HugginsWilliam, “The New Astronomy: A personal retrospect”, Nineteenth century, xli (1897), 907–29, p. 911.
2.
This particular excerpt is often included in biographies of Huggins as well as in essays on the origins of astrophysics. A few examples include MaunderE.W., Sir William Huggins and spectroscopic astronomy (London, 1913), 9; [DysonFrank W.], “Sir William Huggins”, Proceedings of the Royal Society, lxxxvi-A (1910), pp. i–xix, p. ii; NewallH. F., “William Huggins”, Monthly notices of the Royal Astronomical Society [MNRAS], lxxi (1911), 261–70, p. 261; idem, “Sir William Huggins”, Science progress, v (1910), 173–90, p. 177; CampbellW. W., “Sir William Huggins”, Annual report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1910, 307–17, p. 308; WilliamSmith Henry, The great astronomers (New York, 1932), 345–6; MeadowsA. J., “The origins of astrophysics”, in Astrophysics and twentieth-century astronomy to 1950: Part A, ed. By GingerichOwen (Cambridge, 1984), 3–15, p. 13.
3.
There are six observatory notebooks that record work done at Huggins's Tulse Hill observatory from 1856 to 1901. They are held in the Huggins Collection, Whitin Observatory, Wellesley College. The observations referred to in this paper are all recorded in Notebook 1.
4.
See BeckerBarbara J., “Eclecticism, opportunism, and the evolution of a new research agenda: William and Margaret Huggins and the origins of astrophysics”, Ph.D. dissertation, The Johns Hopkins University, 1993, ch. 2; idem, “Spectroscopy and the rest of astrophysics”, in PetruccioliS. (ed.), Storia della scienza (Rome, forthcoming).
5.
MillsCharles E.BrookeC. F., A sketch of the life of Sir William Huggins (Richmond, 1936), 7–23.
6.
Huggins was elected on 12 April 1854 (MNRAS, xiv (1854), 173).
7.
MillsBrooke, Sketch of the life (ref. 5), 19.
8.
Huggins may have acted in response to unfavourable fluctuations in the movement of silk and linen triggered by the mechanization of the textile industry, the elimination of trade protections, and the growing popularity of cotton by the mid-century. But the silk industry, while buffeted by a number of serious economic factors throughout the nineteenth century, did not suffer real damage until the discovery of artificial silk (rayon) in 1891, an event that even the most astute market analyst in the 1850s could not have anticipated. Of more immediate concern to small shop owners like the Hugginses was the introduction and growth of large-sized department stores that sold ready-to-wear clothing, cloaks, and curtains. See AdburghanAlison, “Shops and shopping 1800–1914”, in Victorian Britain: An encyclopedia, ed. by MitchellSally (New York, 1988), 720.
9.
“List of members”, Report of the British Association (Leeds, 1858).
10.
“The late Rev. William Rutter Dawes…”, MNRAS, xxix (1869), 116–20. There is no indication of when the two men met for the first time. Dawes was a prominent Fellow in the RAS, but Huggins does not mention Dawes's name in his notebook until 24 November 1859.
11.
See the numerous individual reports of this annular solar eclipse, MNRAS, xviii (1858), 181–213.
12.
Huggins, ? October 1858, Notebook 1. For others' reports on this comet, see MNRAS, xix (1858), 12–28. For artists' renderings of this impressive comet, see OlsonRoberta J. M., Fire and ice: History of comets in art (New York, 1985), 99–100.
13.
Huggins's close association with Dawes on astronomical matters was noted by Dawes's survivors. In a letter to the Reverend Thomas Romney Robinson, Huggins remarked, “Mr. Dawes's nephew & executor has most kindly presented me with Mr. Dawes's observatory journals”. See Huggins to Robinson, 23 January 1869, Add MS 7656.TR75, George Gabriel Stokes papers, Cambridge University Library. Dawes's observatory notebooks are now held in the RAS library.
14.
Huggins recorded observations on twenty evenings between 2 November 1858 and 19 March 1859. Nearly all were devoted to Jupiter and included a detailed drawing of the planet's surface. Huggins later neatly excised these illustrations from the notebook for display purposes. The original drawings are in the collection of the RAS library. They are reproduced in Huggins and Lady Huggins, The scientific papers of Sir William Huggins (London, 1909), 361 and 363.
15.
KirchhoffGustav, “Über die Fraunhofer'schen Linien”, Monatsberichte Akad. Wissen. Berlin, 1859, 662–5. Just six months later, this seminal paper appeared translated into English by George Gabriel Stokes with the title “On the simultaneous emission and absorption of rays of the same definite refrangibility …”, Philosophical magazine, 4th ser., xxi (1860), 195–6.
16.
Stokes, “Simultaneous emission…” (ref. 15), 196.
17.
RoscoeHenryStokes, 24 February 1860, Add MS 7656.R788, Stokes papers. Roscoe is referring to Kirchhoff's paper that was reprinted in Annalen der Physik, cix (1860), 148–50.
18.
RoscoeStokes, 19 March 1860, Add MS 7656.R789, Stokes papers.
19.
For a description of the contributions of these individuals and others, see Meadows, “The origins” (ref. 2), 3–15; McGuckenWilliam, Nineteenth-century spectroscopy: Development of the understanding of spectra 1802–1897 (Baltimore, 1969), 1–29.
20.
JamesFrank A. J. L., “The creation of a Victorian myth: The historiography of spectroscopy”, History of science, xxiii (1985), 1–24. See also SuttonM. A., “Spectroscopy, historiography and myth: The Victorians vindicated”, History of science, xxiv (1986), 425–32, and James, “Spectro-chemistry and myth: A rejoinder”, History of science, xxiv (1986), 433–7.
21.
NewtonIsaac, “A letter of Mr. Isaac Newton …”, Philosophical transactions, vi (1671/2), 3075–87.
See, for example, GladstoneJohn H., “Notes on the atmospheric lines of the solar spectrum, and on certain spectra of gases”, Chemical news, iv (1861), 140–2, p. 141; Anonymous, “The composition of the solar spectrum”, ibid., 293; MorrenM., “On spectrum analysis (extract from a letter to the Abbé Moigno, Editor of “Cosmos”)”, ibid., 302–3, p. 302; GiltayK. M., “On spectrum analysis”, ibid., 328–9.
24.
RoscoeHenry, Spectrum analysis (New York, 1869), 95–98.
25.
CrookesWilliam, “On the existence of a new element probably of the sulphur group”. Chemical news, iii (1861), 193–5.
26.
RoscoeHenry, “On Bunsen and Kirchhoff's spectrum observations”, Chemical news, iii (1861), 153–5, 170–2.
27.
RoscoeHenry, “On the application of the induction coil to Steinheil's apparatus for spectrum analysis”, Chemical news, iv (1861), 118–22.
28.
“Proceedings of the Chemical Society”, Chemical news, iv (1861), 130–3, p. 132.
29.
Ibid..
30.
It should be pointed out that Roscoe was able to provide a clear discussion of Kirchhoff's later explanation for the Fraunhofer lines in a lecture given at the Royal Institution the following spring.
31.
“Proceedings of the Chemical Society” (ref. 28), 130.
32.
Ibid..
33.
MillerW. A., “Address to the Chemistry Section,”Report of the British Association (Manchester, 1861), 75–76. For a summary of this talk, see Chemical news, iv (1861), 159–61.
34.
This claim is oft-repeated. See, for example, [TrotterCoutts], “William Allen Miller”, Proceedings of the Royal Society, xix (1879), pp. xix–xxvi; and [ClerkeMary Agnes], “William Allen Miller”, Dictionary of national biography, xxxvii (New York, 1894), 429–30. Nevertheless, there is no record at King's College as to where this room might have been located or how it might have been altered to make such research possible.
35.
MillerW. A., “On the action of gases on the prismatic spectrum [abst.]”, Report of the British Association (Cambridge, 1845), 28–29. For the full text of Miller's talk, see “Experiments and observations on some cases of lines in the prismatic spectrum produced by the passage of light through coloured vapours and gases, and from certain coloured flames”, Philosophical magazine, 3rd ser., xxvii (1845), 81–91.
36.
Miller, “Experiments and observations…” (ref. 35), Chemical news, iii (1861), 304–7.
37.
Ibid., Editor's note 5, p. 307.
38.
[Clerke], “Miller” (ref. 34), 429.
39.
[Trotter], “Miller” (ref. 34), p. xxii.
40.
The full text appeared in MillerW. A., “On spectrum analysis”. Pharmaceutical journal, 2nd ser., iii (1862), 399–412; and idem. Chemical news, v (1862), 201–3, 214–18.
41.
von FraunhoferJoseph, “Bestimmung des Brechungs- und Farbenzerstreutuungs-Vermögens verschiedener Glassarten, in Bezug auf die Vervollkommung achromatischer Fernröhre”, Denkschriften der Königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, v (1814–15), 193–226, pp. 220–1.
42.
Miller, “On spectrum analysis” (ref. 40a), 412.
43.
Huggins, “The New Astronomy” (ref. 1), 911–12.
44.
In early 1862, Huggins was still operating on the periphery of London's professional scientific community. Thus it is possible that he was unaware of Miller's British Association address the previous year, the recent discussions on spectrum analysis at the Chemical Society, and the papers that had appeared in the Philosophical magazine and in the publications of the Royal Society.
45.
RoscoeHenry, “A course of three lectures on spectrum analysis”, Chemical news, v (1862), 218–22, 261–5, 287–93.
46.
Ibid., 292.
47.
Huggins, “The New Astronomy” (ref. 1), 912.
48.
They later reported [HugginsMiller, “On the spectra of some of the fixed stars”, Philosophical transactions, cliv (1864), 413–35, p. 428] that they had attempted to capture the spectra of Sirius and Capella on wet collodion in late February and early March 1863. It is likely, therefore, that visual work was done during the first apparition of these stars while the photographic work was tried only after they had gained sufficient experience in these difficult observations.
49.
See MillerW. A., “On the photographic transparency of various bodies, and on the photographic effects of metallic and other spectra obtained by means of the electric spark”, Proceedings of the Royal Society, xii (1862), 159–66. The full text appeared in Philosophical transactions, clii (1862), 861–87.
50.
Stokes had developed a method of observing the spectrum of an electric spark using a fluorescent material in lieu of photography. See Stokes, “On the long spectrum of electric light”, Proceedings of the Royal Society, xii (1862), 166–8. That he was working on this in complete ignorance of Miller's investigation is clear from his letter to Roscoe, 7 February 1862, Add MS.7656.R795, Stokes papers. After they found out about their overlapping efforts, the two men exchanged letters in which they discussed the nature of their work. See Miller to Stokes, 25 April 1862, Add MS. 7656.M533 and 29 April 1862, Add MS. 7656.M535, Stokes papers. It is interesting that in these letters, Miller makes no reference to any concurrent work on stellar spectra.
51.
A similar account crediting Huggins with initiating the collaboration was offered in [Trotter], “Miller” (ref. 34), p. xxiii. It is possible, of course, that Miller, who had a personal interest in astronomy, was the one who initiated the collaboration.
52.
For an account of Tebbutt's Comet, which appeared in the summer of 1861, see MainReverend R., “Observations of comet II, 1861”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 55–57. This comet was reportedly so bright between 29 June and 1 July that it cast shadows at night, making it possibly one of the brightest comets of the century. See Olson, Fire and ice (ref. 12), 97.
53.
For reports of some others' observations of the transit, see JeansJ. W., “The transit of Mercury”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 42; BaxendellJoseph, “Observations of the transit of Mercury”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 42–43.
54.
A transit of Titan on 17 May 1862 was observed and recorded by Huggins. As previously noted, he was frustrated by cloud cover in his attempt to observe the transit scheduled for 2 June.
55.
Huggins, 3 June 1862, Notebook 1. The full entry states “Very fine. Dr. Miller & family. The shadow not visible.” What shadow is meant here is unclear. Huggins had viewed, albeit briefly, Titan's shadow on Saturn's surface the previous evening. If he expected to see it again on 3 June, he was far more naïve and inexperienced than appears evident from his notebook entries and publications. It seems more likely he is referring to the thin-line shadow cast on Saturn's ball by its rings.
56.
LassellWilliam, “Discovery of a new satellite of Saturn”, MNRAS, viii (1848), 195–7. BondW. C., “Discovery of a new satellite of Saturn”, MNRAS, ix (1848), 1–2. Bond actually saw the moon first, on 16 September 1848, while Lassell, the amateur, did not spot it until the 18th. However, both confirmed their first observation on 19 September, making them co-discoverers. [Note: The actual sighting was by George Phillips Bond, but as his father, William Cranch Bond (1789–1859), was a Fellow of the RAS, the note was communicated by him. This has occasionally led to some confusion.].
57.
Lassell's original announcement concerning the alleged satellite of Neptune was couched in tentative terms. The observation on which this claim was based was made when Neptune was positioned too near the Sun to permit a second search. Lassell stated “One, or perhaps two, luminous points have been seen, which may be satellites; but this will require further scrutiny” (MNRAS, vii (1848), 157). In this same announcement he claimed to see what appeared to be a ring crossing Neptune's disk, a feature that he later reported others had seen as well. The following summer, when Neptune had returned to a more favourable position, Lassell confirmed his sighting of the satellite, as did Otto Struve and G. P. Bond. With such a questionable first observation, however, it is not clear that these subsequent sightings can reasonably be called confirmations. See also LassellWilliam, “On a satellite of Neptune”, MNRAS, xi (1850), 61–62; SmithRobert W., “William Lassell and the discovery of Neptune”, Journal for the history of astronomy, xiv (1983), 30–32; SmithRobert W.BaumRichard, “William Lassell and the ring of Neptune: A case-study in instrumental failure”, ibid., xv (1984), 1–17.
58.
LassellWilliam, “In a letter dated…”, MNRAS, xi (1851), 201.
59.
BirtW. R., “On the appearance of Saturn's ring, 1862”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 295; DawesW. R., “Saturnian phenomena”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 297–9.
60.
HugginsWilliam, “On some phenomena attending the disappearance of Saturn's ring, May 19th, 1862”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 295–6.
61.
Huggins, 13 April and 30 October 1863, Notebook 1.
62.
Huggins, 23 March 1864, Notebook 1.
63.
Huggins, 3 July 1865 and 6 July 1865, Notebook 1.
64.
See, for example, HugginsWilliam, “On the periodical changes in the belts and surface of Jupiter”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 294; idem, “On some phenomena attending the disappearance of Saturn's ring, May 19th, 1862”, MNRAS, xxii (1862), 295–6; “Mr. Huggins' observatory”, MNRAS, xxv (1866), 107–9; and Huggins, “On the disappearance of the spectrum of ε Piscium at its occultation of January 4th, 1865”, MNRAS, xxv (1865), 60–62.
65.
For a discussion of the contents of the individual notebooks that is essentially correct except on this one point, see MorganJulie, “The Huggins archives at Wellesley College”, Journal for the history of astronomy, xi (1980), 147.
66.
It is also possible that Miller kept the records of these early experiments.
67.
Astronomical register, i (1863), 2.
68.
DonatiProf., “Memorie astronomische”, MNRAS, xxiii (1863), 100–7; originally published in the Annals of the Museum at Florence, 1862.
69.
This paper was submitted for publication on 19 February 1863. HugginsWilliamMillerW. A., “Note on the lines in the spectra of some of the fixed stars”, Proceedings of the Royal Society, xii (1863), 444–5.
70.
RutherfurdLewis M., “Astronomical observations with the spectroscope”, American journal of science, xxxv (1863), 71–77; WarnerJean Deborah, “Lewis M. Rutherfurd: Pioneer astronomical photographer and spectroscopist”, Technology and culture, xii (1971), 190–216. Huggins later claimed to have heard of Rutherfurd's work just as he arrived at the Royal Society to deliver his own paper on the same subject. See Huggins to H. H. Turner, 15 February 1893, Correspondence of the Society, Royal Astronomical Society Library.
71.
HugginsMiller, “On the spectra” (ref. 48), 414–19.
72.
Stokes, “On Spectra of Fixed Stars by Huggins & Miller”, RR.6.147, Royal Society Library.
73.
HugginsMiller, “On the spectra” (ref. 48).
74.
Because Sirius is located so close to the horizon at London's latitude, it was a more difficult object to observe.
75.
Huggins, “The New Astronomy” (ref. 1), 912–13.
76.
We must infer the nature of Turner's request from Huggins's written reply. See Huggins to Turner (ref. 70).
77.
ClerkeAgnes, A popular history of astronomy during the nineteenth century (Edinburgh, 1885), 412.