Social work as a recognised profession in the Pacific region

Abstract

This article explores how social work is understood as a profession in the Pacific region, alongside forces of globalisation and the consequent neo-colonialism that can emerge where Western models are perceived as superior to indigenous models of social work. Eight Western Sydney University social work students who completed their final 500-hour field practicums in Fiji and Samoa between 2013 and 2015 provided feedback on their experience. Issues include the lack of recognition of social work as a profession, as it is often perceived to occur naturally within Pacific cultures, and the role of social work education in preparing qualified practitioners.

Keywords

Indigenous neo-colonial Pacific Islands social work education social work profession

Introduction

The International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) (2015) defines social work in the following way:

Social work is a practice-based profession and an academic discipline that promotes social change and development, social cohesion, and the empowerment and liberation of people. Principles of social justice, human rights, collective responsibility and respect for diversities are central to social work. Underpinned by theories of social work, social sciences, humanities and indigenous knowledge, social work engages people and structures to address life challenges and enhance wellbeing.

By definition, this relatively new statement gives room for Indigenous knowledge to emerge alongside Western epistemologies; in practice, it is often the latter that supersedes the former. This article explores how social work is understood as a profession in the Pacific region, alongside the forces of globalisation and the consequent neo-colonialism that can emerge where Western models are perceived as superior to indigenous models of social work practice. Eight (six non-Pacific and two Pacific) of the 12 Western Sydney University social work students who completed their final 500-hour field practicums in Fiji and Samoa between 2013 and 2015 have taken part in either a focus group or telephone interviews to further unpack some of the issues regarding the professionalisation of social work within the Pacific region. Some of these issues include the lack of recognition of social work as a profession within the region, as it is often perceived as something that occurs naturally within Pacific cultures rather than from a sense of vocation or employment, and the development and education of social workers in tertiary institutions in the Pacific. It must be understood that one ought not to speak of the Pacific region as a collective whole; it is made up of many different languages, cultures and ontological and epistemological understandings, and obviously heterogeneous people groups, even within the one ‘nation’. Therefore the countries of Fiji and Samoa, which were countries of placement for students between 2013 and 2015, are treated separately throughout this document.

Beecher et al. (2010) emphasise how universalism, imperialism and indigenisation have affected the development of social work in non-Western regions. Universalism is understood as agreeing on a ‘common set of shared values’ that leads to improvement in ‘global social problems’ (p. 204). Often, though, social work requires country-specific training, ‘and this limits the inclusion of international content in the social work curriculum’ (p. 204). The internationalisation of social work has been understood as a form of neo-Imperialism: ‘Universal social work is Western social work in the same way that globalization is equated with Westernization or even Americanization’ (citing Gray and Fook, 2004: 627). Indigenisation of social work education is understood to be an integration of educational practices that are ‘relevant to the community in which the institution operates and adherence to related constituencies’ (Beecher et al., 2010: 205) are included and meaningfully applied. Expressions of indigenous practice, though, are rarely validated in the sight of Western social work bodies, as ‘cross-cultural practice and acceptance’ often supersede them (p. 205). There is a need for cultural relevance, not simply cultural competence, within professional social work models, that will serve to bolster the perception of social work within the region as a profession to Pacific Island service users and other nationals.

Social work, colonisation and globalisation

The impacts of colonisation and globalisation have and continue to have an enduring effect on the development of social work as a profession within the Pacific region. Prior to Western standards and practices being introduced to the Pacific, countries like Fiji did not have a formal concept of ‘social work’. Instead, this sense of providing service to those in need was understood as part of one’s relationship with others – when one was in need, it was up to their families or churches to provide the required support (Saxton, 2013: 330), which would be reciprocated at the appropriate time. Similar approaches around the reciprocal and shared value of living collectively to support and assist others are evident in the African philosophy of Ubuntu (Mugumbate and Nyanguru, 2013) and the Native American Cherokee concept of Gadugi (Hall, 1991). Colonisation introduced Western epistemologies to the Pacific, which in turn affected how these services were administered.

In essence, the development of social work as a profession in the Asia-Pacific region needs to take into account the vast diversity that makes up the region. Some countries within it, such as Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand, have been practising for decades, whereas some have only recognised social work as a legitimate field of professional practice within the past few years. Social work was originally aimed at ‘alleviating the effects of poverty, unemployment and social problems that arose locally as a result of the rapid movement to industrialise’ (Noble, 2004: 527). As a discipline, it has sought to

Identify generic principles of practice that would provide the profession with a distinctive identity and global unity, which, in its general context, would then be able to be translated into particular settings despite different cultural, social, legal and political contexts. (Noble, 2004: 527–528)

Global interactions, such as policies, treaties and programmes, are recognised as having an increasing impact on ‘national, regional and local policies that inform social work practice in all countries’ (Noble, 2004: 528). Local-global discourse is therefore encouraged in international social work, which seeks to break Western forms of practice and encourages indigenous expressions, leading to ‘multicultural awareness in social work curricula at national and international levels’ (p. 528). While this is a stated goal of international social work, there are cultural and relational realities that inhibit the development of social work as a profession within the region.

Perspectives of social work in the region

Beecher et al. (2012) evaluated findings from international students who completed overseas placements. Several issues arose in how clients and the general population perceived social work in various settings across the Asia-Pacific region. In French Polynesia, for instance, only those who study in France are recognised and properly afforded work (p. 441). This reinforces the need for Westernised as opposed to indigenised expressions of social work as a profession. Beecher et al. report that their students who undertook placement in Fiji noticed how social support services were the ‘last resort’ for their clients, who thought that this is ‘only … the place to get money … [not realising] that they can come there anytime they need for counselling or any form of help’ (p. 442). Other respondents from a Fijian placement stated that ‘they usually said, why do we need to go and get education for social work, like it’s common sense …’ (p. 442). A third student from Fiji reflected, ‘My perception is that social work is really needed in Fiji at the moment – it seems like they don’t see it as a need right now’ (p. 442). Beecher further argues that in Pacific countries, there ‘may be a residual of their disapproval of social, family, and mental health problems’ (p. 447). Societal perceptions of how one deals with interpersonal issues therefore influence how social work is treated as a profession within the region. The research presented in this article emanates similar tenets on the need to develop relevant social work education, but also focuses on the way in which non-Pacific students and professionals develop a greater understanding of working with Pacific communities across the Oceania region, including the Pacific diasporas in Australia.

Sites of resistance for Western social work in Pacific countries

Due to the cultural differences that exist between Western models of social work practice and relational principles that exist within the Pacific, there are recognised sites of resistance for the total adoption of Westernised social work in the region, which may actively hinder its development as a profession. These concepts, explored in the following, must be understood, as social work in the region ought to integrate knowledge and support systems that already exist within Pacific cultures, rather than imposing an entirely foreign model upon it. Some of the outcomes of colonisation are highlighted, as social work delivered via Western models can be considered by populations living in the Pacific as reinforcing its obtrusive legacy.

It is clear that there have been traditional approaches to social problems that have previously not required interventions from those outside of the family (Furuto, 2013: 252–256). This could contribute to why social work is challenged as a profession, and perhaps there is some credibility in this argument: if these societies have existed so long without the need of yet another imposition from the West, then why now? Can the traditional modes of support still provide for Pacific Islands and their peoples under the enormous weight of market economies and globalisation?

While the Pacific Islanders from Samoa and people of the Micronesian region may not consider themselves to be poor, from the European and Western perspective [they are] … [They] continue to seek help first from their kin abroad and then from their villagers and church members. (Furuto, 2013: 256)

The development of social work as a profession, then, challenges deeply ingrained self-perceptions of nations, namely, that they ‘need help’. If Pacific Islanders do not perceive themselves as poor, it is likely that they do not perceive their ‘need’ (by Western standards) for social work programmes and interventions. In Samoa, strong familial and kinship ties – family members who ‘actively help one another in the form of labour, goods, or money’ (Furuto, 2013: 263), alongside Indigenous healers or chiefs (p. 263) – have, in times past, provided for the social, medical and spiritual needs of the population.

Another issue that complicates the professional role of social work in the Pacific is the (positive) fact that many members of society are more involved in their communities: ‘the majority of people in these countries are highly developed socially, and villagers are actively engaged in communal projects, civil dynamics, and civic involvement as they care for one another and their community’ (p. 266). This is contrasted to social work in the West, which is ‘highly democratized, institutionalised’ and is a ‘machine with policies, programs, and organizations that make up a bureaucracy’ (p. 266). Being tied to one land and one place fosters this sense of community, whereas the mobile economies of the West encourage fragmentation and isolation in relation to inter- and intra-personal relationships (p. 267). This sense of social integration can also nullify the perceived need of social work as a profession. Those with the title of ‘social worker’ are few, and as social work has been recognised only for a short time, it is still in a nascent stage of development (pp. 271–272). As such, it is not necessarily perceived as vital to the health of Samoans. It should also be noted that Samoa does not have an established national association for social workers (p. 272), and therefore being licensed as a social worker is a very new concept, reinforcing the non-professional nature of this profession. Furthermore, the slow move towards accreditation in Pacific countries does little to foster a sense of professionalism for social work (p. 269), as its professionalisation can be perceived as the imposition of a purely Western model (p. 270). Again, these credentials are not present within a Samoan context. Legislation for practice is also a significant contributor towards professionalisation, though this could have the negative effect of rendering inactive many non-governmental organisation (NGO)- and church-based volunteer social workers that currently provide for people’s needs (p. 275).

Translating social work concepts from English to other languages also hinders the profession’s ability to become integrated into Pacific countries (Beecher et al., 2012). When international social work students completed placements in their home countries, this challenge was seen to be another barrier to the professionalisation of social work within the region – the language used to convey concepts often derived from Western epistemological understandings, rather than being organically developed. There is also a strong awareness that social workers need to engage at the level of the client rather than adopt the professional level of speech that is afforded only to those that have a tertiary qualification in social work (pp. 440–441).

Neo-colonialism in the development of social work as a profession

Despite growing pressure to internationalise the discipline, which allows social workers to lobby for increased recognition as working professionals, there is the reality that many countries in the Pacific ‘face geographical isolation, lack of access to mass communication technologies and language and cultural barriers’ (Noble, 2004: 530) that would challenge the development of social work within the region. Some countries do not have a ‘welfare state’ (p. 530), which is considered requisite for the establishment of social work, and their responses to industrialisation have not been consistent. There is also the very weighty reality that these ‘historical, cultural and political differences’ are not completely understood by the West, from which the demand to internationalise predominantly arises, and the inherent implications these realities would have upon these primarily non-Western countries (Noble, 2004: 530). Noble emailed various heads of programmes from social work schools across the region, and some of the respondents revealed that having international standards would

‘help us negotiate with the higher authorities to convince them on the nature, scope and structures of social work educational institutions’ and thus provide a substantial argument for negotiation for the consolidation and future development of their social work programmes. (p. 531)

There is, therefore, a perceived need to validate social work as a profession.

Internationalising versus indigenising social work

Internationalising social work is a global project that professionals have been wrestling with for some time. Some have suggested that the establishment of an Asia-Pacific centre would be a means of unifying practice to some extent, given that the impacts of globalisation are such that international cooperation is needed to alleviate societal problems (Pawar, 2001). Some argue that the profession has been slow to adapt and respond to international migration movements and the repercussions of realities like globalisation upon the region (Matsuoka, 2007), and the role of social work is now to ‘tend to the needs of the free market’s social fallout and the disparity that is the hallmark of a corporate-driven economy’ (p. 197). He further argues that much social work education is focused on evidence-based practice (EBP), which is inherently Western and covertly flooded with ‘culturally biased practices’ (p. 198). By virtue of being less EBP based, indigenous methodologies are therefore perceived as inferior; by contrast, Western knowledge ‘serves to amplify a distinct cultural episteme that decontextualizes and reduces our important and complex work to disintegrate artefacts’ (p. 198). Some of the attitudes emanating towards indigenous practices of social work therefore need to shift if the profession is to be taken seriously in the Asia-Pacific region.

Indigenisation is therefore ‘an identity and mission relative to the community to which the academy is accountable’ (Matsuoka, 2007: 198), and not the other way around. Within each contexts, the concepts of the primacy of family and genealogy, the propriety of traditional practices, wisdom of elders, intuitive intelligence, servant leadership, sense of place, environmental kinship and spirituality, collectivism and restorative values over retribution need to be legitimated in Western contexts (p. 198), as they are already so in Pacific contexts. These themes, if actively addressed in social work practice within and beyond the region, help to indigenise social work practice, make it more valid and legitimise it as a profession, and could potentially teach those outside of the Pacific new ways of engaging in social work as a practice (Gray and Coates, 2010).

Several forms of Indigenous social work interventions have been identified by Beecher et al. (2010), such as Fijian solesolevaki, an approach that emphasises responsibility for others, which government ministries will observe and come alongside – ‘[the Ministry] will look within the family first and that’s just natural to us [Fijians] that we look within the family before we go look outside’ (p. 208). Within Tongan communities, a similar concept of reciprocity is applied known as Fetokoni’aki, which is ‘based on the belief that more is achieved materially, socially and spiritually from collective rather than individual action’ (Mafileo, 2010: 120). In Aotearoa/New Zealand, use of the Family Group Conference Model reflects the importance of building and maintaining kinship ties, utilising Maori-inspired meeting practices to deliberate around the ‘safety and care of children’ (p. 120), and several models of Samoan social work practice, including fa’afaletui and fonofale, have been written about extensively (Faleolo, 2009, 2013; Lauta-Mulitalo, 1998; Ravulo, 2016; Tamasese, 2002; Tamasese et al., 2005; Tuafuti, 2011). Legitimising these practices as professional social work interventions will go a long way in professionalising social work in the Pacific region.

Participant perceptions of social work

Research participants and method

The following research strives to provide further understanding on the developing professionalisation of social work across the Pacific region, and the experience of both Pacific and non-Pacific students undertaking an undergraduate social work degree in Sydney, Australia. Of the 12 social work students who completed their second, final placement within the Pacific region between the years of 2013 and 2015, 8 were asked questions about their overseas placements, which lasted from 2 to 3 months. Interestingly, in the total cohort of 12 students who undertook placement in the Pacific, 10 were of a non-Pacific heritage and 2 were of a Pacific heritage. Within this research, 6 were non-Pacific and 2 were Pacific.

The 6 students (4 non-Pacific and 2 Pacific) who undertook their placement in the Pacific in 2015 participated in a focus group that ran for 2 hours, with the other 2 students (both non-Pacific) from the 2014 student cohort providing their response to the same questions via a semi-structured telephone interview, typically running for 30 minutes. The aim of capturing feedback via the focus group and telephone interviews was premised by the interest to capture evaluative data on the quality of experience for students undertaking their placement in the Pacific, while also gauging their narrative to yield a broader understanding of how social work education at Western Sydney University prepares students for such experiences. The researcher was also keen to utilise a critical reflective approach in evolving effective social work education (Fook, 1999; Payne and Askeland, 2016) in Australia, that meaningfully engages students for professional practice inclusive of indigenous epistemologies and ontologies. That is, by asking participants the following questions, the researcher strove to gain honest, and constructive, feedback, which was then presented throughout the key findings as quotes, to both uphold and maintain the essence of what the student experienced:

How is social work understood as a profession in the region?

Why has this reputation been developed?

What may help to improve social work as a profession in the region?

How do you think social work interventions may differ between Western and Pacific perspectives?

What social work practice approaches do you use (list and discuss)?

How did you overcome challenges in accessing material support and resources to assist?

Therefore, this qualitative interview framework (Alshenqeeti, 2014; Edwards and Holland, 2013) provided key findings that were derived by highlighting shared themes discussed by the participants throughout the focus group and phone interviews. Questions were developed to provide participants with an opportunity to openly discuss their perspectives, with a view to transcend a binary viewpoint (Goodman, 2001) of the Pacific and Western perspective. Participants were encouraged to share from their own insights while exploring the possible complexities of social work and its identity in the region. The focus group platform provided an additional opportunity to create a shared insight, in turn valuing and supporting their individual responses in a manner that assisted the researcher to derive specific key findings within the cohort (Short, 2006).

Ethics were approved for this project by the Human Research Ethics Committee at Western Sydney University, project number H11378. All participants completed written consent forms or verbally provided consent for their views to be shared, which was electronically recorded.

Key findings

Identity of social work in the Pacific

When asked how social work is understood as a profession in the region, perceptions were discussed that resonate strongly with the aforementioned literature on the evolving identity of the profession (Beecher et al., 2012; Furuto, 2013; Noble, 2004). One student stated that social work is

A position that people hold in order to help improve facilities, or people’s lives, or people’s circumstances or negotiate with say governments to improve things over there.

This kind of description could be understood as similar to what a Western social worker does, with one significant difference: social workers in Fiji do not need to be trained within social work specifically to be termed a ‘social worker’. Another student described how some people who are considered social workers are retired chief executive officers (CEOs) from finance, legal and other backgrounds who do not possess any kind of social work qualifications. As a result,

You didn’t have to do much to identify with [being a social worker] … it wasn’t given a huge value in the sense of what we know it is here in Australia.

A student who completed placement in Samoa had a different experience. She explained how in Samoa ‘where I was, it’s not really … recognised’, and that

There are other social workers, but they’re in completely different fields. So as a profession it’s not very well known.

This same student also mentioned that there is a far stronger focus on more concrete subject areas and professions in Samoa, such as environmentalists and doctors, who are understood to contribute to the more direct ‘necessities’ of the population and its welfare.

The definition of a social worker, especially in Fiji, is a very fluid one, and can even extend to someone who gives out food or books to help the ‘less fortunate’, as described by a student who completed their placement in Fiji, and is from a Fijian background. This student discussed her thinking behind why Fiji is yet to treat social work as a serious profession:

It’s never been a profession as such in the islands. And I think the culture itself of Fiji – this is just my view – is, you help yourself, and you help your family, and you help your village, and you help people immediate to you. And that issue or whatever shouldn’t go out of that family, or … that circle, as such. So I don’t think they’ve ever felt that they’ve needed a need for it.

Family ties, rather than seeking the services of a stranger, are perceived as the cultural norm by this participant. Another participant highlighted how the motivations for doing social work have an effect on how it is perceived within Fiji:

It’s seen partly as women’s work, as it is here [in Australia] as well. But also just as volunteer work, and isn’t given as much value, I guess, because anyone could kind of do it. And it’s sort of something that you’re doing out of your love, not out of a particular need or for the pay, but because it’s sort of associated with voluntary work. I think it’s just given a lesser value.

It must be realised that equating income with value is a Western means of validation. It may be that in a Fijian understanding, to give up one’s time to help another places more value on an act than receiving money for assisting someone; this tension of Western and non-Western values and knowledge is something that is constantly at work where Western knowledge frameworks (e.g. social work) are seeking to be established in non-Western countries. A few participants described that when trying to explain their social work career in Fiji, people generally didn’t understand why someone would spend 3–4 years studying towards a vocation that is seen as voluntary work, rather than a field of study that would yield better job prospects and career opportunities.

Another participant mentioned the fact that social work was not understood as a means of ‘advocating and empowering clients’, and is therefore not considered as vital a profession as it is in the West.

These perspectives are important when comparing Western values towards social work to Fijian values. Australia has the luxury of a strong economy compared to its Pacific neighbours, so economic realities such as large families needing as many workers as possible becomes a more pressing reality for some, and the practicality of studying at university for 4 years towards a degree that does not lead to a clearly understood, defined and validated career can be difficult.

Social work qualifications in the Pacific

Another factor that was understood to contribute to the lack of recognition afforded to social work in the region was the balance between placement and in-class study in the Bachelor of Arts (Social Work) degree offered by The University of the South Pacific (USP). Western Sydney University students perceived the workload as quite unrealistic, in that while on placement for 3–4 days a week, USP students also had to complete three additional theoretical subjects (USP, 2017b). This was considered devaluing to the training students ought to have received during placement, as they had to focus on too many other units as well. Furthermore, a broader amount of general content taught within the BA programme did not specifically address pertinent social work material, which was highlighted as a potential reason why social work students were not well-equipped in the protocols and practices that make for ‘professional’ social work. In stating this participant feedback, it must be acknowledged and understood that there may be other institutional factors and dynamics that resulted in this reality – not necessarily from the USP staff who strongly advocate for a sound social work programme, but rather by other internal and external factors in having social work education valued through strategies that promote sustainable staffing and learning experiences. More so, it is also acknowledged that advances have occurred over the last 3 years, with USP bolstering specific social and community welfare content within the existing major, enabling them to recently receive international accreditation from the Australian Community Workers Association (ACWA) for their 3-year programme (USP, 2017a).

Effective professional supervision has been considered as one of the most pertinent aspects of the professionalisation of the social worker (Saxton, 2013). One participant discussed the need for effective supervision, and the risks that a lack of supervision can promote:

If you’re stuck in an ethical situation, who are you going to go to? Your supervisor’s someone from finance or someone from legal, and they’re not able to provide that support that you need. In terms of self-care, in terms of situations that involve risk. Nobody is there to help you … [to] react in those situations … We need to provide sustainability in the social work framework. And to be able to do that, we need to keep building on the social profession itself before we define it.

There was an understanding that people who were employed in social work positions were not there due to their qualifications, but rather through networks. This creates a situation where

They don’t exactly need the qualifications to obtain the job. And so then you build up this organisation that not many people have the specific qualifications to do the job. And so then it kind of keeps on building and building.

Another participant suggested that in order to accelerate the process of professionalisation in social work, and aid in its legitimisation, governments need to create jobs that specifically demand the skills set that the degree affords, so that only qualified social workers are employed in such positions, and those aspiring to said positions must indeed complete an undergraduate award.

It must be remembered that Western Sydney University students are obviously speaking from a perspective of being trained in a Western understanding of the import and relevance of social work, having studied in Australia. As such, some of their perspectives may unconsciously contribute to a devaluing of indigenous understandings of the practice of social work within the region by a different name. As aforementioned, various support systems have existed and supported these populations for centuries before social work came to these islands.

Funding and limitations

Several students identified the need for increased and targeted funding in Fiji and Samoa if social work is to become more professionalised. Donors particularly were identified as wanting definite and large-scale results if they were to contribute to a project. Some students stated that the general population and even funding bodies themselves do not care about social work, and are therefore not inclined to fund NGOs that provide these services. One student noted that Western ways had come quickly to Fiji and the population were not able to keep up with such rapid development. Many participants highlighted the desire of social work nationals to do more to serve their countries than what funding enabled. One participant stated that there is a lot of creativity within the Pacific that could be wielded to organise art and other creative projects that not only could act as interventions, but also assist in providing much needed funds for social work organisations, many of which are NGOs in the Pacific region. There is therefore a need to draw on social work practice that has commonalities with cultural practices, in order to increase the likelihood of these funding bodies and the general population seeing the value of such services and therefore supporting them in a more consistent fashion. Speaking of her experience in Samoa, one student stated,

Everything a Samoan person does in Samoa revolves around fa’asamoa (the Samoan way). And so, social work doesn’t fit in there. And I think if we wanna make a difference in the region, or get more recognised … we need to change … the way people see social work. They’ll find it valuable and stuff … the clients get it, and the clients want the help, and they understand what we’re doing. But the general population and the funding bodies [don’t care].

The greatest limitation to professionalising social work in the Pacific, then, is the way in which the general populations and funding bodies perceive social work. The next section details reasons why social work may not be perceived as a legitimate profession. If these issues can be addressed in social work practice in the Pacific, it may be that the profession will be taken more seriously on various social levels.

Improving social work’s reputation

Various ideas were put forward by the participant group in order to improve social work’s reputation within Fiji and Samoa. Education from tertiary providers to the general public about what social work is and its importance was highlighted as imperative to this end. Such knowledge dissemination was considered useful, as the general populace esteems the university as a place of high status and is looked up to and respected as an institute of higher learning. Word of mouth can also encourage a greater understanding of what social work is.

Other students highlighted the need for capacity development, in that some social work students on placement did not exhibit cultural sensitivity in their practice. Moreover, if social work graduates are not engaging with their clientele in a culturally appropriate way, with sensitivity for their needs, this serves to delegitimise its practice and could potentially be harmful to future clients.

One of the most de-professionalising realities encountered by students was the lack of confidentiality and professional/personal boundaries. A recollection from one student highlights why some Fijians would not trust a social worker:

One day I walked in from lunch. In the foyer there was a client, and one of our workers. The worker was sitting there telling the client about the previous client and the assessment they had had. And [in my mind] I just went, ‘We’re in Fiji!’ You kind of get used to that confidentiality not being there. And that has also been a reason that I’ve heard that people won’t go to social workers and counsellors in the Pacific, because they don’t trust the person they’re telling stuff to. He’s talking to someone within five minutes of a client that was in previously, and her whole history to a client that had just walked in the door, obviously knew her through the service and stuff, so that’s just gonna go everywhere.

Breaching client trust is a definite way to delegitimise the seriousness and client-centred values of responsible social work. If social work is going to be taken seriously in Fiji, there need to be active and consistent confidentiality standards in all organisations, or else the general public will not trust the services offered to them.

Another issue highlighted was the place of professional boundaries:

There are no boundaries at all. There’s no personal and professional boundaries … They don’t see it. So you’ll be with a client, and then you’ll go out partying with them that same night.

This same student emphasised the need for ‘clearer constrictions’ around what is professional practice and what is social engagement. She went on to state,

For a profession to be developed, I think you need those boundaries in place. Because then, I think it will also be a respected professional as well.

Much work must therefore be done around practices of confidentiality and professional and personal boundaries if the social work profession is going to be treated as a profession in Fiji. This is again challenging cultural norms in this region, as there is a strong focus on collectivist identity and interdependence, and ‘constrictions’ around confidentiality could be perceived as Western impositions on how people relate one to another. In spite of this, social work may not be treated seriously until clients know that they can trust social workers with intimate information, and further, that social workers themselves are not seen to be unprofessional with their clientele.

Discussion

The professionalisation of social work in the Pacific region is still evolving, not unlike other states and territories where an over-reliance on foreign aid and support is underpinned by reporting expectations and outcomes that tie directly to a professional platform. Social work has a place in Oceania, but it should be at the forefront of combatting neo-colonial rhetoric that continues to promote self-determined individuals and communities that have the scope to proactively contribute to their futures. International donors and philanthropic entities could be more aware of the indigenous knowledge that has pervaded and caused Pacific people to be great navigators, sea farers and warriors, rather than relegating such perspectives as archaic, tribal and simply native (Hau’ofa, 1998; Keown, 2007). At the same time, social work education needs to develop a greater appreciation for the way in which cultural differences permeate the realities of people the profession comes across, and celebrate such diversity as a platform from which to effectively engage.

Ambitiously, the evolving nature of what one could call Pacific social work is on the rise, where Pacific and non-Pacific students, academics, policy makers, researchers and organisations across the region are striving to create a united approach to establishing social work education and practice within a shared framework, that also recognises the meeting of social and welfare needs through lessons learnt from social work in a global (macro), regional (meso) and local (micro) context (Massey University, 2017). Through the establishment of this shared, cooperative approach, the Pacific region is further pioneering scope to be resilient in its own right through local cultural beliefs and values in Fiji and Samoa (e.g. solesolevaki and fa’a’samoa) while also sharing common experiences in developing professional resources that are founded on such principles (International Association of Schools of Social Work, 2016).

Western Sydney University and USP continue to work together via a partnership that promotes field education across the region, through the development of social work education that equips students to be appropriately responsive, further nuanced by research that has provided a platform of learning for both institutions. The need to enhance cultural awareness training for social work students coming from Australia is evident, especially if they are going to see themselves as supporting indigenous perspectives alongside Pacific students in the Islands. At the same time, the partnership has provided scope to further support the development of teaching material, currently being put together as a published book, in fostering the need to establish documentation and literature accessible for both social work students and practitioners across Oceania. It is within this spirit of reciprocity that the professional recognition of Pacific social work is emerging, and sustained by understanding the areas of development outlined in the research presented here while aligning a solution-focused approach in working together.

The research reviewed in this article has provided scope to profile feedback from Australian-based students on their short-term international field education experience; however, there are various limitations that could be addressed by undertaking further research with social work students and practitioners residing permanently or on a longer-term basis in the Pacific Islands. This could further nuance a greater insight and understanding overall, while also gaining feedback on the gaps and possible solutions to counteract such need in developing the social work profession across the region.

In conclusion, despite the many challenges that face the Pacific region around implementing existing social work models and professionalising its status, there is a recognised need of the good that it can bring to the peoples of Fiji and Samoa. It has been argued that until there is a clear understanding of the need for social work by nationals within these two island nations, there will not be a strong enough emphasis on its practice to warrant more generous funding and support from governments and funding bodies. It is the position of this article that social work is (perhaps rightly) perceived as a Western epistemological profession, and that in order for it to be more readily received in the Pacific, it ought to collaborate with, not integrate with, extant Pacific modes of engagement with people and their needs. To collaborate is to draw upon the strengths of Western models alongside those of Pacific models; to integrate is to merge these two together, which invariably means that the more heavily practised and documented (Western) version wins out. Future research needs to consider how these models, which fundamentally have different perspectives of the self and society, can speak to each other and the clientele they wish to serve, thereby creating culturally competent, relevant and helpful services to assist the diverse people groups that make up the Pacific as a region.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to the students of the Pacific Islands Field Education (PIFE) initiative who participated in the research; for the ongoing support from Prof. Kevin Dunn and Prof. Brian Stout, from the School of Social Sciences and Psychology of Western Sydney University, Dr Donald (Bruce) Yeates from the Faculty of Arts, Law and Education at The University of the South Pacific; and for the invaluable research and writing assistance provided by Shannon Said.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Author biography

Jioji Ravulo is a Senior Lecturer in Social Work in the School of Social Sciences and Psychology at Western Sydney University. His research interests include decolonising social work education, practice, policy and research, and the need to effectively engage individuals, families and communities.

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