptionalism but expressions of diverse experiences, perspectives, and narratives that are reflective of the contesting, yet recurring logics significant for understanding and explaining small- and medium-sized states’ behavior in an anarchical world. Three themes are particularly pertinent: (1) external policy choices are extensions of internal attributes; (2) small-state outlook on regionalism and multilateralism; and (3) middle-state alignment behavior. Local insights contribute to Global IR by enriching, expanding, and exporting national narratives and regional mindsets into thematic thrusts pertinent for making sense of similar cases elsewhere, thereby pluralizing the universality and inclusivity of IR concepts and theories. [R]
75.3970 KUNIO, Umeda —
The international order is currently undergoing a historic transition, and in addition to the 2024 G20 Rio de Janeiro summit in November 2024, Brazil is scheduled to host the 2025 UN Climate Change Conference (UNFCCC COP30) and the 17th BRICS summit in 2025. The world’s attention will inevitably be focused on Brazil. In this article, the author will take a look at the domestic political and economic situation in Brazil. [R]
75.3971 KURYLO, Benjamin —
The article explores the development of Sino-Russian military cooperation since the end of the Cold War. It focuses on the evolution of their geopolitical alignment, military interactions, arms trade, joint military exercises, and ally dynamics. The research reveals the driving forces behind the emergence of a China-Russia military axis and its underlying synergy. It concludes that China and Russia have redefined the notion of alliance beyond its traditional understanding, creating a new paradigm of allied relations in international affairs. [R]
75.3972 KUTTY, Sumitha Narayanan ; LADWIG, Walter C., III —
As a rising India has sought both standing and recognition in the international system, observers have debated whether revisionist or status quo tendencies have characterized the country’s engagement with the outside world. One way to gain insight into such issues is to study the behavior of its apex leaders. Face-to-face diplomacy and high-level visits are an increasingly prominent feature of India’s international relations. Given the scarce nature of senior officials’ time, where they choose to travel can serve as a key indicator of their priorities. Employing an original data-set, we analyze the factors shaping foreign travel by Indian prime ministers and foreign ministers between 1992 and 2019. These indicate that strategic interests — rather than ideological affinity with the Global South, domestic politics, or bureaucratic routine—have the primary role in shaping India’s foreign engagement. [R, abr.]
75.3973 LACATUS, Corina —
Global governance systems, including international organizations (IOs), turn to academic experts to achieve a variety of policy-related outcomes. Existing scholarship offers valuable insights into the two main functions of expertise for international organizations-instrumental and symbolic. I draw on network analysis to propose a third function-political instrumentalism-where IOs use experts’ degree of connectedness to other actors to exert influence in politicized areas of policymaking and in domestic contexts in which they are less well-networked. To this end, IOs foster epistemic communities through networks that have the characteristics of small-world and scale-free networks. I illustrate this with a descriptive network analysis of the International Organization for Migration’s work in migrant health. Analyzing data from IOM documentation (2016-2022), I find that IOM fosters a complex (small world and scale-free) network through an epistemic community in which academics and researchers hold powerful positions. [R, abr.]
75.3974 LARSEN, Karen Philippa —
This article builds on existing literature on privatization of security to create a framework for increasing our understanding of contemporary private military companies’ (PMCs) relations to states. By adding country-specific characteristics about government structures and market-state relations to the concept of enmeshment, the concept is developed so that it extends beyond the focus on ‘public’ and ‘private’ in relation to the neo-liberal market for force, and encompasses neo-patrimonial formal and informal systems of governance. This is illustrated by the empirical example of the Wagner Group and its enmeshment with the Russian state. Applying the concept of regime enmeshment shows that the group and its relationship with the Russian state, despite some obvious differences from earlier PMCs, is not a completely new phenomenon but can be understood as a continuation of existing practices of outsourcing security, which is adapted to the Russian context. [R, abr.]
75.3975 LARSSON, Oscar L. ; WIDEN, J. J. —
This article assesses how the EU advances its role as a global security actor and how it deploys the military forces provided by the member states. Tracing the current debate of the identity and means of the EU, we analyze the two maritime operations, EU NAVFOR Somalia (Operation Atalanta) and EUNAVFOR MED (Operation Sophia) from a naval diplomacy perspective. Naval diplomacy acknowledges a more versatile role for naval forces, not just military advancement and force projection. We go beyond mission descriptions and operational mandates in order to analyze and assess the two operations from within, relying on internal reports and interviews with senior officers who have participated in the operations. Results show that naval forces seek cooperation with international organizations, NGOs, and third countries in order to facilitate security and good order of the global common of international water. [R, abr.]
75.3976 LeBLANC, Abbie —
In 1610, the Míkmaq formed a treaty with French representatives of the Holy See. James (Sákéj) Youngblood Henderson argues in The Míkmaw Concordat (1997) that through this treaty the Míkmaq enfolded settlers into their existing international political order by extending to settlers their concept of sacred kinship. In the more than 25 years since the publication of The Míkmaw Concordat, it has received no attention from scholars of political science. This omission is unsurprising as political science struggles to account for Indigenous politics because of its traditional focus on the “Westphalian state.” The Concordat, as a treaty between two nonstate entities, is an example of Indigenous treaty-making that can illuminate both the history of settler colonialism and how contemporary social movements are resisting the settler state. [R, abr.]
75.3977 LEHMEN, Alessandra ; VIDIGAL, Geraldo —
This article analyses the interplay between the negotiation of sustainability commitments in trade agreements and unilateral measures adopted to promote sustainability in international trade, focusing on relations between the European Union (EU) and the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). We consider the negotiations for inclusion and reform of provisions on Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) in the agreed EU-Mercosur Partnership Agreement (EUMPA). These negotiations took place at the same time as the EU forged ahead with unilateral measures linking trade policy and environmental objectives. We consider not only measures directly targeting global value chains — the Deforestation Regulation, Due Diligence Directive, and Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) — but also measures not usually associated with international trade, such as the Environmental Crime Directive, the EU Taxonomy for Sustainable Activities, the anti-greenwashing Green Claims Directive, and the sustainability exception for agreements between competitors. In light of this ‘sustainability arsenal’ and its foreseeable impacts, we examine the agreed and proposed provisions in the EUMPA to pursue environmental sustainability in production and trade, considering how they can add to, facilitate the effectiveness of, or impose limits on, the impact of the EU’s unilateral measures. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3754]
75.3978 LEIRA, Halvard ; CARVALHO, Benjamin de —
By making the case for opera houses as symbols of civilized status in International Relations (IR), this article addresses the discrepancy between the waning popularity of opera and the veritable boom in new opera houses we are witnessing across the globe. We foreground the multivocality of status symbols—they may be intended to communicate more than one meaning, by and to more than one audience. Whether intended as vehicles of urban, regional, or national status ambitions, building opera houses has signaled civilizational achievements. After a brief exploration of status symbols, we explore opera houses in general, before turning to a more in-depth study of the recent Oslo Opera House. Through the empirical study we show how opera houses have been (and still are) complex status symbols, with multiple internal and external dimensions, straddling the line between getting other states to sing along or serving mainly for purposes of singing alone. Finally, we posit that the current international boom in opera houses is a testimony to the enduring importance of being perceived as civilized in IR — long after the standard of civilization has ceased to be explicitly applied. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Status symbols in world politics”, edited and introduced by Paul BEAUMONT and Pål RØREN. See also Abstr. 75.3010, 3915, 3933, 3986, 4006, 4096, 4214]
75.3979 LEMAY-HEBERT, Nicolas, et al. —
This article reflects and responds to the question of ‘Towards a different IR?’ through the prism of the concept of peace (and the field of Peace and Conflict Studies). Building on a symposium discussion of these matters at the ANU in July 2024, we proffer the theme of temporality in peace study and processes as key to the future of the discipline. We wish to modestly contribute to debates in the discipline in two main directions. First, we explore the continuities and disruptions present, inadvertently or not, consciously or not, in the study of peace and conflict processes. We suggest a few explorative, and potentially transformative, disruptions in the practice and study of peace and conflict studies. Second, we inquire into how a focus on the spectacular and the slow might transform how we understand peace processes. Whilst most studies focus on the immediate and the newsworthy, this overlooks other processes that are happening in the shadows, equally deserving of our attention. We conclude by highlighting the deep structures of possibility but also the constraints we collectively face when studying and researching peace, in Australia and beyond. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.3980 LEONARDSSON, Hanna —
Arguing that peace is a continuum of peace and violence seen by understanding peace as embodied, spatial, and political, the article analyses peacebuilding practices creating a conflictual Lebanese peace. The article looks closer at three such practices: service provision, local interactions, and Lebanese local governance. Through empirical material, the article illustrates how service provision, local interactions and local governance are performed through power relations sustaining a continuum of peace and violence. As such, the article argues that rather than a continuum between peace and violence, Lebanese peacebuilding is a simultaneous process of peace and violence. This questions the assumed opposition between violence and peace and claims that by emphasising peace as embodied, situated, and political we can discern different peace(s) more peaceful for some than others. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 75.3897]
75.3981 LEVENT, Sinan —
The balance of power in the world is changing and global politics is rapidly moving towards a new multipolar order. This study analyzes Türkiye’s foreign policy regarding its possible position in the new order. Türkiye’s foreign policy under President Recep Tayyip Erdoðan is changing from a traditional and unconditional pro-Western stance to a pro-Islamic and pro-Asian global policy. The Erdogan-era Türkiye has been built on an Asiatic identity that is as much Turkish as it is Islamic, in line with changes in the geopolitical structure of the region and the international conjuncture. Turkishness and Islam are also the motifs on which Türkiye’s future vision is founded. Westernization, which has marked the last one hundred years of Türkiye since 1923, is the biggest shortcoming of Erdoðan’s politics. [R, abr.]
75.3982 LEVORNIK, Zoe I. —
This paper examines the effect of Constructive Intervention on Ukraine’s decision to relinquish the nuclear weapons left in its possession after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Constructive Intervention is conducted by international organizations and involves capacity building and socialization of newly independent or post crisis states. The aim of Constructive Intervention is to familiarize states with international law, Western practices and norms, and integrate the state with the international community. The extended Constructive Intervention that took place in Ukraine facilitated its decision to relinquish the nuclear weapons. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.3983 LIND, Jennifer —
China’s rise, Russia’s military resurgence, and India’s economic growth have prompted debates about the end of unipolarity and the future balance of power. Such debates are a staple of international politics; indeed, in the late 20th c., many observers warned that Japan and the Soviet Union would overtake the US. Yet scholars and policymakers evince little agreement on how to define power or measure the distribution of power. This article introduces an inductive method for comparing national power. I empirically validate common metrics of national capabilities — economic and military — by assessing their ability to both predict known balances of power across historical systems (1820-1990) and distinguish between great powers and other countries. This method yields three important findings. [R, abr.]
75.3984 LOGAN, David C. —
China’s nuclear buildup and intensifying US-China strategic competition have raised concerns about the future of nuclear dynamics between China and the US. As US-China nuclear competition escalates, understanding Chinese views of strategic stability will be important for managing this dimension of the relationship between these two global powers. During the Cold War, different conceptions of strategic stability influenced how the Soviet Union and the US constructed their nuclear forces and approached arms control. For the US strategic community, strategic stability consisted of crisis stability and arms race stability. This article analyzes extensive Chinese-language sources and finds that Chinese writings identify four pillars of strategic stability: nuclear mutual vulnerability, the overall state of bilateral relations, the nuclear taboo, and beliefs about the controllability of nuclear escalation. [R, abr.]
75.3985 LOHNE, Kjersti —
Despite the significance of state support to international criminal justice institutions, we lack systematic knowledge about what animates states’ foreign policy on international criminal justice, as well as how international criminal justice impacts domestic societies. This article analyses a subset of findings regarding Norway from the EU cost Action (ca18228) survey on States’ encounters with international criminal justice. While Norway’s positioning in the ‘global atrocity justice constellation’ is driven by strategic foreign policy aims to protect and strengthen the liberal international order, the paper reveals how the ‘State’ in international criminal justice is far from a homogenous, unitary entity, but rather is composed of conflicting and incongruent logics of governance impacting its support to international criminal justice. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3986 MÄLKSOO, Maria —
How can a signal of extended deterrence, such as prepositioning of foreign military forces, signify status for the beneficiaries of the allied deterrence/reassurance chain? This article explores how the manifestation and communication of allied deterrence can concurrently constitute an affectively charged status symbol for the protégé states of this international security practice. It does so on the example of the Baltic states and Poland, probing the presence and functionality of the American forces as a status marker in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)’s eastern flank states after 2014. Engaging discourse analysis and expert interviews, the article shows (1) how the intersubjectively determined success of deterrence is dependent on historically potent symbols which have become emblematic of extended deterrence and (2) how deterrence icons can simultaneously serve as multifarious status symbols in intra-alliance politics. The self-identification of protégé states as worthy stakes to deter over emerges as an ambivalent status position defined by the shortage of attributes, rather than a function of their tally. The article contributes to the understanding of the symbolic form of (allied) deterrence and the multivocal status value ascribed to the American ‘boots on the ground’. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3978]
75.3987 MANCINI, Marina —
The present article investigates Italy’s posture on international criminal justice and identifies gaps and obstacles whose overcoming is essential to make the country effectively contribute to its efficient functioning. To this end, firstly, the Italian Government’s attitude towards international criminal justice institutions is surveyed. Secondly, domestic legislation and case law on international crimes are carefully analysed. Thirdly, the public perception of international crimes in Italy is critically assessed. The author finds that a major legislative reform is urgently needed and cannot be postponed any longer, so as to remove any ambiguity about the Italian Government’s commitment to ensuring accountability for all international crimes listed in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. She also advises that such reform should be complemented with the assumption of additional international obligations bringing Italy at the forefront of the supporters of the Rome Statute system. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.3988 MANKOFF, Jeffrey —
Although Russia’s turn against the liberal international order has been a gradual process, the invasion of Ukraine was a turning point, with effects that will be difficult to undo. [R]
75.3989 MARTIN, Yeliz Kulalı —
One significant impact on the international system of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War has been Finland’s NATO membership. This article suggests that Baldur Thorhallsson’s shelter theory is the most suitable explanation for Finland’s decision. According to the theory, an alliance relationship with NATO will remedy the lack of hard security shelter of a state categorized as a small state in the literature. Many experts believe that this is a pragmatic choice by Finland against the Russian threat. On the other hand, Finland has a long history with Russia and is known for its neutral and peaceful policies, trying to establish a balance between East and West. For the above-mentioned reasons, membership in NATO is a much more difficult decision than it seems on the surface. In this framework, this article will first explain the place of Thorhallsson’s theory in International Relations. Then, Finland’s general foreign policy choices will be examined in light of current shelter relationships. Finally, in presenting the country’s history with NATO, it will focus on the potential consequences of the membership. [R]
75.3990 MAURER, John H. —
The emerged as a naval competitor of Great Britain after the First World War. American naval ambitions exasperated Winston Churchill, who saw this challenge threatening Britain’s position as the world’s leading sea power. Faced by America’s growing economy and navy, Churchill lamented Britain’s decline as a world power. He confided to his wife Clementine: ‘Poor old England — she is being slowly but surely forced into the shade.’ Despite America’s undoubted economic strength, Churchill was determined that Britain stay ahead of the US in the naval arms race. This article examines Churchill’s views about America’s growing naval power and Britain’s ability to compete against the US. Examining Churchill’s views in this period provides an opportunity to explore the question of how the leading world power responded to a rising international great-power challenger. [R]
75.3991 McKERCHER, Asa —
For much of its history, Canadian policymakers conceived of Canada as operating within the North Atlantic Triangle, a descriptor of its close economic, cultural, military, and diplomatic ties with Britain and the US. Frequently, within this triangular relationship, Canada had sought to counterbalance one side against the other. This task became increasingly difficult with the post-1940 transition of power, even as it made the counterbalancing effects of the Triangle all the more important. Examining American-British-Canadian relations in the wake of the Suez Crisis, this article traces the ongoing salience of the North Atlantic Triangle. In particular, it examines Canadian efforts to pursue their interests against the backdrop both of Britain’s decline and US hegemony and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan’s efforts to rekindle London’s ‘special relationship’ with Washington. [R]
75.3992 MENG, Weizhan ; YAO, Huanyu —
Why the concept of a “period of strategic opportunity” was not expressed in the report on the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2022, as has been the case for the past 20 years, is a question worthy of further investigation. The ebb and flow of the liberal international order, as well as Biden’s implementation of a tougher and more effective China policy than the Trump administration, have made the CCP leadership aware of the reduction of China’s strategic opportunities. This has triggered changes in the Chinese Communist Party’s grand strategic rhetoric in the short period from 2020 to 2022. Analysis of the usage of the term “period of strategic opportunity” in China’s official documents (2000-2025) and identifying the differences among influential Chinese scholars provides the tools to demonstrate and confirm the argument. [R, abr.]
75.3993 MICHELSEN, Nicholas ; ORELLANA, Pablo De ; COSTA BURANELLI, Filippo —
New Right actors are vocally seeking to change key international relations practices and institutions. We enquire how their philosophy of the international, which we call Reactionary Internationalism, is being socialised by a diverse group of international actors. Engaging with English School conceptualisations of international society and deploying discursive analysis of diplomatic positions, we examine the diplomacy of New Right actors and sympathisers on issues of rights and the limits of sovereign power. Through this empirical analysis it is demonstrated that opportunistic alliances between New Right politicians in democratic states, and authoritarian states such as China, are solidifying into an international compact that advocates radical normative change in international relations. This programme is centred on a new constitutive principle (birth-cultural sovereignty) and two new institutions (exclusive spheres of competence and transactionalism), that establish the terms of reference for a reactionary international society. [R]
75.3994 MILTON, Sansom ; ELKAHLOUT, Ghassan ; TARIQ, Sana —
Qatar’s role in mediation diminished following the 2017 Gulf Crisis and the regional backlash to its interventionist policy during the Arab Spring. After the resolution of the Gulf Crisis in 2021, the Qatari role in conflict mediation re-emerged with a return to third-party mediation in the early 2020s, receiving widespread attention following the US-Taliban agreement. The post-crisis return of Qatar to playing central mediator and facilitator roles in conflict management has, however, been subject to discontinuities as well as continuities in its mediation style as a result of the crisis in its international relations. This article analyses the evolution of mediation strategy, utilizing case studies of Qatar’s mediation in Afghanistan, Chad, and Libya through a framework focusing on results, modality, acceptability and reception. The analysis identifies key comparative findings on Qatar’s post-2020 renewed role in conflict mediation. [R]
75.3995 MISRA, Jitendra Nath —
India’s amiable history with Vietnam began with peaceful migration to Southeast Asia from the beginning of the Common Era and discovery of new land and sea routes. Yet, modern Vietnamese consider India distant and remote. Indian culture reached Vietnam in “benign and peaceful” waves, while China’s onslaught was “forceful and potent.” India is neither a threat nor concerning runs the argument. Without surveys, we cannot be sure this is a consensus view. Clearer is that Vietnamese do not write revisionist histories to deny the migration of Indian princes, merchants, and philosophers in the first millennium. There is recognition of the Hinduized Champa as part of Vietnamese culture. [R]
75.3996 MOE, Louise Wiuff —
Responding to the debate as to whether climate change should be framed as a security threat or a development issue, this policy paper elaborates on the potential for a ‘peace continuum’ approach, which integrates human and ecological concerns within security governance. [R]
75.3997 MOELLER, Richard R. —
After Ukraine, the need for robust mechanisms to rebuild trust and ensure transparency among states would become more pressing than ever. Renowned for its transparency and trust-building capabilities, the Open Skies Treaty (OST) could serve as a cornerstone for post-conflict security arrangements. This article examines the potential for revisiting the Open Skies framework to adapt to innovative surveillance technologies, assist with verification of arms control agreements, and enhance diplomatic efforts to foster a collaborative deterrence between former enemies and include agreeable neighboring states. Utilizing a qualitative methodology involving the analysis of public statements, policy documents, and related scholarship, the study underscores the OST’s critical role in establishing a transparent military environment. This recognized framework can foster trust among former adversaries, supporting broader goals of international peace and stability. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.3998 MOHAMMED, Awol Ali —
The recent Ethio-Eritrean rapprochement is a significant political step toward transforming the two countries’ and the region’s lengthy wars and hostilities into amicable relations. The rapprochement was expected to bring an end to the Ethio-Eritrean disputes that had destabilized the Horn for over two decades. By employing qualitative research approach, the article explores the perils of Ethio-Eritrean rapprochement. The findings indicated that the challenges includes the issues of un-demarcated boundary, the excluded voices of stakeholders during the Pretoria agreement, enmity between the TPLF and the PFDJ, and the divided Red Sea Alliance are among the overwhelming challenges. [R]
75.3999 MORAMUDALI, Umesh ; PANDUWAWALA, Thilina —
This article studies the parallel evolution of Sri Lanka’s domestic politics and China’s foreign financing in Sri Lanka’s post-independence era through four lenses, namely, political opposition, political gains, economic structure, and institutions. We focus on the bilateral relationship prior to Sri Lanka’s economic liberalization and the aftermath of the middle-income transition and add three major findings to the literature. Firstly, Chinese economic engagements continue to have substantial political opposition in Sri Lanka. But the nature of such opposition evolved from ideology-based to sovereignty-based anti-China sentiments, which heavily correlate with elections. Economic relations with China have continued to evolve as political gains, which helped maintain government popularity in the short-to-medium term and exceeded the costs inflicted by political opposition. Secondly, the nature of the bilateral economic relationship has become more complex, moving from being purely government-to-government to involving multiple actors: Chinese policy banks, state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and the private sector. Thirdly, despite differences, Sri Lanka’s governments have utilized economic relations with China for short-term political gains and to avoid structural reforms, especially in the run-up to Sri Lanka’s sovereign default and unprecedented economic crisis in 2022. [R, abr.]
75.4000 MÜLLER-CREPON, Carl ; SCHVITZ, Guy ; CEDERMAN, Lars-Erik —
Borders define states, yet little systematic evidence explains where they are drawn. Putting current challenges to state borders into perspective and breaking new methodological ground, this paper analyzes how ethnic geography and nationalism have shaped European borders since the 19th century. We argue that nationalism creates pressures to redraw political borders along ethnic lines, ultimately making states more congruent with ethnic groups. We introduce a Probabilistic Spatial Partition Model to test this argument, modeling state territories as partitions of a planar spatial graph. Using new data on Europe’s ethnic geography since 1855, we find that ethnic boundaries increase the conditional probability that two locations they separate are, or will become, divided by a state border. Secession is an important mechanism driving this result. Similar dynamics characterize border change in Asia but not in Africa and the Americas. [R, abr.]
75.4001 MULLINS, Philippa —
Russian civil society has experienced a retreat of foreign funding and NGOs. However, where foreign, formal organisations leave, Russian individuals remain. Exploring the pathways of these individuals shows how they navigate a shifting organising environment. Foreign experience is recognised as formational; it continues to inform action and moves into new spheres. However, some actors perceive overt publicisation of foreign connections and experience as heightening risk, and may disavow or obscure these experiences. Where foreign experience is associated with political threat, actors respond with strategies of apparent depoliticisation. Investigating how foreign experience is obscured thus provides a route into examining the political question of who, or what, is perceived as belonging. [R]
75.4002 NAENI, Amin ; KAUNERT, Christian —
The EU’s policy towards Iran has fallen out of alignment with the bloc’s perceived need to embrace its geopolitical responsibilities. The incoming EU administration must foster a cohesive geopolitical approach that will enable it to engage effectively with a determined, revisionist Iran. [R]
75.4003 NAJI, Nora ; SCHILDKNECHT, Darja —
Global counterterrorism has deeply influenced urban arrangements in cities across the world, so too in Nairobi. After the Westgate attack in 2013, new modes of security governance have appeared and actively changed neighbourhoods in the capital. These new urban security arrangements build on and perpetuate, however, existing security dispositifs in the city rooted in British settler colonialism. This article therefore discusses how global counterterrorism structures manifest in and sustain racialised local security arrangements, investigating the role of spatiality within counterterrorism narratives. Taking the case of the postcolonial city of Nairobi, the article explores the two neighbourhoods of Karen and Eastleigh where security arrangements manifest in distinct ways, namely through safeguarding affluent communities from the ‘suspect’ other who needs to be surveilled and policed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 75.3897]
75.4004 NANTERMOZ, Olivia ; TURAN, Aslihan —
This paper argues that humanitarian logics have been integral to the constitution and historical evolution of international society and its primary institutions. Whilst Watson was chiefly interested in the raison de système which brought states together in the consolidation and preservation of an international society, he did not dedicate as much attention to how humanitarian concerns have historically been embedded in the structure of both statehood and international society. We introduce the concept of raison de l’humanité to capture this fundamental concern for protecting human lives, alleviating human suffering and mobilising compassion and solidarity in politics. We show how this raison de l’humanité has historically complemented and reinforced (rather than undermined) the workings of international society and its raison de système. We illustrate this argument by examining the humanitarian responsibilities historically associated with sovereignty and their contemporary expression in the responsibility to protect (R2P) doctrine. Instead of uncritically celebrating this raison de l’humanité as a universal and morally progressive force in global politics, however, this paper stresses the need to attend to the hierarchies, exclusions and sacrifices produced by appeals to humanity and humanitarian logics. Taking this raison de l’humanité seriously therefore requires tracing how throughout history, appeals to humanity have oscillated between solidarity and violence, inclusion and exclusion, equality and hierarchy. This brings us back, in turn, to Watson’s project of historical documentation of the varying workings of international society. [R] 3890]
75.4005 NARINS, Thomas P. —
This article analyzes the activities of Southeast Asian civil society organizations (CSOs) with regard to citizens’ online freedom of expression (digital rights) against the backdrop of China’s increasing digital investments in the region through its Digital Silk Road (DSR) concept. CSO behavior relating to citizens’ digital rights contributes to the on-the-ground, agency-driven perspective among countries that are targets of Chinese digital infrastructure investments. This perspective is underrepresented in the literature surrounding China’s contemporary global rise. Focusing specifically on Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines — three countries that rank as “high” recipients of Beijing’s media influence (one form of digital technology influence) — this article sheds light on two phenomena. First, the Southeast Asian CSO landscape currently focuses on pressing issues threatening freedom of expression in national and regional spaces, such as national government surveillance, misinformation campaigns, and internet shutdowns, more so than the “digital Chinese threat.” Second, although pushback against the threats to Southeast Asians’ digital rights often has connections to China’s digital technologies, the reality that digital repression techniques are organized and executed by Southeast Asian governmental regimes (and not by Chinese actors) generates contradictions that run counter to the democratic ideals espoused by these countries and align more closely with the Chinese states’ views relating to information organization and control. [R]
75.4006 NAYLOR, Tristen —
This article examines how international summits are produced as status symbols, arguing that a host’s successful management of the event maintains summitry as a high-status practice, while hosting itself serves as a means to acquire status, owing to the complexity and risk involved. Drawing on elements of practice and performance theories, it articulates how and why status symbols can be understood as performative practices, reworking how Veblen is predominantly used in International Relations (IR), shifting from a focus on conspicuous consumption to conspicuous performance, while adopting a more expansive conceptualisation of status symbols, as one finds in Goffman. Exploring the manipulability of summitry as a status symbol, the article draws on an ethnography of the 2018 Charlevoix G7 summit, offering a ‘behind the scenes’ look at how a host produces a summit’s constitutive ‘showpiece moments’, zeroing-in on three key elements: a host’s scenario handbook, command centre and media centre. In addition to proposing theoretical and conceptual innovation in the study of international status, the article expands the scope of summit studies beyond a traditional focus on statespeople negotiating agreements, inviting exploration of summitry’s performative and symbolic dimensions. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3978]
75.4007 NILI, Shmuel —
Commonsense morality suggests that an unjustly invaded democracy may conscript its own citizens and bar them from emigrating when such a policy is necessary to sustain resistance to the invader. What does this assumption regarding ‘internal conscription’ entail for ‘external conscription’ — for foreign countries who might close their borders to many citizens of the invaded democracy, to push them to fight? Could it have been morally appropriate for Ukraine’s neighbours, for instance, to close their borders to (many) Ukrainians at the onset of the Russian assault on Kyiv, with the aim of sustaining Ukraine’s resistance to Putin’s invasion? I take up such questions by examining the seeming discrepancy between internal and external conscription. I argue that, notwithstanding its surface appeal, a categorical divide between the two kinds of conscription is unwarranted. At the level of fundamental moral principles, the two stand and fall together. [R]
75.4008 NIYAZBEKOV, Nurseit —
Kazakhstan is in a difficult situation. The country is striving for self-determination in foreign policy, and this also raises the question of democracy and autocracy. In January 2022, President Kasym-Jomart Toqaev summoned troops from the Russian-dominated Collective Security Treaty Organization into his country. They crushed protests against the government and kept Toqaev in power. The price was 230 dead and 4,300 injured. Moscow expects loyalty, but Astana refuses to provide it unconditionally. To build up a countervailing power, the government is seeking additional partners. The EU is interested in expanding energy and trade relations. As in the case of Ukraine, Russia is reacting irritably and is trying to prevent any western orientation. China is an important trade partner for Kazakhstan, but politically, however, it also has an interest in the stabilization of the authoritarian order. [R]
75.4009 NONES, Nicola —
Many theories attempt to explain the determinants of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) and their design. I develop and test novel theoretical claims regarding executive leaders’ prior career in business and their trade cooperation policy once in office. I construct a new dataset on the heads of the executive’s business managerial experience and test my main claims in a time-series-cross-sectional setting covering 185 countries from 1948 to 2009. To establish causality, I rely on an instrumental variable strategy and leverage exogenous transitions due to sudden deaths or terminal illness in office. The results show that businesspersons-turned-politicians are more likely to enter PTAs and are more likely to sign deeper PTAs. The relationship is further investigated in an illustrative case study of the 1988 — Canada trade deal. [R, abr.]
75.4010 NWANGWU, Chikodiri —
Nigeria’s soft power capabilities in Africa largely derive from its historical Afrocentric and good neighborliness foreign policy orientation. Apart from the rigid application of Chapter Two of the ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance which frowns at power acquired or maintained through unconstitutional means, Nigeria’s Afrocentric and good neighborliness foreign policy posturing has shifted under President Bola Tinubu’s administration. The foreign policy shift reflects the global dominance of liberal democracy in the context of the resurgence of military coup d’état in West Africa. Relying on the fundamental assumptions of liberal internationalism, this study unpacked how the shift in Nigeria’s foreign policy stance has affected regional integration in West Africa. [R, abr.]
75.4011 ODGAARD, Liselotte —
This analysis uncovers how a third tier of semiautonomous security actors prioritize relative influence over strategic goals that often differ from US strategic priorities of competition with Russia and China. Third-tier powers such as the Arctic country the Faroe Islands and the Pacific country Solomon Islands use jurisdiction over nonmilitary security issues such as infrastructure and law and order management as bargaining tools for leveraging influence and attracting resources by cooperating with US adversaries. Goal displacement encourages the US first-tier power to micromanage control problems at the periphery of the US alliance system by enhanced monitoring and interference. [R]
75.4012 ORTIZ, Angel Iglesias —
This article presents an overview of the potential for integrating specific peacebuilding strategies with the practice of border art as a tool for addressing various forms of violence in border regions. The specific peacebuilding strategies considered are nonviolent intervention, reduction of direct violence, transformation of relationships, and building capacity. It is proposed that the combination of these strategies with border art provides avenues for counteracting specific forms of violence. Artistic expressions denounce negative social conditions and convey a sense of peace, portraying questions of social justice. Border art can re-politicize border spaces by strategically positioning shared values such as peaceful coexistence and hope. The proposed combination of peacebuilding strategies and border art can be a means of counteracting the normalization of violence and social exclusion in social contexts that are not associated with armed conflict but are permanently affected by everyday violence. [R, abr.]
75.4013 PAEK, Sunwoo ; LEE, Dong Sun —
Over the past decade, the government of the Republic of Korea showed a puzzling attitude towards foreign policy signalling. Seoul did not demand costly signals from Beijing and Pyongyang to ascertain their cooperative intents. Moreover, Seoul showed eagerness to unilaterally send the rivals costly signals to convey its intention to cooperate. We aim to explain Seoul’s engagement in unreciprocated costly signalling that diverges from mainstream theoretical expectations. We argue that the unreciprocated signalling stemmed from Seoul’s belief that Beijing and Pyongyang might not know its own cooperative intent, whereas the latter two countries’ cooperative intents were already sufficiently clear to Seoul. Therefore, Seoul reasoned that sending costly signals was crucial to convince Beijing and Pyongyang of its trustworthiness whereas such signals from the rivals were unnecessary. To support this argument, we draw on interviews with senior Republic of Korea officials, along with primary and secondary documents available in Korean and English. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4025]
75.4014 PAHUJA, Sundhya —
The invitation to reflect upon the question ‘Toward a different IR?’ challenges those of us engaging from a legal background to ask what a different international law might look like. This necessarily involves taking stock of the historical foundations of our discipline and acknowledging the ways in which these foundations continue to shape its present form. This entails provincialising international law and approaching it as a site of struggle, rather than as a settled and neutral framework. By doing so, I argue, we can begin to envision a future for international law that is not merely an extension of its imperial past, but a departure from it. This reimagining of international law requires us to practice the discipline differently, to teach it differently, and to think about it differently. Only by doing so can we hope to create a future for international law that is more just, and maybe slightly less imperial. When we think about the future of our discipline — whether International Law or International Relations, let us remember that the future does not simply ‘arrive’ or unfold on its own. It is something that we, as international jurists, diplomats and scholars actively shape every day — and every tomorrow — through our practices, our teachings, and our commitments. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.4015 PAINE, Jack ; QIU, Xiaoyan ; RICART-HUGUET, Joan —
We revise the conventional wisdom that Africa’s international borders were drawn arbitrarily. Europeans knew very little about most of Africa in the mid-1880s, but their self-interested goals of amassing territory prompted intensive examination of on-the-ground conditions as they formed borders. Europeans negotiated with African rulers to secure treaties and to learn about historical state frontiers, which enabled Africans to influence the border-formation process. Major water bodies, which shaped precolonial civilizations and trade, also served as focal points. We find support for these new theoretical implications using two original datasets. Quantitatively, we analyze border-location correlates using grid cells and an original spatial dataset on precolonial states. Qualitatively, we compiled information from treaties and diplomatic histories to code causal process observations for every bilateral border. [R, abr.]
75.4016 PANDIT, Niharika —
This article calls for a rethinking of militarization as co-constitutive of coloniality. Challenging Global North thinking on militarization, including critical work that characterizes it as “banal” and “subtle,” the article enquires into the constitutive logics, forms, and effects of military occupation in Kashmir to argue for an understanding of state-enforced militarization as an aspect of India’s coloniality. It shows how militarization becomes a logic of coloniality that deploys colonial technologies of control and violence, is regulated through hierarchies of gender and racialization, and creates differential vulnerabilities in everyday life. That dominant theorizations of militarization have paid inadequate attention to coloniality is not happenstance and, in thinking with Kashmir, the article does not simply call for empirical attention to marginal Global South geographies; it also insists on their epistemic potentialities in disrupting how militarization is understood in dominant Global North theorizations. In so doing, the article proposes that we attend to location as a feminist methodology if we are to address the depoliticization of and complicities in militarization literature and for anticolonial feminist possibilities to emerge. [R]
75.4017 PANT, Harsh V. ; MISHRA, Vivek —
In the years leading up to 2020, India-China relations were often described as being in a state of uneasy uncertainty. Despite robust bilateral trade, China frequently made attempts to challenge the status quo along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) through below-threshold tactical incursions. However, the situation took a significant turn in May 2020 when China’s expansionist agenda became apparent, resulting in provocative incursions that ultimately led to the tragic Galwan clash. While the precise motivations behind China’s actions are multifaceted, certain trends in India’s foreign policy choices stand out as contributing factors that may have pushed China to a tipping point. This article contends that India’s burgeoning defense and security partnership with the US, which has increasingly impacted the security, stability, and balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region, could have been a leading reason for the incursion. China views India’s strengthening relations with the US as a strategic move, viewing India as a tool or part of the US containment strategy against China. This paper specifically examines the political, security, military, and other developments in India–US relations and beyond which caused concern in Beijing and, in turn, contributed to China’s aggressive actions along the LAC in May 2020. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.4018 PAPAGEORGIOU, Maria ; CAN, Muhammed ; VIEIRA, Alena —
In the last years, China and the US have engaged in unprecedented competition in emerging technologies (ETs), in a context of China’s growing presence and shifting position in the international system. Drawing on data between 2017 and 2023 and strategic decisions, such as bans and export controls directed at China’s companies and the changing alignment posture of Western states, we employ the Balance of Threat (BoT) theory to examine China’s changing aggregate power, offensive capabilities and aggressive intentions, while also establishing the vanishing importance of the geographic dimension. We then turn to the behavior of the US and Western states by drawing on the BoT theory, which suggests balancing as a prime strategy to counter the threat and identify instances of the formation of a balancing coalition against China. We demonstrate how the notion of threat in ETs can be approached. [R, abr.]
75.4019 PARKER, Tyler B. ; BAKIR, Ali —
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members have reacted differently to strategic shifts in the Middle East, including the relative decline of the United States (US). Why have the GCC governments differed in their defence diversification steps of alignment formation, policy independence and arms procurement? By focusing on the perceptions of Gulf decision-makers, we argue that the GCC governments that are less confident in US security provision have been more proactive in pursuing diversification, whereas those that are more confident in the US have been less pursuant of diversification. We evaluate our argument by comparing the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Kuwait. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3844]
75.4020 PARRIS, Samuel ; VAN RANKIN, Armando —
Over the past decades, Marxist-inspired approaches from the field of International Historical Sociology (IHS) have theorised the relationship between 16th and 17th Century European colonial expansion and the development of relations of production and economic growth on both sides of the Atlantic. In this article, we argue that such attempts — from Dependency Theory (DT), World-Systems Theory (WST), and Uneven and Combined Development (UCD) — are premised on a structuralist perspective which overextend the notion of capitalism and under examine the sphere of production, rendering divergent and distinct strategies of European colonialism a homogenous and under-historicised process. Embracing theoretical innovations from Geopolitical Marxism (GPM), we dispute this unitary logic of expansion, instead applying a radical historicist methodology to demonstrate that British and Spanish colonial strategies in the Americas (intra-imperial free trade vs. mercantilism) were shaped by nationally specific class relations (capitalism vs. feudalism/absolutism), generating unique patterns of settlement on the ground (mineral extraction vs. cash-crop production). Promoting historicism thus allows Marxist International Relations to better recognise “the ‘making of’ the international order” during the period of European colonial expansion from the 16th century onwards, and, in doing so, further understand its enduring legacies. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4101]
75.4021 PASSALACQUA, Claudio Christopher —
Under what conditions do countries formally engage with the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) Digital Silk Road (DSR)? A Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) highlights two main findings: first, a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, individually and in combination with China being a leading importer, is a necessary condition to explain countries’ formal commitment to DSR; second, as expected, no single condition turns out to be sufficient; rather, an interplay of several factors is required. The results point to the empirical importance (though not always sufficient) of the absence of an alternative foreign-backed initiative with other major powers, the existence of a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, and its presence as a leading importer. This suggests that, in the absence of alternative connectivity plans, countries’ existing economic and strategic relationships with the PRC predispose them to formally engage in the DSR. This is particularly the case for Southeast Asian countries. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3844]
75.4022 PEARSON, Frederic S. ; SIMPSON, Erika —
We are pleased to present this thematic journal, featuring a concise collection of articles on nuclear deterrence and global security amid the Ukraine conflict. These articles examine how the conflict shapes strategic considerations worldwide. Our selection process was both challenging and rewarding, as we reviewed numerous high-quality submissions to curate diverse perspectives on current geopolitical dynamics. We encourage readers to engage with these discussions, which offer valuable insights into the complex interrelations among power, peace, and global security. [R] [First of a series if articles on “Deterrence and disarmament: what now after Ukraine?”. See also Abstr. 75.3887, 3934, 3982, 3997, 4040, 4056, 4059, 4082]
75.4023 PEEZ, Anton ; BETHKE, Felix S. —
Does public opinion on international affairs affect elites’ policy preferences? Most research assumes that it does, but this key assumption is difficult to test empirically given limited research access to elite decision-makers. We examine elite responsiveness to public opinion on sanctioning Russia during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. We fielded a preregistered experiment within the 2022 TRIP survey of US foreign policy practitioners, offering a rare opportunity for a fairly large elite survey experiment. We used contemporary public polling highly supportive of increasing sanctions as an information treatment. Our research design, involving a salient issue and real-world treatment, substantially expands on previous work. We provide evidence for substantial treatment effect heterogeneity depending on subject-matter expertise, degree of involvement in political decision-making, and gender, but not party identification. [R, abr.]
75.4024 PERICOLI, Altea —
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the evolution of Qatar and the UAE’s foreign aid and compare them in the same context: the Syrian early recovery. Analysing data on projects financed as well as the geographical, sectoral, and channel allocation of aid, the article highlights crucial aspects of these two Gulf donors’ behaviours. To examine their modus operandi, this research focuses on the Syrian early recovery, in which these two Gulf States are involved. Data from 2015 to 2021 show that different interests in the Syrian context are reflected in how policies of aid are implemented. This top-down evaluation of aid strategies demonstrates the predominance of political choices in aid allocation which have led Qatar and the UAE to finance aid intervention on two parallel lines, following respectively the opposition and government-controlled areas. The research uses primary and secondary data with a qualitative and quantitative approach. It includes official documents related to the Qatar Fund for Development (QFFD) and the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development (ADFD) and semi-structured interviews conducted with both institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.4025 PLAGEMANN, Johannes —
The Indo-Pacific is a laboratory of foreign policy signaling. It has seen a plethora of novel diplomatic phrasings and formats emerging in the recent past – from the adoption of the Indo-Pacific terminology itself, to a series of strategy papers from regional as well as extra-regional governments to varying multilateral naval exercises. Playing host to the rivalry between the US and China that is set to define 21st century world politics, it is not surprising that both major Asian and external powers have intensified their foreign policy signaling towards and within the Indo-Pacific region. What is more puzzling is the simultaneity of often very public signals and their vagueness. In fact, a multipolar Asia replete with interdependencies from safe sea lanes to infrastructure investments and arms supplies is one that is full of ambiguous signaling — raising questions about the reasons for this as well as its consequences and effectiveness. The introduction of this special issue highlights this central feature of signalling in the Indo-Pacific. Moreover, with reference to the rich signalling literature it suggests an understanding of foreign policy signalling outside immediate crises as communication that is costly, public, and intentional for the contributing authors to work with. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue. See Abstr. 75.3885, 3955, 3962, 3963, 4013, 4030, 4084]
75.4026 PLANTAN, Elizabeth, et al. —
This study examines the emerging phenomenon of joint activities between international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and Chinese actors in third-party countries. How common are these activities, what forms do they take and which actors are involved? What are the motivations and incentives for participants? And how do these activities compare to longstanding INGO engagement within China’s borders? Based on key stakeholder interviews and an original dataset of over 130 INGO–China joint overseas development activities, we analyse project locations, types, areas of focus, and specific Chinese and international participants and their motivations. We find that INGO engagements have increased worldwide due to both ‘push’ factors (shifts in domestic conditions and constraints in China) and ‘pull’ factors (growing opportunities and incentives to work with Chinese actors overseas). [R, abr.]
75.4027 POSTNIKOV, Evgeny ; GAMSO, Jonas —
The number of preferential trade agreements signed among non-democratic states (autocratic PTAs) has grown significantly over the last decades. Trade policy scholarship remains silent on the institutional design of these autocratic economic arrangements. In this paper, we explore the core institutional characteristic of autocratic PTAs — their depth. It has been shown that many North-South and, increasingly, South-South PTAs tend to be deep, yet the depth of PTAs comprised of autocratic members remains puzzling, as government elites are faced with competing pressures for economic integration and political survival. We argue that autocratic PTAs tend to have considerable depth when it comes to the coverage of certain trade-plus issues, such as investment and trade-in services, due to the desire of government elites to attract trade and investment and enhance the ruling regime’s legitimacy and political survival. [R, abr.]
75.4028 PRESTON, Andrew —
This article uses the rise of the doctrine of ‘national security’ in US statecraft and strategy to re-examine Brian McKercher’s work on the ‘transition of power’ from Britain to the US. World War II marked the great watershed in American foreign relations, particularly in the ability and willingness of Americans to project power beyond the western hemisphere. Not coincidentally, the war also marked another crucial turning point in American war and diplomacy: the transition from concepts like ‘national self-defence’ and ‘the national interest’ to a strategic doctrine that blended the blunt necessity of defence with the capacious ambition of interests. This article investigates the construction of ‘national security’ and the nature of Anglo-American empire in a new light. [R, abr.]
75.4029 PRIEBE, Miranda, et al. —
At least since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, a subset of realists, conservatives, and progressives have called for greater restraint in US grand strategy. Given that restraint is a key position in the grand strategy debate, this article explores the variations within restraint’s big tent in greater detail. Drawing on writings by and interviews with advocates of restraint, we identify the underlying beliefs that have led these disparate groups to converge on restraint. We find that there are competing visions of restraint. Realists want to prevent the emergence of regional hegemons without provoking great power war; conservatives seek to preserve what they identify as the American way of life; and progressives are motivated by the desire to combat inequality and injustice at home and abroad. [R, abr.]
75.4030 PU, Xiaoyu —
The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as a critical geopolitical platform. Can major powers and regional states avoid conflict? This article explores the concept of status signalling to better understand the region. Status signalling aims to demonstrate a state’s preferred ranking in international society. By applying this concept to new empirical domains, the article shows how status signalling offers fresh insights into regional trends. As an example of strategic spinning, the emergence of the Indo-Pacific reshapes strategic thinking and diplomatic practice in the 21st century. While countries may engage in military posturing to signal their preferred status, the rising competition in the region is not always a zero-sum game. Countries can signal status by providing international public goods in non-military domains. The United States and China need to find ways to handle the potential problem of status dilemmas. Meanwhile, all countries should prudently manage competing expectations from multiple audiences. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4025]
75.4031 RAIMEDHI, Sidharth —
India’s state of deterrence vis-a-vis China has significantly weakened over the last two decades. This has occurred in the backdrop of asymmetries that are both natural (geographic) as well as institutional — economic growth rates, defense production and preparedness. India’s attempts to restore deterrence starting since 2009 has failed to serve its objectives owing to imperfect strategic assessments, over-reliance on non-deterrence measures to ensure stability, and under-investment in military power. Such conditions had led to a deterrence posture that was high on assertiveness but low on credibility. India continues to under-invest in military capabilities and neglect deterrence, even while undertaking significant steps toward creating a military-industrial complex primed for the future. Hence, India needs to restore deterrence — of a kind that is generalized, credible, and based on the buildup of war fighting capabilities. In order to escape the decadal land dilemma, India needs to emphasize its strengths in terms of air power (instead of sea power); and in terms of external options, India could adopt a more flexible version of strategic autonomy. The paper further argues that such a deterrence posture needs to be complemented by a high-level political approach toward a final resolution of the border dispute. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.4032 RAINE, Sarah —
European leaders may fret over the reliability and durability of the US’ security commitment to Europe, but they have shown no serious inclination to develop alternatives to NATO. [R]
75.4033 RALPH, Jason ; GASKARTH, Jamie —
In the UK’s policy sphere, pragmatism is often conflated with realism to mean either a philosophical acceptance of the way the world is, or a prudential awareness that progressive change is difficult but still possible. David Lammy’s advocacy of ‘progressive realism’ as a foreign policy ethos seems to favour the latter; yet, we see two problems with Lammy’s formulation for progressive foreign policy. First, shackling pragmatism to realism could result in progressive opportunities being missed. Second, as a means towards (or a check on) progressive ends, realist pragmatism risks assuming the undemocratic position that those ends are given (by western powers) and beyond (multilateral) dialogue. We argue that a policy informed by philosophical Pragmatism avoids these risks because unlike realists (and IR realists) these Pragmatists are more aware of the constructed and processual (rather than essential and fixed) nature of social problems. [R, abr.]
75.4034 RASCHI, Francesco ; ZAMBERNARDI, Lorenzo —
The “negative” view of human nature is customarily seen as a distinctive assumption of the classical realist approach. Such a controversial characterization is regarded either as a metaphysical conception belonging to the pre-scientific age of realism or as a dangerous self-fulfilling prophecy. Although the dark image of human nature has elicited fierce critiques, we contend that it needs to be reconsidered. The present article forms a kind of apologia for the “negative” view of human nature: not because of any belief that humans are all truly dangerous individuals, but for a purely political reason. Some of the most important mechanisms introduced in order to defend liberty, independence, domestic and international pluralism, and prevent power from concentrating in one point and thus becoming dominant, are themselves based on a view of the individual as problematic and potentially dangerous, whose behavior needs restraining by institutional and political measures. As we show in the article, it is no accident that the anthropological conception of human beings as dangerous is not the “private property” of political realism, but is shared by some illustrious fathers of liberalism such as Locke, Montesquieu, and Kant. It may be one of the ironies of history that the political philosophy whose manifesto proclaims the defense of freedom and individual rights should rest on a vision of the individual as potentially a dangerous bully, sometimes driven by greed and lust for power. [R]
75.4035 REES, Morgan —
On 15 September 2021, Australia signed onto a new security agreement with the US and UK known as AUKUS. Under AUKUS, Australia will acquire nuclear capabilities in the form of nuclear-powered submarines. Despite being the most significant security agreement since ANZUS with an estimated cost of over $368 billion it has been highly controversial. Concerns have been raised around its viability, practicality, the associated risks given the revival of isolationist foreign policy ideas in the US, and the financial costs and fit with existing domestic capabilities. What explains Australia’s decision to join AUKUS given the presence of such substantial risks and unknowns? I work to show that traditional security frameworks struggle to account for the significant risks associated with the decision. Instead, using an ontological security approach, I argue that Australia’s decision to enter AUKUS represents an effort to maintain ‘Self’ identity narratives through the stabilisation of relations with ‘great and powerful friends’ that had come into question under the Trump presidency. [R]
75.4036 RETTIG, Elai —
The question of why some regions reject energy cooperation initiatives that aim to improve their overall security of supply puzzles scholars and policymakers advocating for deeper regional integration through energy trade. This was the case in Northeast Asia, where efforts to create a joint oil import mechanism to improve China, South Korea and Japan’s collective bargaining power against Middle East suppliers repeatedly failed and turned instead into competing bilateral contracts at higher prices for all three countries. This article offers two explanations for this puzzle. First, the unique technical challenges and costly logistics of establishing reliable oil and gas supply routes make bilateral agreements more credible than multilateral guarantees in regions characterised by geographical remoteness and high differential vulnerability to disruptions among its members. Second, the tendency of policymakers to securitise their country’s energy supply pushes them to overemphasise their relative vulnerabilities and fear any loss of autonomy over their supplies. [R]
75.4037 RIEKKINEN, Mariya —
The article examines Russian propaganda by signaling about the demilitarization of Finland’s Åland Islands. Due to historical agreements, it is Russia that supervises the demilitarization process, a particular flashpoint for Finns in light of the 2022 full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Following Finland’s accession to NATO, the two topics became tied together in Russian official discourse. Russian narratives have sought to balance reminding the world of Russian military might with avoiding expressing outright dissatisfaction with Finnish accession to NATO — a sentiment that is instead channeled through objections to the militarization of the Åland Islands. The analysis draws a Maton’s Legitimation Code Theory, specifically Chubb and Wang’s theorization of propaganda by signaling. [R]
75.4038 RIVERA, Celestino Mauricio ; LEE, Sungwon ; KIVIMAKI, Timo —
Much research stresses the impact of armed conflict on refugee flows. This article focuses on another form of political instability that has yet to be systematically examined: coups. It presents a typology of coups by considering (1) whether coup plotters succeed or not in seizing power, and (2) the type of regime after the coup. It identifies four types of coup attempts: (1) failed coups in autocracy, (2) failed coups in democracy, (3) autocratic coups, and (4) democratic coups. We argue that failed coups in autocracies and autocratic coups increase government repression and hinder economic performance, creating societal environments that trigger refugee flows. This contrasts with more stable environments following failed coups in democracies and democratic coups that are expected not to affect refugee flows. Quantitative analysis of all countries between 1980 and 2016 supports the theory, and qualitative analysis of varieties of coup attempts in Egypt, Spain, and Turkey illustrates the postulated theoretical mechanisms. [R]
75.4039 ROBB, Thomas —
This article examines President Ford’s 1975 decision to initiate a covert operation in Angola to prevent a communist-backed government from coming to power. By drawing on recently declassified documents from the United States, the study enhances our understanding of how domestic political factors strongly influenced US foreign policy during this period. The article contributes to the broader literature on US foreign policy during the Cold War, which continues to debate the role of domestic variables in shaping American actions abroad. Additionally, it highlights how the failure of US covert action in Angola contributed to policymakers’ decision to abandon superpower détente in favor of a more confrontational and militaristic Cold War policy. [R]
75.4040 ROBERTS, Guy B. —
Extended nuclear deterrence provided by nuclear weapons is indispensable for maintaining stability among great powers. Despite ongoing efforts to scale back nuclear weapon roles and engage in multilateral initiatives, achieving complete global nuclear disarmament in the foreseeable future remains improbable. The US relies on a robust nuclear deterrent to ensure national security and firmly reassure its allies and partners of this strong commitment to security. Former President Obama underscored the aspiration for a world free of nuclear weapons; nonetheless, until such a goal is feasible, the US maintains its obligation to uphold a formidable and responsive nuclear deterrent. This paper prompts contemplation on deterrence’s pivotal role in averting conflicts among major powers and safeguarding strategic stability. It underscores the dual purpose of strategic deterrence: preventing aggression while promoting global nuclear stability. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.4041 ROI, Michael ; LYON, Peter —
This article examines the current rivalry between the US and the People’s Republic of China with a focus on the issue of Taiwan. A central question is whether Washington should change its current deterrence approach towards a possible Chinese invasion of Taiwan, moving from a policy of ‘strategic ambiguity’ about the potential of American military intervention to one based on ‘strategic clarity’ that commits US forces in advance to Taiwan’s defence. The article draws on deterrence theory, notably the so-called three Cs of deterrence (capability, commitment, and communications), and makes the case that a shift from strategic ambiguity to clarity will be necessary to uphold deterrence against a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan. [R]
75.4042 ROMANOVA, Valentyna —
This article explores the first internationally led reconstruction project in Ukraine, which international donors and local actors launched and completed during Russia’s military invasion. The case study was selected using the method of extreme sampling, which entails exploring and atypical case in a way that makes it possible to generalize and learn lessons from it. The main finding is that it is reasonable to expect fruitful international input in Ukraine’s reconstruction once the war is over, given that the reconstruction project under study succeeded even amid Russia’s invasion. Indeed, the project faced significantly fewer obstacles than the stakeholders initially expected, thanks to the lead donor(s determination and the sufficient capacities of the regional and local authorities responsible for project implementation. [R, abr.]
75.4043 ROSENBERG, Justin —
This article seeks to address a major shortcoming of the idea of Societal Multiplicity in international theory: its lack of a worked-out definition of what counts as ‘a society’. The article supplies this definition in four steps. First, it reviews some difficulties in defining ‘society’, arguing that these arise in part from the historical separation of social and international theory. Second, it interweaves resources from both traditions to argue: (1) that societal multiplicity reflects the specifically political separation of human populations; (2) that this separation arises in part due to centripetal properties of the political as a feature of social life; and (3) that an individual ‘society’ is best defined as a unit of the resultant multiplicity: a social formation that exists simultaneously as a geopolitical sub-division of the social world. Third, the article defends this definition against a series of objections — that it is too general, that it reifies the state, that it is methodologically nationalist and that it suppresses historical variety. And finally it inserts the definition into the idea of Societal Multiplicity in order to test how far, and with what consequences in International Relations and beyond, this closes the definitional gap left by the original formulation of that idea. [R]
75.4044 RUACAN, Ipek Z. —
This contribution focuses on Adam Watson’s concept of ‘marcher states’ used in The Evolution of International Society. With origins in the historical sociology literature on state formation, marcher states are distinguished by their innovative nature and have characteristically exerted a significant influence on another international system in history. I trace this concept across Watson’s work and discuss it in relation to the themes of culture and upward mobility, economy and ethical values. I turn to the Ottomans at the intersection of culture-upward mobility, and to aid dependency and the rise of illiberal states to consider the other two themes. While reviewing Watson’s discussion of marcher states, I also compare his ideas with the main concepts in world-systems theory. Overlaps between the English School and world-systems theory have so far not been examined thoroughly. Initiating this comparative research agenda is one of the main contributions of this article. [R] 3890]
75.4045 RUMELILI, Bahar ; SOFUOGLU, Nasuh —
This article locates the rising tensions between Greece and Turkey in the milieu of increasing ontological insecurity in the European periphery. Building on the growing literature on ontological security in IR, we argue that the dissipation of Europe as a framework of meaning and identity in the European periphery has generated ontological insecurity — a state of general anxiety which stems from the disruption of self-narratives — on part of the actors concerned. Following a decade and a half of rapprochement within the framework of Turkey’s EU membership bid, this ontological insecurity has created a longing for a return to the established conflict narratives and antagonistic identity constructions in Greece and Turkey. We show the linkage between ontological insecurity and the escalation of disputes by tracing the political and societal discourses surrounding the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul from a museum back to a mosque. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3851]
75.4046 RYZHKOV, Vladimir —
Russian President Vladimir Putin consolidated power not merely to seize the country’s wealth, but also to advance an ideal Russia and secure what he considered its rightful place in the world. [R]
75.4047 RYŽKOV, Vladimir —
Russia has activated its Central Asia policy since the attack on Ukraine. Ideologically, this is part of its “turn to the East”. The states in the area, which Moscow sees as its sphere of interest, are to be integrated into an anti-Western coalition. In the five countries, concern about Moscow’s imperial expansion has grown. At the same time, however, they are benefiting from the increased interest. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan can simultaneously deepen their relations with Russia and expand those to the West. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan remain heavily dependent on Moscow. Turkmenistan is not giving up its isolationist course. [R]
75.4048 SABRI KIRATLI, Osman —
This research note investigates whether external military crises, short of war, in the neighbourhood of the EU affects attitudes toward the EU. Specifically, I explore whether the Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014 fostered higher levels of trust in the EU and support for deeper integration among European citizens. Methodologically, I exploit the coincidental timing of the Russian annexation of Crimea on 18 March, 2014 with the fieldwork of the Eurobarometer survey (81.2) conducted in the spring of that year. The quasi-experimental evidence establishes that European citizens who were surveyed after the Russian annexation became more trusting of the EU and presented a greater willingness for further European integration, particularly so among EU-15 members. Moreover, the treatment effects were strongly moderated by individuals’ education levels, with the intervention exerting its greatest effect among the higher educated. [R]
75.4049 SAMPSON, Michael ; THEUNS, Tom —
This article compares the EU and China’s approaches to negotiating free trade agreements (FTAs). We show how China’s approach is more gradualist with regards to coverage of issues, and argue that this gives China advantages, which it leverages in later deals. While there are important differences in the scope and approach of EU trade negotiations, we argue that the EU could gain similar advantages by incorporating more Chinese-style gradualism to how it negotiates FTAs. Paradoxically, we argue that mirroring Chinese strategy in this regard could be used by the EU to secure very different ends from China’s such as normative reforms in the areas of human rights, the rule of law, and democratic government. More gradualism would allow the EU to scale up trade cooperation and regulatory convergence in an incremental manner while autocratic partner countries make democratic reforms, and would also enlarge the scope of more coherent positive conditionality. [R]
75.4050 SANDRI, Serena, et al. —
The European Green Deal (EGD) marked the commitment of the European Union (EU) to a carbon-free, socially inclusive economic system. Even if conceived as an essentially domestic growth strategy, the EGD is inspiring EU diplomacy, as economic cooperation will be needed to realize the EGD’s ambitious vision. This profile aims to investigate and reflect on the potential implications of the EGD for the countries in the EU’s Southern Neighbourhood, especially in the energy sector, agriculture and food system, trade in raw materials, climate action, and circular economy. We expect the EGD to result in an increased investment in renewable energy, a reduction in emissions, green diplomacy, and funding opportunities for green projects and green infrastructures. The EGD brings with it attractive opportunities for a better cooperation on climate action and opportunities for job creation, green growth, and sustainable development. We believe that the EGD has the potential to be a win–win deal for the EU and its Southern Neighbours, with the EU goal to supply green inputs and of creating a market for green products. [R]
75.4051 SAYAMOV, Yury —
BRICS aims to counter threats by fostering global cooperation among nations and peoples in all areas. This is globalization as it is understood by the world majority. [R]
75.4052 SCHMID, Lukas —
I first establish that for liberals, broadly defined, a state can only hold legitimate authority over persons whose moral equality it is not engaged in undermining. I then reconstruct empirical cases from the sphere of international relations in which what I call ‘colonial norms’ continue to play significant structuring roles. I argue that it is sometimes only by unveiling these colonial norms and the roles they play that we can understand how some states today culpably contribute to undermining the moral equality of persons over whom they will come to claim immigration-related authority. I thus contend that paying attention to colonial norms distinctly enables us to reveal a set of instances in which all liberals should agree that states forfeit legitimate authority over would-be immigrants. [R, abr.]
75.4053 SCHMIDT, Averell —
This article examines how treaty withdrawal affects international cooperation. By terminating its treaty commitments, the exiting state could earn a reputation for unreliability, making other states less willing to cooperate with it. However, states’ reactions to withdrawal vary markedly, even though it is public behavior. I develop an experiential theory of international cooperation that explains this variation. I argue that withdrawal damages the exiting state’s relations with other treaty members, causing them to ratify fewer agreements with it in the future. I test this theory using an original data-set of all treaties registered with the UN and a case study of France’s exit from NATO’s Status of Forces Agreement. I find that withdrawal reduces treaty members’ ratification of agreements with the exiting state by 7.9% in the 7 years after exit. [R, abr.]
75.4054 SCHUETZE, Benjamin —
This article explores efforts at Arab-Israeli normalisation in Jordan. By mid-2011 the escalating violence in Syria had closed the overland trade route connecting Europe and the Arab Gulf. Despite the emergence of an alternative route via the Suez Canal, several (inter)national NGOs have since attempted to establish a transit trade route via Israel and Jordan. Due to the non-public nature of most attempts at normalisation, research on the topic is rarely empirically grounded. Exploring what happens when trade routes stop, this article offers an empirically-grounded discussion of attempts at normalisation via infrastructure as a means to bypass politics. It argues that such efforts are part of a deeply political project aimed at the selective regional integration of Israel, premised on the reinforcement of existing and the creation of new forms of violent containment. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 75.3897]
75.4055 ŠEDIVÝ, Miroslav —
The territorial expansion of the USA in the 1840s represented an important phase on its way to becoming a world power. Historians have paid considerable attention to US foreign policy during this period but have largely neglected the significant impact of US expansion on Europe. Whereas they have written a great deal about European reflections on American democracy or slavery, they have largely overlooked the geopolitical response that US expansion provoked among Europeans during that decade. This omission is surprising given the fact that this reaction spread not only in governmental circles but also among the broad public: the policy of the USA and its position in the Americas became an important topic with serious consequences for both sides of the Atlantic. Europeans often criticized the USA for its aggressive policy, and they feared that with the rise of its power it would behave in the same way in all parts of the world. The article’s principal aim is to reveal the European response to US territorial expansion and how the repercussions of this response on the USA contributed to the rise of pan-Europeanism, nationalism, imperialism, and colonialism from the mid-nineteenth century. [R]
75.4056 SEZGIN, Firuze Simay ; SUTTON, Connor J. S. ; KALIN, Ilker —
The international arena is transitioning from a period of unipolarity to multipolarity and bearing increasingly dangerous fruit by posing a range of risks to the existing international political order. We argue that the great power politics of the Cold War offer valuable lessons for state behavior in the emerging multipolar world. These lessons draw on Cold War-era behaviors such as balance of power actions, nuclear posturing, proxy conflicts, and economic power competition. Through these behaviors, this article provides a framework for understanding and managing contemporary multipolar competition focusing on the period after the Ukraine invasion. Ultimately, we call for major powers to exercise restraint and strategic foresight to prevent the devastating consequences of unchecked rivalry, ensuring a stable and secure international order. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.4057 SHANKAR, Mahesh —
After decades of relative stability, recent years have seen a spike in the number of militarized crises between the troops of China and India along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) on their disputed border. What explains this sudden upsurge in violence on the Sino-Indian border, and how specifically can we make sense of China’s increasingly assertive posture leading to intrusions at multiple points along the LAC in May 2020? This paper argues that China’s growing assertiveness can be best understood to be a function of the country’s growing power. Its growing material capabilities — economic and military — in recent decades, and particularly relative to India, by both increasing China’s military options on its borders, as well as reducing the kind of external and internal vulnerabilities that may have encouraged more conciliatory stances in the past, have created the conditions for Beijing to adopt more aggressive postures in its territorial disputes, including with India. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.4058 SHAVER, Andrew, et al. —
The causes and consequences of refugee flows are the subjects of significant social science inquiry. Unfortunately, the historical lack of reliable data on actual refugee flows, country-specific data reporting timelines, and more general pre-2000 data quality issues have significantly limited empirical inferences on these topics. We replicate 28 articles on these topics using data newly released after a multiyear collaboration with the United Nations on annual dyadic flows. We observe major inconsistencies between the newly released flow numbers and the stock-based flow estimates upon which decades of research are based; we also find widespread inappropriate treatment of missing historical values. When we replicate the existing literature using the newly introduced flow data, correcting the treatment of missing historical values, and temporally extending/restricting the study periods, we produce significantly different results. [R, abr.]
75.4059 SIMPSON, Erika —
Amid escalating great power rivalries, the erosion of arms control frameworks, and uncertainties in global leadership, there is an urgent call for heightened dialogue within the UN and NATO The pivotal question at hand is whether transitioning from nuclear deterrence to nuclear disarmament offers a safer or riskier path forward. It is crucial for NATO allies to engage in thorough discussions on the efficacy of relying on strategic and tactical nuclear weapons as deterrents, given the mounting fear and skepticism surrounding their necessity and practical deployment. Within both the UN and NATO, diplomats must intensify efforts to delegitimize and stigmatize not only nuclear weapons themselves but also the threats to use them, alongside other Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) such as biological and chemical arms. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.4060 SINGH, Prashant Kumar —
Several Indian commentators claim that Mao Zedong enunciated a “Five Fingers of Tibet” Strategy to pursue a “revanchist” agenda of “reattaching” Nepal, Sikkim (a kingdom before merging with India in 1975) and Bhutan, and the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA, presently Arunachal Pradesh) and Ladakh of India with Tibet (thus, with China) based on Tibet’s “historical claims” over them. They maintain that Xi Jinping is pursuing the same strategy toward the Himalayan region. They impute that this so-called strategy informed the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) attempts in May 2020 to change the status quo in border areas. Therefore, this article reviews the relevant literature published since the 1950s and seeks corroboration from contemporary experts on India-China relations, Tibet, PLA affairs and Chinese foreign policy to ascertain whether Mao propounded such a strategy and whether China ever pursued it. It concludes that there is little evidence to substantiate these contentions. Hence, the Five Fingers of Tibet is a faulty prism to analyze the India-China border dispute and understand China’s approach toward Nepal and Bhutan. Thus, this prism is liable to produce alarmist analyses, shaping public opinion, that may negatively impact India’s policy choices regarding China and its Himalayan neighbors, Nepal and Bhutan. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “India-China rivalry, border dispute, border standoffs, and crises”, introduced by Raj VERMA. See also Abstr. 75.3836, 3882, 3927, 4017, 4031, 4057, 4090, 4091]
75.4061 SOTIRIOU, Stylianos A. —
The rise of Renewable Energy Sources (RES) in the European Union (EU) energy security breaks new ground, particularly after the 2022 war between Russia and Ukraine. With solar and wind power being the two dominant forms, and electricity interconnections throughout Europe to have come under the spotlight, the unregulated Eastern Mediterranean region is vital. It exhibits the biggest RES potential throughout Europe and hosts projects of European concern, such as the EuroAfrica and EuroAsia interconnectors. This profile builds on earlier work to contribute to two dimensions: a) theoretically, by showing that soft legalization does not only guarantee security in unregulated environments but can also be expanded to the development of RES and b) empirically, by elaborating on late advancements on RES in the region, with pay-offs for the EU energy security and sustainable development. All these at a time when traditional partners and critical energy commodities come into question. [R]
75.4062 SRITHARAN, Narayani ; MALIK, Ammar A. ; SAMI, Asad —
This paper delves into the motivations and drivers behind Saudi Arabia’s foreign aid, shedding light on the interplay between geopolitics, religious affinity, and strategic objectives. Drawing on newly released empirical data from the Saudi Aid Platform (SAP) dataset, encompassing 47 years of aid delivery, the study seeks to answer the long-standing debate surrounding the factors shaping Saudi Arabia’s foreign aid decisions. The study focuses on two pivotal periods: the Bosnian War and the post-Arab Spring era. By examining Saudi aid allocations during these periods, we investigate the influence of foreign policy and geostrategic objectives versus the humanitarian needs of the recipients. Religious ideology, geopolitical interests, and strategic objectives drive Saudi Arabian aid. The study reveals that Saudi Arabia adopts a value-neutral strategic approach. The research contextualises these findings within geopolitical events, regional dynamics, and internal governance changes, providing insights into the factors influencing Saudi Arabia’s aid allocation decisions. By examining Saudi Arabian aid’s historical patterns and drivers, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of one of the world’s largest foreign aid providers. Additionally, it offers valuable insights for shaping effective aid strategies and policies in the future. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.4063 STILLER, Kenneth T. —
Leveraging fragmentation in the global trade order, this paper stresses the relevance of experience and argues that the institutional influence of the WTO extends beyond its jurisdiction through its centrality as multilateral diffusion hub: When states negotiate preferential trade agreements (PTAs), previous dispute-settlement experiences in the WTO shape the design of dispute-settlement mechanisms (DSMs). National bureaucracies undergo institutional learning processes when participating in multilateral trade disputes and subsequently conclude PTAs with DSMs that are similar to the institutions of the WTO, thus fostering their — decentralized — spread to the network of PTAs. The learning effect is particularly pronounced for states with low bureaucratic capacity. Employing a novel, unitary conceptualization of DSMs in terms of complainant rights shows that the results of this diffusion process generally entail increased levels of complainant rights in PTAs. [R, abr.]
75.4064 STIVACHTIS, Yannis A. —
Nowhere can Adam Watson’s contribution to English School literature be observed better than in his seminal work, The Evolution of International Society, in which he argued that Cold War global international society included two separate sub-global international societies led by the USA and the Soviet Union, respectively. Despite his acknowledgement that the newly established states that emerged from colonialism constituted the majority of the members of international society, he nevertheless did not consider the ‘Third World’ as constituting a third, separate sub-global international society, thereby providing an incomplete picture of the social structure of global international society. To address this omission, this essay examines the social structure of Cold War international society by focusing on the role of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). It argues that during the Cold War, the NAM reflected the existence of a sub-global international society in the sense that its member states were conscious of certain common interests, common values, and conceived themselves to be bound by a common set of rules in their relations with one another, and shared in the working of common institutions, such as sovereignty and non-intervention, diplomacy, human equality, development and trade, anti-hegemonialism and disarmament, and nationalism and self-determination. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3890]
75.4065 STRANG, G. Bruce —
After the Great War, Imam Yahya, the spiritual and temporal ruler of Yemen, established control over the Yemeni highlands and fought wars against his rivals to extend his power. Jacopo Gasparini, the governor of Italy’s Eritrean colony, increased Italian trade with Yemen, primarily by shipping arms to Imam Yahya. Italian influence in the Arabian Peninsula worried British officials. Britain’s primary goal was to protect its imperial road through the Suez Canal and the Red Sea by ensuring that no European Power established itself on the eastern shore or on strategic islands of the Red Sea. In 1927, Italy and Britain signed the Rome Understanding, agreeing to limit their imperial competition in the peninsula. [R, abr.]
75.4066 SUN, Sibei ; WU, Xiangning —
A political actor’s strategic narratives will be accepted if they appeal to the target audience’s master narratives, but acceptance is not a singular outcome. By building on the internarrativity framework by examining the audience as a narrator and identifying distortions in meaning between two narrative tellings, this paper analyzes the ‘Taiwan Can Help’ campaign as a strategic narrative that was overtly accepted by the US while still being distorted and constrained by the same master narratives that enabled acceptance. The US audience’s reproductions of Taiwan’s narrative only preserved elements that affirmed its exceptionalist self-identity and threat perceptions while overlooking the particulars of Taiwan’s pandemic response model that the original narrative emphasised. This research contributes to the understanding that the discursive environment constrains Taiwan’s capability to reach its full potential in projecting substantial influence in US-Taiwan relations, addressing Taiwan’s unequal predicament, and garnering political support. [R]
75.4067 SUSSMAN, Gerald —
The US-Israeli genocide is best understood as the end game of empire, the culmination of failed Anglo-American and Zionist policies in the Middle East and, indeed, virtually the entire non-Western world. It is the outcome of a US-sponsored apartheid system in Israel, largely carried out by the IDF and other militarist forces in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, and Israel itself and funded by American financial assistance and weapons transfers to the Israeli army. The threats of multipolarity to US/NATO hegemony, Britain being the major junior partner, pushed the Trump and Biden administrations, along with the British Tories and post-Corbyn Labour Party, to support de facto the “final solution” in Gaza and the rest of Palestine. This article puts the Israeli assault on the people of Gaza, the Hamas-led attack on October 7 being the main pretext, in historical perspective. It argues that it is a logical sequence of the pre-war Zionist idea of an exclusive Jewish state and US and UK post-war power politics in the Middle East and in two imperial states’ respective domestic electoral politics. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4202]
75.4068 ŠVEDAS, Gintaras ; VOSYLIŪTĖ, Andželika —
The article deals with the laws of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, and the status of victims of occupations in Lithuania. In addition, the article discloses Lithuanian state policy, society’s cultural approach to atrocity crimes, and support for victims. The article draws attention to how the concept of genocide has been constantly expanded in Lithuania. The international role of Lithuania in the fight against genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes is emphasized. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.4069 TAFURO AMBROSETTI, Eleonora —
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Turkey tried to use pan-Turkish ideas and a strong sense of mission to make a name for itself as the big brother of the Central Asian states. This concept failed. Since then, Ankara has taken a pragmatic course and pursued its economic and political interests in a targeted manner. Turkey benefits from the fact that, unlike Russia and China, it is not perceived as a threat in Central Asian societies, where repression of the Crimean Tatars and the Uyghurs is closely followed. Ankara’s position in Central Asia is also strengthened by the increased efficiency of the Turkish economy, for example, in the field of armaments technology. [R]
75.4070 TAMAYO GOMEZ, Camilo —
This article offers an overview and analysis of the findings regarding the case of Colombia within the EU cost Action ca18228 (the Action) and the Scoping Survey examining states’ encounters with international criminal justice. It explores Colombia’s nuanced and multifaceted approach to international criminal justice frameworks, focusing on the intersection of transnational crimes and the intricate dynamics of internal armed conflicts. It presents Colombia’s multi-scalar legal approach to attempting to establish a positive complementarity and multilevel rule-of-law system, acknowledging the challenges inherent in integrating international law with diverse levels of governance and local legislation. It highlights how the ongoing implementation of the peace process and transitional justice mechanisms have sparked debates about striking the delicate balance between peace and justice, conducting in some cases expressions of magical legalism. This article’s significance rests in the idea that Colombia’s experience serves as an illustrative case study of the complexities involved in applying a multi-scalar positive complementarity legal approach and multilevel legal framework in the pursuit of justice for both national and international crimes. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4087]
75.4071 TARKHANOVA, Oleksandra —
In March 2020, the ‘contact line’ between the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics and the rest of Ukraine was sealed off. Crossing this de facto border was a precondition and an obstacle for residents of the non-government-controlled territories to access their citizenship entitlements. This article explores how movement across the ‘contact line’ was restricted and reconfigured during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic and how this affected state-citizen relations in the region. The study reveals how the policy to contain and mitigate the spread of the virus became a tool in establishing and maintaining authority along the state margins. [R]
75.4072 TEMEL, Vuslat Nur Şahin ; XIRU, Zhao —
The Covid-19 pandemic has prompted countries to implement a wide range of specific cross-border security measures. The fear and anxiety induced by this crisis have rapidly expanded and contracted countries’ understanding of ‘self’ and ‘other’. This study examines Japan’s shift from liberal pre- Covid-19 border policies to the most stringent border closure measures among the G7 countries during the pandemic. In this study, we argue that the pandemic-induced fear increased anxiety in Japan’s public health safety identity, rapidly reshaping the conceptualization of the ‘self’ and ‘other’ in crisis scenarios. This shift aligns with Japan’s historical narrative of combating unprecedented threats to public health. [R]
75.4073 TERRADAS, Nicolás —
Adam Watson is one of the classical figures of the English School (ES). Scholarly appreciation of his contributions, however, has almost exclusively focused on his comparative work on historical regional ‘systems of states,’ the role of ‘hierarchy’ within an anarchical society, and the ‘evolution’/’expansion’ of international society. The concept of ‘raison de système’, for its part, although widely acknowledged as one of Watson’s main conceptual contributions, has received comparatively little attention from fellow members of the ES. In this context, this article reassesses the relevance of raison de système in Watson’s overall thinking by rooting it in a number of earlier intellectual influences emanating from the collaborative efforts of the British Committee. Watson’s raison de système, therefore, must be understood as a richer concept giving substance to how all classical ES thinkers collectively came to conceive of international society, thus giving this theoretical tradition its distinctiveness in the larger spectrum of international thought. [R] 3890]
75.4074 TRINH, Viet Dung —
Facing mounting challenges in cyberspace from numerous cyberattacks from Chinese hackers, Vietnam has securitised cybersecurity. The country regards cyberattacks as a source of security threats to its national sovereignty, national security, and domestic stability in the context of a technological boom and has adopted exceptional measures to politicise cybersecurity. The article clarifies the securitisation process in Vietnam toward cybersecurity and points out some limitations of securitisation theory from the Copenhagen School such as the role of the context and the audience. Securitisation is a means through which the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) enhances its legitimacy and bolsters the people’s confidence in its leadership. [R]
75.4075 TROATH, Sian ; AINLEY, Kirsten —
The ethics panel held for the ANU IR Department’s 75th birthday asked
panellists to respond to the theme of resistance, power, and the new global ethical order. Vasuki Nesiah, Lana Tatour, James Blackwell, George Carter and Bina D’Costa painted a rich picture of the very political nature of ethics and the contests for ethical leadership currently energising global politics, as well as our responsibilities as academics. Inspired by their comments, this article draws out the themes common across their presentations. First, we focus on the political, practical, and material nature of ethics, and the current ethical contestations and power shifts taking place in global politics. Second, we turn to the need to generate new ways of imagining just political futures and contesting existing hierarchies. Finally, we focus on the ways to tackle these challenges through going local, engaging with communities, and building solidarity. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.4076 TRUNOV, Filipp —
In today’s reality, the Russian Federation, within the expanse of Europe — and on lands historically part of its own territory, no less — is halting a new global utopia: namely, the creeping, continuous expansion of the influence and presence of “Western democracies”. [R]
75.4077 TÜR, Özlem ; AYDIN KOYUNCU, Çiğdem —
On 15 September 2020, Turkish and Greek women declared their commitment to peace. They said: “As peace-loving women of the two countries, despite the dominant patriarchal system threatening the world, we are determined to work towards peace by developing our common culture, cooperation, and friendship in the Aegean.” They have demanded a just resolution of controversies surrounding the relations through diplomacy and international law. By underlining that feminism offers essential insights into understanding cooperation and conflict dynamics, this article will analyse the last two decades of Turkish-Greek relations through a feminist reading. Feminism, with its critical and holistic approach, will contribute significantly to the understanding of Turkish-Greek relations during the periods of cooperation but more so during entranced conflicts. Post-1999 represents the beginning of collaboration and dialogue in Turkish-Greek relations. Various mechanisms such as regular political consultations, exploratory contacts, High-Level Cooperation Council meetings, were held. Until 2019, relations remained somehow amicable. However, since then, the refugee crisis, the Cyprus issue, and the dispute in the Eastern Mediterranean have deeply marred the relations. Going beyond the state level, this paper aims to analyse the significant cooperation and conflict periods from a feminist perspective. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3851]
75.4078 TÜRKEŞ, Mustafa ; UZGÖREN, Elif ; SOYSAL, Coşkun —
This article examines the contested relationship between Greece and Turkey from a historical materialist approach. It seeks to explain the very essence of this contestation rather than merely focusing on its surface forms. While doing this, we eschew intra-Marxist theoretical debates not to exceed the research scope. The article argues that the foreign policies of Greece and Turkey have indeed been subject to considerations of the dominant bourgeois classes in both countries that have been stimulated as well as bound by Euro-Atlantic imperialism. It considers the relative comparative advantages of Greece and Turkey’s relational and possessional capabilities. It puts forward that the historical materialist approach has better explanatory power and offers an alternative reading. It elaborates upon the tense relations between the two countries, showing the interwoven connections with imperialism at national and international levels. It underlines how the contestation between Greece and Turkey has been encouraged and delimited by Euro-Atlantic imperialism. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3851]
75.4079 TZOUVALA, Ntina —
One of the most influential international law articles of the past 20 years is entitled ‘International Law: A Discipline of Crisis’. Authored by Hilary Charlesworth in the aftermath of the NATO intervention in Kosovo, the article articulated a compelling feminist critique of the politics, aesthetics and implications of the discipline’s over-emphasis on crises. I revisit Charlesworth’s article with an eye on the field’s profound divisions regarding Israel’s war on Gaza. Charlesworth’s critique correctly assumed a degree of disciplinary convergence when it came to the identification of crises, even as opinions about the right response diverged. This background consensus has disintegrated in light of the field’s divergent attitudes towards the war on Gaza. As different sections of the discipline adopt diametrically opposed positions regarding the severity of the facts on the ground and their importance for international law as a field of practice and study, international law moves from being a discipline of crisis into being a discipline in crisis. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.4080 ULRICHSEN, Kristian Coates —
This article examines how non-state actors in Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have engaged in foreign aid historically and against the backdrop of tightening national regulations in each of the four countries. While scholarship has focused on state-linked development funds and aid modalities, the analysis explores the spaces within which Gulf-based non-state actors have operated. The September 11 attacks in 2001 and the Arab Spring upheaval in 2011 altered the parameters of these spaces in country-distinct ways. An opening section differentiates among the types of non-state actors, including charities, humanitarian and other forms of foundations, and private fundraising at individual and communal levels. A second section explores the degree to which non-state actors have the capability to act autonomously from state interests and objectives or whether they have been instrumentalised as tools to increase the legitimacy and effectiveness of state policies. Such an approach can bring pushback, and a third section examines pushback and the ways in which both states and the various non-state groups have evolved over the past two decades. The article ends by asking how generalisable the experience of Gulf-based non-state actors is, given the distinctive political economy within which they have operated. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.4081 UMAROV, Temur —
Under President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Uzbekistan has taken on a cautious reform course. The economy in particular has opened up. Cooperation with China is benefiting from this. Trade volume and Chinese direct investment are growing. Chinese high-tech companies have gotten involved in the country’s education sector. In the fight against poverty, Tashkent has oriented itself toward the Chinese model. Close cooperation has even developed in the sensitive areas of internal and external security. But the political elites are strangers to one another. The Uzbek leadership is trying to avoid becoming too dependent on China. [R]
75.4082 UPADHYAY, Nishant —
India’s “strategic ambivalence,” which is its friendship with the West while it continues to trade with Russia, reflects its ambitions to become a powerful actor beyond the confines of the South Asian region. The country’s considerations are framed by its proximity to Pakistan and China, which will shape its nuclear arsenal use. This study uses Posen’s realist framework on multipolarity and nuclear deterrence; and applies it to the nuclear discourses in India to understand how multipolarity could transform India’s nuclear posture. India’s strategy should be hybrid, where it takes a more aggressive position to Pakistan but a more balanced approach to China. In a post-Ukraine war scenario, India’s nuclear posture would be a balanced approach to China and an aggressive approach to Pakistan to maintain regional equilibrium. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 75.4022]
75.4083 VAN HOORN, André —
A fundamental insight of various trade theories is that trade does not have a universally negative effect on different business activities in different countries. Rather, trade’s impact varies concomitantly with the specific country and activity considered. This empirical note expands prior work linking trade to redistribution preferences by using sectoral comparative advantage to incorporate the notion that trade may hurt the prospects of a specific group in one country (e.g. workers in a highly tradeable or offshorable industry) but will simultaneously benefit this same group in another country. We expect that individuals in industries with a weaker (stronger) comparative advantage suffer (benefit) more from trade and are therefore more (less) in favour of redistribution. Empirical results confirm this expected effect of comparative advantage on redistribution preferences. We conclude that considering countries’ comparative (dis)advantage in certain activities provides a deeper and more general understanding of the political consequences of trade. [R]
75.4084 VAN WILLIGEN, Niels ; BLAREL, Nicolas —
In September 2021, the European Union officially launched its Indo-Pacific strategy. Its announcement raised a series of questions over the nature, objectives, and audience of the European Union’s strategic communication. In addition, there were some doubts over whether the European Union could credibly and effectively signal as an autonomous actor in a distant geopolitical region. This article aims to address these questions by building on theoretical insights from the foreign policy signalling literature. This article offers an analysis of the European Union’s Indo-Pacific strategy and related documents, as well as its follow-up presence and actions in the region since 2021. We conclude that the European Union deliberately opted for ambiguous signalling in a context of heightened audience heterogeneity. Furthermore, the European Union has both used its signalling strategy to position itself as a credible alternative to the United States and China, but also to mobilise and coordinate member states’ actions in this pivotal region. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4025]
75.4085 VAREY, David K. —
As the resident Foreign Office expert on air disarmament during the World Disarmament Conference, Allen Leeper was at the forefront of a campaign for the elimination of military aircraft as a radical bid to address German claims to equality and French demands for security. His motivations derived from a deep-seated fear that legitimising a German air force posed an unacceptable risk to European stability by provoking an all-out arms race, heightening continental tensions, and raising the spectre of war. But Leeper’s sweeping solution for military aircraft, with its intertwined repercussions for civil aviation, fell victim to an increasingly truculent government in Berlin that refused to delay equality, claimed substantial increases in German military strength, and boosted defence spending while surreptitiously rearming behind the scenes. [R, abr.]
75.4086 VARNAY, Michael —
What is the role of Historical International Relations (IR)? Although IR turns to the past as it explores contemporary problems, it has not fully recognised that history is more contested narrative than settled account. Indeed, our understanding of the past is often a product of contemporary anxieties. Concerns over the ‘use and abuse of history’ are front and centre in historiographical debates. Failure to address this risks IR reproducing ‘bad history’ and inadvertently legitimising depictions of the past more ‘fiction’ than ‘fact’. This short essay calls for greater engagement with historiography to address this problem. First, IR must acknowledge competing historical narratives. Second, a more expansive understanding of historical sources is needed. Third, recognition of the ethics surrounding the construction of history is essential. Addressing these issues allows Historical IR to acknowledge the past to be contested without falling into the trap of boundless relativism. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3795]
75.4087 VEGH WEIS, Valeria ; REY, Sebastian —
This article will explain how Argentina developed a strong commitment to international criminal justice to address the crimes of the last dictatorship (1976-1983) that transcended the local dimension and shaped the field globally. In particular, the article will focus on three specific dimensions: the disputes surrounding the concept of ‘dirty war’ in relation to the crimes committed in the 1970s and how its legal conceptualisation has evolved over time; how domestic courts have applied international and domestic criminal law to judge these crimes and how this has changed over time; and, finally, what was the role of human rights organisations in fostering the accountability process. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Global atrocity justice constellations”, edited by Andy AYDIN-AITCHISON, Mirza BULJUBAŠIĆ, Kjersti LOHNE, Vasilka SANCIN and Camilo TAMAYO GOMEZ. See also Abstr. 75.3846, 3863, 3870, 3925, 3937, 3939, 3958, 3985, 3987, 4068, 4070, 4154]
75.4088 VERLEYE, Zeger —
Observers have noted that world politics is replete with shame. Whether they observe this concerning the apologies regarding past atrocities, the felt necessity for revenge after a humiliating defeat, the feelings that populist leaders find antithetical to the greatness of their nation, or the affective responses to the latter’s election, shame seems to be ubiquitous. Vital to understanding the particular politics of this emotion is the concept of state shame. However, the origins, divergent effects, and social and moral roles of state shame are left obscure in International Relations (IR) scholarship, making the concept undertheorized and in need of further elaboration. The primary goal of this research is to (re)conceptualize state shame as a narrative on the social position of the state by building on insights developed by IR theory, sociology, and social psychology. Moreover, the article proposes four types of state shame narratives, namely situational shame, narcissistic shame, aggressive shame, and deferential shame, that can separately account for the divergent effects and social and moral roles that the emotion can be attributed with. These four types, and the politics that characterize them, aim to capture and explain lived practices and meanings that state shame can come to hold. [R]
75.4089 VERMA, Raj —
(and other countries) to designate Pakistani citizens as terrorists under the UN Security Council 1267 Committee rules by placing “technical hold” or employing its veto. The question arises: “why does China shield Pakistan on terrorism and block India’s attempts to designate Pakistani citizens as terrorists?” Employing asymmetric alliance in conjunction with quasi-alliance as the analytical framework, the article argues that China’s motives are explained by the India-China rivalry resulting in a quasi-alliance between China and Pakistan against their common enemy India. The China-Pakistan quasi-alliance is geared toward balancing and containing India. India’s rise poses a challenge to China’s ambitions of being the pre-dominant power in Asia. An important characteristic of this quasi-alliance is China’s support to Pakistan’s policy of asymmetric balancing against India by employing a plethora of terrorist organizations to target India and Indian interests abroad. Non-state actors fostered by Pakistan provide China with a low-cost option to ensure that India is wary of its western neighbor and its political, military, and diplomatic energies are fixed on Pakistan. [R, abr.]
75.4090 VERMA, Raj —
This article argues that China intruded at multiple points along the LAC in May 2020 due to the construction of border infrastructure especially the Darbuk-Shyokh (DS)-Daulat Beg Oldi (DBO) road in conjunction with India’s Minister of Home Affairs Amit Shah’s statement regarding restoration of Aksai Chin and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK) into India after the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019. China perceives that the rapid pace of border infrastructure development by India especially the construction of the DS-DBO road mitigates its military/tactical advantage along the LAC. However, the road has been under construction for more than a decade. Similarly, India’s claims on Aksai Chin and PoK have remained unchanged even after Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister. What raised anxieties and insecurities in China was abrogation of Article 370 and Amit Shah’s statements because Beijing believes India has become more assertive, aggressive and risk prone under Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party governments led by Modi. Beijing considered that the border infrastructure build-up by India especially the DS-DBO road would allow India to threaten Aksai Chin as per Shah’s statement. This prompted China to intrude along the LAC to mitigate India’s threat and Beijing’s anxieties/insecurities pertaining to Aksai Chin. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.4091 VERMA, Raj ; O’DONNELL, Frank —
India-China standoff has lasted for more than three years since China intruded at multiple points along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh in May 2020. Although both states continue to assert that they do not want war/conflict, the risk of vertical and horizontal escalation has grown significantly, both along the LAC and in the maritime domain. Several rounds of talks at the diplomatic and military levels have failed to amicably resolve the standoff, further compounded by Modi’s and Xi’s unwillingness to seriously address the issue in leader-level talks. Moreover, the Modi government’s refusal to publicly admit that China now forcibly occupies territory previously held by India before 2020 only suggests to Beijing that further Chinese incursions will be similarly publicly denied by India. Beijing and New Delhi’s LAC actions are indicative of an intensifying security dilemma, as evidenced by their competitive military buildups and prioritization of gaining and holding territory over meaningful political talks. Their deployment of new technologies, such as precision-guided missiles and combat UAVs, is not being complemented by dialogue to understand how their use may generate a significant escalatory response leading to a broader war or conflict. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4060]
75.4092 WALDIE, Bradford —
How does military experience change individual foreign policy preferences? Prior research on military service focuses on the effects of combat experience on political participation and policy preferences, but combat is not the only military experience that influences attitudes. Living overseas is a common military experience with the potential to shape foreign policy preferences. Using observational data from a sample of military elites and original survey data from a sample of military veterans, I leverage semi-random and non-voluntary assignments to overseas military bases to investigate the relationship between overseas exposure and foreign policy preferences. The data provides evidence that overseas military service increases the likelihood of calling for international engagement, decreases nationalist attitudes, and increases the willingness of military members to assist individual allies. [R, abr.]
75.4093 WANG, Yuan-kang —
The United States and China are engaged in an intense security competition that can be described as a new Cold War. What is driving the downturn in US-China relations? Many analysts attribute the cause to decisions made by individual leaders. In contrast, this paper argues that the main cause of the US-China rivalry is structural rather than individual. The changing distribution of power between the two nations is generating structural pressures that push them into strategic competition. Fear of being overtaken by China has prompted Washington to move away from a policy of engagement to a policy of containment. Compared to the last one, this new Cold War will be more dangerous because of China’s greater power potential, East Asia’s maritime geography, and the fervor of nationalism. [R]
75.4094 WESTENDORF, Jasmine-Kim ; JENNINGS, Kathleen M. —
This article investigates the governance of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers and aid workers. We argue that efforts to prevent and address SEA reflect a confluence of structural-bias feminism and governance feminism, whereby a focus on sexual harm and consensus on the importance of criminal accountability have been institutionalized, with counterproductive consequences. What feminist and bureaucratic impulses drive these efforts, and what colonial legacies play out in policy implementation? Which feminist concerns lose out when these categories of sexual (mis)conduct are collapsed? We argue that the grip of sexual violence in conflict on feminist imaginations and work — documented by Karen Engle — took hold while SEA governance was being established, and that the former embedded in the latter a preoccupation with the search for criminal accountability. [R, abr.]
75.4095 WIENER, Antje, et al. —
Taking Global Constitutionalism as an agora, a platform for international interdisciplinary discussions this article asks a question about the state we are in with regard to the international order as an order that is not just a ‘rule-based order’ but also more substantially, a ‘legal order’ based on the rule of law. The topic is illustrated with reference to examples of ‘contested compliance’ i.e. objections to implementing international law and/or international rulings by international actors on behalf of signatories of states parties of a treaty. Three questions guide this discussion. The first is a question of normative change: are we facing a change regarding United Nations member states’ respect for and handling of the rule of law, or is a larger change of international law itself imminent? The second is a question about the effects of the shift from ‘normal’ contestations of norms to ‘deep’ contestations of the international order itself. And the third is a question about pluralism and diversity: are the UN Charter Order’s institutions, conventions and organisations sufficiently equipped to respond to an ever more diverse range of internationally, transnationally, and sub-nationally raised justice-claims? The article elaborates on each of the three themes in light of the current situation of contested compliance with obligations under international law. [R]
75.4096 WOHLFORTH, William —
Status Symbols in World Politics reflects the established status of status research in International Relations (IR). The initial wave of studies of status generated enough theory and evidence of consequential status effects to sustain a major research program. The lens then widened to encompass status-seeking among non-great powers. With the potential importance of status established as a candidate explanation for the behavior and great and small powers alike, this special issue takes the status motivation for granted and zeroes in on the things/practices/acts that actors think generate, sustain, and signal status. The deep interpretive dive into small-s status politics presented here raises intriguing questions even for those scholars still wedded to a positivist great power agenda. Three payoffs stand out: First, status-seeking via the acquisition of status symbols can be a rational choice. Second, the collection suggests the importance of clarifying types of status symbols as well as a rough and ready method for doing so — an argument I seek to flesh out through an examination of the emerging aircraft carrier race. Third, many other important questions for further inquiry emerge, questions I doubt would have come to the fore but for the efforts of Beaumuont, Røren, and their collaborators. [R] [See Abstr. 75.3978]
75.4097 WYER, Frank —
How do episodes of post-conflict violence affect public support for peace? I argue that political messaging about who or what is to blame can influence how violence affects attitudes towards peace agreements. I test this argument in Colombia, a country which has experienced violence after a 2016 peace agreement, and where rival political camps debate whether government failures or noncompliance by rebels is to blame. In an experiment with 1466 respondents in conflict and non-conflict zones, I paired news about post-conflict violence with information supporting these competing messages. I find that emphasizing rebel culpability reduced support for peace agreements, but emphasizing poor government implementation did not have a strong countervailing effect. A probe of the mechanisms suggests that while emphasizing rebel culpability increased perceptions that rebels alone were to blame, emphasizing government implementation failures led respondents to conclude that both parties were to blame, limiting the effectiveness of this message. [R]
75.4098 XIAOYANG, Tang —
Policy makers in China and African countries increasingly attach importance to the exchange of knowledge in their development cooperation. Extensive business relationship and investment projects are found to be the major platform for skill diffusion between China and Africa. To examine the mechanism and effects of the bilateral knowledge exchange, this article uses Chinese investments in Ethiopia’s manufacturing sector as an example. By reviewing interactions at various levels of cooperation, namely within the enterprises, inter-enterprises and policy direction, the author reveals complex dynamics of knowledge sharing between Chinese and Ethiopian stakeholders. The knowledge transfer is not limited to formal training, but takes place in almost every aspect of daily operations and requires coordination of multiple levels. While knowledge is effectively transferred through practices, practices get improved through knowledge sharing at the meantime. Therefore, knowledge diffusion is not only an integral part of China-Africa economic cooperation for mutual benefits, but also facilitates political understanding and trust. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4243]
75.4099 YAGHI, Mohammad —
In many ways, 9/11 and the subsequent ‘Global War on Terror’ came to represent defining factors for the evolution of the Gulf States’ development and humanitarian assistance. In this context, this article explains how the Gulf States responded to these accusations. It argues that Gulf aid has undergone profound changes in terms of transparency, allocation patterns, sources of aid provision, and coordination with multilateral organisations. This ‘branding’ aims to thwart accusations of supporting extremist groups and to create a new image for the Gulf States as big donors, transparent, humanitarian actors with efficient funding mechanisms. Reflecting on the ‘new’ image that the Gulf States are seeking to propagate as donors, this article explains the loopholes in this narrative. Specifically, it reveals, inter alia, that a small fraction of aid is channelled through multilateral organisations, that humanitarian assistance is allocated mostly to regions where the Gulf States are involved in conflicts, and that transparency in foreign aid is merely based on the Gulf States’ reports. [R] [See Abstr. 75.4100]
75.4100 YAGHI, Mohammad ; ALMOAIBED, Hanaa ; COLOMBO, Silvia —
This volume focuses on two primary objectives: to understand the transformations in Gulf States’ foreign aid (GSFA) following 9/11 and the 2011 Arab Uprisings, and to analyse the enduring traits, evolving characteristics, allocation and motivations behind GSFA. The volume delves into how the Gulf States — Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait and Qatar — have shifted from a solidarity-based aid model to one strategically aligned with political and military interests, particularly in regions like Yemen, Libya and Syria. The key findings highlight the Gulf States’ growing emphasis on transparency, alignment with global governance norms, and increased humanitarian assistance. However, the continued preference for bilateral over multilateral aid raises concerns about transparency and the long-term effectiveness of aid. Politicisation of foreign aid, especially post-2011, underscores how Gulf donors use aid to reinforce geopolitical influence and support military objectives. The volume proposes a future research agenda focusing on the effectiveness of the Gulf States’ rebranding efforts, the implications of intertwining aid with military interests, the shift towards economic diversification in aid allocation, and how evolving regional dynamics, such as Saudi–Iran relations and the Abraham Accords, could shape future aid strategies. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Foreign aid of gulf states: continuity and change”. See also Abstr. 75.3842, 3861, 3903, 3904, 3909, 4024, 4062, 4080, 4099]
75.4101 YALVAÇ, Faruk ; JOSEPH, Jonathan —
Although the neglect of Marxism has been a pervasive characteristic of IR theory, there has been a marked revival of interest in Marxism. Marx’s materialist insights into the general historical development of societies, as well as his critique of capitalism and political economy, have served as alternative starting points for different critical approaches to IR and offers a welcome alternative to neorealism, constructivism, and poststructuralism that have dominated IR for several decades. Marxism provides a redefinition of IR by focusing on changes in material circumstances, historical conditions, and society instead of assuming unchanging and fixed structures of anarchy or the state. Marx’s analysis and insights into the dynamics of international relations have become even more important given the ongoing crisis of neoliberal capitalism, the rise of authoritarianism, right-wing nationalist populisms, and the racial and gendered subordinations accompanying them pointing to the importance of Marxifying IR and IRifying Marxism. [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Marxism and international relations: still a case of ‘mutual neglect’?”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 75.3001, 3072, 3093, 3126, 3722, 3856, 3902, 4020]
75.4102 YANG, Hai ; WALKER, Hayley —
Our study examines how international organizations seek to legitimate non-state actor engagement to elite audiences, using the secretariat of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change as an illustrative case. We employ the prism of legitimation, a process whereby international organizations justify their institutional designs, decision-making procedures and policy outcomes with a view to enhancing legitimacy. We unpack legitimation along two vectors: normative and operational. Normative legitimation seeks to justify a particular norm, while operational legitimation explains how the organization meets a norm—or why it fails to do so. The latter constitutes a blind spot in existing literature. Our analysis highlights the need to recognize the complex operational realities international organizations face when making normative demands or gauging the appropriateness of global governance. [R, abr.]
75.4103 YETIM, Hüsna Taş —
This article examines Russia’s 2022 military intervention in Ukraine through an eclectic theoretical framework that synthesises hierarchy theory, foreign-imposed regime change, and negative balancing strategy. We argue that Russia justified the attack as a means to protect its hierarchical objectives in the post-Soviet region against three perceived imminent threats: Ukraine’s independent trajectory, the growing alignment of certain post-Soviet states with the US-led hierarchy, and the expansion of the US-led Western hierarchy into the post-Soviet space. In response, Russia employed the hard face of its negative balancing strategy by launching an overt foreign-imposed regime change operation to replace Zelensky’s government with a pro-Moscow regime. From the outset, this operation has been tasked with two key aims: discipline and balance. The disciplinary objective has focused on ensuring Ukraine’s loyalty to Moscow and deterring other Western-leaning post-Soviet states from emulating Ukraine by sending a clear disciplinary message. The balance objective has sought to counter the negative and outbidding strategies of the US-led hierarchy, which Russia perceives as a neo-containment agenda aimed at undermining its regional influence. [R]
75.4104 YODER, Brandon ; HAYNES, Kyle —
How does the potential for socialization affect states’ abilities to reassure each other and mitigate the security dilemma? Rationalist scholarship has identified numerous mechanisms by which states can credibly signal benign intentions. Yet it omits the possibility that states’ interactions might endogenously shape their identities and domestic structures, and thus alter their basic preferences for or against cooperative outcomes. We present a formal model of the security dilemma that allows the sender’s preferences to change endogenously as a function of the receiver’s actions. The model yields several key results. First, the possibility of socialization generates incentives for benign actors to risk initiating cooperation, and even sustain cooperation in response to noncooperative signals in the hope of positively socializing the sender. However, conflict can still occur between mutually benign states through novel mechanisms not captured by standard models. [R]
75.4105 YOON, Jong-pil —
This essay examines the various ways in which pacificists and socialists in France responded to the ‘yellow peril’ from the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) to the end of the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905). I identify and examine four different attitudes they developed towards the ‘yellow peril’. On the one hand, some pacificists and socialists perceived it as a reality and used it as a means of exposing the problems of expansionism but differed on their views of what Asia would become for the West: whereas pacifists like Paul d’Estournelles de Constant invoked Asia as a potential existential threat, certain socialists welcomed ‘yellow’ workers as future comrades. On the other hand, there were people who viewed the ‘yellow peril’ as a myth or some sort of ideological smokescreen. Roughly speaking, they fell into two groups: socialists who treated it as a set of false ideas created to justify Tsarist imperialism, which practically led them to embrace Japanese imperialism, and revolutionary syndicalists who, opposing capitalist exploitation and expansionism in general, dismissed it as part of bourgeois ideology. Thus, I ultimately argue that the ‘yellow peril’ was less of an imperialist ideology consisting of negative racial stereotypes about East Asians than a versatile concept that was used against as well as for racial stereotyping and expansionism. [R]
75.4106 YOUNG, John W. —
There are widely differing interpretations of Lord Haldane’s behaviour during the July crisis. To some historians, the Lord Chancellor was part of a group — alongside Prime Minister H.H. Asquith, Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey, and First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill — loyal to the Anglo-French entente cordiale, who supported British intervention. As a former Secretary of War, they also believe he was committed to the early despatch of a British Expeditionary Force to the continent. But some of his contemporaries suspected Haldane of ‘pro-Germanism,’ believed that he strove to prevent Britain going to war, that he worked to forestall the despatch of troops to France, and that he tried to block Lord Kitchener’s appointment to head the War Office. This essay reconsiders the issue. [R, abr.]
75.4107 YU, Mei —
Economic sanctions are a policy tool that great powers frequently use to interfere with domestic politics of another state. Regime change has been a primary goal of economic sanctions over the past decades. This article studies the relationship between leader-contingent sanctions — sanctions that are designed to impede the flow of revenue to a specific leader — and violent political conflict in target countries. I build a theoretical model to illuminate two mechanisms by which leader-contingent sanctions destabilize a regime — the Depletion Mechanism and the Instigation Mechanism. The Depletion Mechanism works when sanctions mechanically deplete the government’s resources so that it becomes unable to buy off domestic opposition even by making the largest possible offer. The Instigation Mechanism implies that as sanctions decrease the benefit of negotiated settlement relative to war, the government may strategically choose to repress rather than buy off the opposition even when it is able to do so. Leader-contingent sanctions lead to bargaining failure by rewarding the opposition for revolt while reducing the government’s ability and willingness to appease the opposition. [R]
75.4108 ZENG, Jinghan —
American success in the field of militarized AI has met with considerable admiration in China, as revealed by studies of Chinese-language scholarly materials. This policy paper explores how perceptions of the US as a benchmark and role model in AI have influenced China’s strategic ambitions. [R]
75.4109 ZENG, Ka ; KIM, Soo Yeon —
This paper leverages firm-level data to examine the impact of the US-China trade war on the greenfield investment of Chinese investors. Our research yields a few interesting findings. Importantly, our longitudinal analysis of Chinese greenfield investment projects yields evidence that the tariffs have dampened overall Chinese investment. Further analyses for different world regions indicate that while the tariffs have generally had a chilling effect on Chinese investment in most world regions, they may have prompted Chinese investors to engage in “tariff-jumping” in the US. Our analysis further shows that the trade war may have incentivized Chinese investors to increasingly invest in countries with good political ties with Beijing, presumably as a buffer against potential downturns in bilateral relations. It may also have contributed, at least in part, to a reduced willingness by Chinese state-owned enterprises to engage in overseas investment. [R, abr.]
75.4110 ZHANG, Yi ; ROELFSEMA, Hein ; LIU, Chun —
This study investigates a critical source of political uncertainty for foreign investors in a centralised political system: leadership turnover within local governments. Our stylised model suggests that risk-averse foreign investors, faced with this uncertainty, tend to offer a larger revenue share to their local partners in international joint ventures (IJVs). This incentivises local officials to provide the necessary authorisations and public inputs for IJVs. Using a unique Chinese dataset that links city-level leadership changes with firm-level incentive structures, our empirical analysis provides robust evidence supporting this framework. [R]
75.4111 ZHU, Zhiqun —
This article examines the strategies the US and China have adopted in their current competition associated with the proverbial power transition. The article argues that despite the dangers of a potential war resulting from power transition, the US-China relationship is likely to muddle through until the two countries find a way to coexist peacefully. The reasons are twofold: the US, the status quo power, is not willing or prepared for a direct conflict with China even thought it is determined to contain China’s rise; and China, on the other hand, has shown no desire to replace the US as a dominant global power and is working to consolidate its standing as a major in the multipolar world. Though both powers claim that they are not interested in war, dur to lack of trust, the policies that take are perceived as provocative and confrontational by the other side and have the potential to bring about an actual conflict between them, especially in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea. As a result of intense competition between them, relations at all four levels — global, governmental, societal, and individual — have deteriorated since the Trump administration. The US-China rivalry has also put some third parties in a difficult situation in which they may feel compelled to choose sides. The paper suggests that the US-China rivalry is taking place in an era cith nuclear weapons and AI technologies, which makes it even more challenging to manage the power transition new. [R]
75.4112
Introduction by Maria Cristina BARBIERI GÓES, Sylvio KAPPES and Louis-Philippe ROCHON. Articles by Robert ROWTHORN, “The conflict theory of inflation revisited”, pp. 1302-1313; Malcolm SAWYER, “Conflictual distributional struggles and inflation”, pp. 1314-1330; Ettore GALLO and Louis-Philippe ROCHON, “Sellers’ Inflation and distributive conflict: lessons from the post-COVID recovery”, pp. 1331-1350; Davide ROMANIELLO and Antonella STIRATI, “Cost-push and conflict inflation: a discussion of the Italian case”, pp. 1351-1380; Lilian ROLIM, “Inflation, unemployment, and inequality: beyond the traditional Phillips curve”, pp. 1381-1396; Marc LAVOIE, “Conflictual inflation and the Phillips curve”, pp. 1397-1419; Luigi SALVATI and Pasquale TRIDICO, “Which policies against inflation after Covid-19 and the war in Ukraine: the Italian case”, pp. 1420-1435; Eckhard HEIN and Christoph HÄUSLER, “Kaleckian models of conflict inflation, distribution and employment: a comparative analysis”, pp. 1436-1464; Giuseppe MASTROMATTEO and Sergio ROSSI, “‘Sellers’ inflation’ and monetary policy interventions: a critical analysis”, pp. 1465-1485; Pedro CLAVIJO-CORTES, “Conflict inflation and the role of monetary policy”, pp. 1486-1509; Franklin SERRANO, Ricardo SUMMA and Guilherme SPINATO MORLIN, “Conflict, inertia, and Phillips Curve from a Sraffian standpoint”, pp. 1510-1535.
75.4113
Articles by Maria J. DEBRE; Janis KLUGE; Niloofar ADNANI; Birgit MENZEL; Jörg KINZIG; Markus WOLF.