Abstract
Volunteer scholarship in Zimbabwe tends to focus on volunteer motivations, volunteers’ role in community development and, to a lesser extent, volunteers’ challenges. In this study, we captured the lived experiences of volunteers in the current milieu of socio-economic challenges. We discovered that the major challenges affecting community volunteers in the Chegutu District are poverty and vulnerability, burnout, too much work, lack of community appreciation of volunteerism and lack of adequate volunteer paraphernalia. We move beyond other studies to explore how volunteers are coping with the challenges. Volunteers are reliant on spiritual support and encouragement by some community members. The study adopts a qualitative approach with data collected using in-depth interviews and focus group discussion. The findings are presented and discussed thematically.
Introduction
The study sought to capture the everyday challenges of community volunteers who work with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in bringing about community development, and how they are navigating the current socio-economic challenges. In this study, NGOs are understood as private and independent institutions whose function is to improve the socio-economic conditions of society (Lewis and Kanji, 2009). There is a significant body of literature that focuses on volunteerism and community development in Zimbabwe (see Kabonga, 2015; Kaseke and Dhemba, 2006; Madziva and Chinouya, 2017; Rodlach, 2009). This body of work largely concentrates on volunteers’ motivation, volunteers’ contribution to community development and, to a lesser extent, the challenges that volunteers face. A review of the literature shows that there is little academic enquiry into the challenges being encountered by community volunteers in Zimbabwe. As it stands, there is a paucity of studies that explore the lived realities of volunteers in an epoch of socio-economic challenges between 2015 and 2019. Unlike other studies, we capture the voices of Chegutu District (CD) volunteers and explore challenges such as poverty and lack of incentives, burnout from too much work, lack of tools to do voluntary work and lack of community appreciation of voluntary work. This focus adds to the existing body of knowledge about volunteerism, especially concerning the challenges faced by community volunteers, and suggests the way forward given the position of volunteers in the development matrix. Dominant scholarship on volunteerism in Zimbabwe (Kaseke and Dhemba, 2006; Madziva and Chinouya, 2017; Rodlach, 2009) thinly discusses the volunteers’ coping mechanisms in the face of challenges. We move beyond this drawback and discuss in-depth the volunteers’ coping mechanisms.
While lack of remuneration is an often-cited challenge, the study seeks to capture other challenges that we believe have remained peripheral in volunteerism scholarship such as lack of respect from NGOs and lack of tools to do voluntary work. Though we are aware of the remuneration problem, the study explores how the current socio-economic challenges have deepened the vulnerability of volunteers and the possible implications for their work.
Benenson and Stagg (2016) conclude that volunteers are important to NGO-led community development because they carry out many activities. These activities include registration of beneficiaries (Kaseke and Dhemba, 2006), monitoring of NGOs’ activities (Kabonga, 2020a), making home visits to people living with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) (Akintola, 2008), referring clients to health facilities, mobilising communities to attend meetings, managing community-saving groups and carrying out awareness campaigns (Madziva and Chinouya, 2017) to change the economic, social, cultural and environmental situation of the community members (Bhattacharyya, 2004). Community development methods such as community mobilisation, community education and community advocacy (Quimbo et al., 2018) are possible with the contribution of volunteers.
Despite the important functions of volunteers in community development, they are facing many challenges. These challenges include poverty, lack of respect from NGOs, lack of motivation and burnout from too much work. These challenges have the potential to impede the practical contributions of volunteerism to community development. Under such a circumstance, the first step in addressing the challenges faced by volunteers is having a thorough understanding of volunteers’ challenges. Designing a national volunteer policy by government(s) and organisations ought to be grounded in a robust understanding of the working and living experiences of volunteers. In CD, it is volunteers’ agency (capacity of individuals to act independently and to make their own free choices) that has proved important in coping with the challenges.
The study is organised into different sections. The context section outlines the socio-economic milieu in which volunteers exist. This is followed by a literature review section that focuses on volunteerism in Africa. This is then followed by the conceptualisation of volunteerism and community development. The methodology section explains the research approach, the sampling method used, data collection methods and ethical considerations of the study. The paper concludes with the presentation and discussion of findings.
The context
The vulnerability of community volunteers has been established in a few studies that have focused on volunteerism in Zimbabwe. An earlier study by Kaseke and Dhemba (2006) correctly pointed out that most volunteers in Zimbabwe are poor and would qualify to be beneficiaries of the welfare programmes that they superintendent over. We also reached the same conclusion in the CD. Kabonga (2015) and Wilson (2007) question the morality of expecting volunteers to render services to the poor when they are sometimes in a worse off situation. No wonder the respondents of a study by Madziva and Chinouya complained, “the word volunteer is killing us”, and “voluntarism in Zimbabwe is very difficult, you don’t have food at your home and you are taking care of someone’s children in another village and so on, you are walking, it’s hot, you leave your family, you lose the opportunity of sustaining your family, your children” (Madziva and Chinouya, 2017: 1132). The situation is made worse by the social and economic context in which rural volunteers exist in Zimbabwe.
The study captures volunteers’ problems from 2015 to 2019. The period was characterised by droughts and food insecurity in most parts of the country. According to the United States Agency for International Development (2020), between 2018 and 2019, an estimated 4. 3 million rural dwellers were food insecure. Thus, the majority of volunteers, just like anyone else, are at the mercy of hunger. The economy in Zimbabwe has been experiencing challenges of great proportion culminating in unemployment, inflation, price increases, cash shortages and poor delivery of basic services. With failing crops because of droughts, the constant price increases have culminated in food insecurity for the rural dwellers that include the volunteers. The majority of rural people, Chegutu residents included, rely on purchasing food since they do not produce enough for consumption (Muderedzi et al., 2019).
The government’s neoliberal policy, described by Bond (2019: 1) “as [a] more brutal fiscal policy” (Bond, 2019: 1) encapsulated by the mantra “Austerity for Prosperity”, reduced social spending, thereby dampening the hopes of government supporting the poor majority, rural community volunteers included. The period between 2017 and 2019 saw cash shortages in the economy (Gukurume and Mahiya, 2020). The Zimbabwe rural economy is cash-dependent; thus, rural dwellers that include volunteers experienced monumental challenges in accessing cash to pay for services. The majority of them were taken advantage of by rural mobile money agencies that charged a premium of close to 50%, disputing the notion by Munyoro et al. (2017) that mobile money transfers are convenient, safe and suitable for local remittances. It is clear that government policies exacerbated the socio-economic challenges faced by rural community volunteers. It remains to be seen how the new government policy to enhance socio-economic development, the National Development Strategy 1 (NDS 1) (2021–2025), will improve prospects for rural community volunteers in the CD and elsewhere in the country.
Literature review on the importance of volunteers in community development in Africa
Kabonga (2020a) attests to the importance of volunteerism in community development. Later findings by Topp et al. (2015) show that many volunteers are motivated by the desire to bring community development. The study of Bhiri et al. (2014) in Zimbabwe shows that volunteers play an important role in disaster recovery, helping nations make significant progress in health, education, energy, social provision and reconstruction of livelihoods. It is common to find Chegutu volunteers carrying out the roles outlined above. This shows that volunteers are an important human resource for community development. The importance of volunteers is reflected in South Africa where the shortage of manpower has seen many NGOs relying on the services of volunteers (Akintola, 2008). Madziva and Chinouya (2017) agree with Kaseke and Dhemba (2006) study in which the importance of volunteers in covering the gap left by an overstretched civil service, particularly in the health sector, is highlighted. For Bhiri et al. (2014), the engagement of volunteers enhances chances of attaining community development since they are aware of the social problems and needs of their communities. Elsewhere in Kenya and Tanzania, Brown and Green’s (2015) study contends that community volunteers are increasingly being engaged based on their status as intermediaries between development organisations and the community. In the studied area, CD, volunteers were found to be helping communities to understand NGO programmes.
Volunteers are usually involved in education, psychosocial support and economic empowerment. Concerning Zimbabwe, Kabonga’s (2015) earlier study in the CD found out that some of the duties of volunteers working under NGOs include behaviour change communication, psychosocial support, home visits to clients infected with and affected by HIV and AIDS, economic strengthening of households and child protection awareness. In welfare-oriented projects run by NGOs, volunteers’ responsibilities include preparation, distribution and maintenance of equipment and materials. Recently, Kabonga’s (2020b) study showed that in structured NGO programmes, volunteers also assume low-level monitoring and evaluation of community development projects. For home-based care programmes in South Africa and Zimbabwe, Akintola (2008) and Rodlach (2009) respectively submit that volunteers provide spiritual support, psychosocial support, nursing care and other logistical support. Caprara et al. support this observation by arguing that because Southern Africa is hardest hit by HIV and AIDS (this also includes CD), “. . .the management of HIV/AIDS has relied heavily on community volunteers who have been the backbone of responses and coping mechanisms. . .” (Caprara et al., 2012: 7). Topp et al. (2015) submit that the growth of HIV prevention and treatment programmes in Zambia has contributed to the burgeoning of volunteer service delivery programmes. As observed by Brown and Green (2015), in East Africa, community development projects have sought to harness the labour of volunteers by giving them tasks of influencing and extending services to beneficiaries. In this regard, we agree with Matarrita-Cascante and Brennan (2012) that community development seeks to harness locally available resources to respond to the current problems. Caprara et al. (2012) discovered, as we have also observed in the CD, that the role of volunteers in Malawi is not only confined to HIV and AIDS but they are a key component of the broad primary health care provision.
Despite the important roles played by volunteers in community development, there are several challenges that they face in their day-to-day work. Home-based caregiving volunteers in South Africa experienced feelings of despair and helplessness when they were unable to meet the needs of their clients such as food, clothes, medication and water needs (Mashau et al., 2014). To use Rodlach’s (2009) terminology, volunteers felt powerless because of their inability to offer meaningful support to their clients. In a Zambian study, Wilson (2007) argues that the situation is further compounded by the fact that volunteers walk long distances to service their clients. Orner (2006) and Akintola (2008) summarise the working conditions of volunteers as characterised by emotional and physical stress as they carry out their day-to-day work.
A source of emotional anguish for volunteers is when they feel helpless to assist community members facing social problems. Mashau et al. 4reported that “voluntary home-based caregivers [. . .] explained that they cannot solve social problems that they come across in the families. However, they referred families with problems to social workers, but they experience emotional stress when families in need do not get assistance on time” (Mashau et al., 2014: 153). The result is that communities are less likely to trust volunteers. In Zambia, a study by Topp et al. (2015) reached the same conclusion about the impossibility of meeting the expectations of the intended beneficiaries due to constrained resources, consequently leading to feelings of shame and helplessness by volunteers. Usually, the clients on their part end up assuming that volunteers are taking money and other forms of assistance meant for them (Topp et al., 2015). As we observed, this is leading to communities not appreciating the work of volunteers.
Conceptual framework
Conceptualising volunteerism
Different scholars tend to define differently the concept of volunteerism. Kaseke and Dhemba (2006) observe that the conceptualisation of volunteerism varies from country to country. This is because culture, politics and religion tend to influence the definition of volunteerism. Despite the difficulties in defining volunteerism, McBride et al., for their brevity, define volunteerism as “as an organized period of substantial engagement and contribution to the local, national or world community, recognized and valued by society with minimal monetary compensation to the participant” (McBride et al., 2003: 1). Similarly, the International Labour Organization and Johns Hopkins University define volunteerism as “unpaid non-compulsory work; that is, time individuals give without pay to activities performed either through an organization or directly for others outside their own household” (CIVICUS, 2011: 2). A considerable number of scholars tend to see volunteerism as a dedication to helping the community without anticipation of rewards (Govo, 2015; Madziva and Chinouya, 2017; Rodlach, 2009). All these scholars agree with each other that services rendered to the community are done without expecting financial rewards. Different scholarly definitions of volunteerism converge on the characterisation of volunteerism as an activity which is not undertaken principally for financial gain; the activity is undertaken through free will without compulsion, and the activity is meant to benefit someone or the society at large other than the volunteer (VOLSA, 2004). Through the functions that volunteers are playing in the CD, they are benefiting the broader community.
There are two types of volunteerism, which are, formal volunteerism and informal volunteerism (Shah et al., 2014). Formal volunteerism is mostly done through a formal organisation usually embedded in NGO programmes; therefore, our Chegutu study focuses on this type of volunteerism. Informal volunteerism reflects mutual aid to community members in need of help (Govo, 2015; Kabonga, 2020b). Before the emergence of the modern state and modern organisations of development, it is important to note that Africans had always voluntarily organised themselves to help some of their fellows in need. Because of that, Caprara et al. (2012) submit that (informal) volunteerism is the basis of social organisation in Africa.
There are four theoretical approaches to volunteerism, and these are social philanthropy, institutional approaches, conservative approaches and social development approaches. Social philanthropy has historical roots in the giving of alms and social support to the poor in Europe. This was underpinned by religious considerations where the faithful were expected to give support to the less fortunate members of society. A preponderance of volunteers in Zimbabwe, including Chegutu volunteers, are largely guided by religious considerations in helping people in need of support. Though they may receive little or no remuneration for the work they do, they believe their reward is in heaven. When asked what had motivated them to become volunteers, the majority of volunteers in a study by Kaseke and Dhemba (2006) indicated that they were driven by their religious faith which called for good earthly conduct which would result in heavenly rewards. Therefore, volunteerism resonates with putting one’s faith in action.
Currently, social philanthropy exists under the auspices of private voluntary organisations that offer welfare and relief support (Kaseke and Dhemba, 2006). Institutional approaches oppose social philanthropy in that institutional approaches believe that the government is the best provider of social policies, social welfare and social relief. Further, institutional approaches posit that social policies ought to be institutionalised and access should be based on fairness and justice. Currently, there is a collaboration between NGOs and governments in the provision of social welfare in Zimbabwe. The conservative perspective is neoliberal in nature and requires the government’s minimum involvement in social provision. Therefore, the source of social provision is citizens volunteering to aid fellow struggling citizens, and this approach mutually aids and helps the basis of social organisation in many African communities. The conservative perspective is assumed by Kaseke and Dhemba (2006) to be an effective approach to social provision, particularly at a local level. The last approach is a socio-economic development perspective that seeks to ensure the social and economic development of the whole society with the state at the forefront. It moves away from focusing on a pathological individual. To achieve socio-economic development, all members of society have a role to play. Thus, it is pluralistic in nature.
Conceptualising community development
Bhattacharyya (2004) agrees with Matarrita-Cascante and Brennan (2012) that defining community development is a contentious task given the varied definitions available. The scholars cited above see community development as a process that enables citizens to solve problems through group decision-making. This definition resonates with Mattessich and Monsey’s (2004) view that community development captures a group of people initiating social action to better their social, economic, political, cultural and environmental situation. For others such as Banjoko (2005) and Goel (2015), community development is an assortment of practices to increase the strength and effectiveness of community life, improving conditions, particularly for people in disadvantaged situations, and enabling people to participate in decision-making.
Scholars from a result and outcome orientation argue that community development should create a better community to live in. Community development is often associated with terms such as community capacity, rural development, self-reliance, empowerment and community reliance (Gibbon et al., 2002). We believe one of the ways in which community members are involved in community development in the CD is by volunteering in different sectors within the community (Phillips and Pittman, 2009). For Amakye, community development has a hallmark of volunteerism because “it can take the form of unpaid active citizenship with community members organizing themselves and taking on leadership roles” (Amakye, 2017: 4).
The study setting of the CD
The CD (shown in Figure 1) in Mashonaland West Province is bordered by Kadoma District to the east, Zvimba District to the west and Mhondoro-Ngezi District lying south. It is approximately 107 kilometres southwest of Harare. The administrative town of CD has a rich and long history. It was originally located at Hartley Hills due to the discovery of gold there. However, the town was moved to its current location in 1899 followed by the assumption of a village status in 1903 and, consequently, a town status in 1942. The town was renamed from Hartley to Chegutu in 1982. Over the years, CD has witnessed changes in population growth buoyed by rapid expansion in urban areas and migration. The Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (2020) estimates that CD had a population of 177,535 people.
Showing Chegutu District (Google Maps).
Various social challenges have affected the CD and this has resulted in the presence of NGOs in the district. Volunteers work with NGOs to address the various social challenges. These social challenges affecting the CD include poverty. The prevalence rate of poverty in the CD is estimated to be at 72.4% (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, 2013). Also, the district has a high HIV prevalence rate which is estimated to be at 15% (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, 2016). This trend is set to increase given the high level of teen marriages. Consequently, volunteers are working with NGOs in fighting the spread of HIV and AIDS. Because of poverty, CD residents’ livelihoods include capricious livelihood strategies such as prostitution and artisanal gold mining (Mawowa, 2013). The closure of major companies such as Hunyani Pulp and Paper, and David Whitehead, and reduced production by smaller companies such as Dos Santos, Lucas Batteries and Wilgrow Exports in urban parts of the district in the post-2000 period has resulted in the loss of employment; thus, the buying and selling of different wares is a growing survival strategy, not only for urbanites, but also for rural dwellers. There are several public health issues in the district. For instance, the study of Nyamambi et al. (2020) captures low uptake of cervical cancer screening by the less educated women, thereby reflecting lack of awareness. Records in the form of reports from the District Social Welfare office, indicate that the growing problem of gender-based violence is rooted in several cultural practices.
These and other problems in the CD have elicited the response of many NGOs of various types and sizes. The NGO landscape in the CD has community-based organisations, national NGOs, international NGOs, and faith-based organisations. These organisations implement several projects whose thematic focus include economic strengthening, women empowerment, poverty reduction, HIV and AIDS awareness, youth empowerment, human rights, child protection and gender-based violence.
Our fieldwork in the CD revealed that each NGO recruits its own volunteers. Generally, the procedure for recruiting volunteers involves NGOs approaching the community leadership, followed by community meetings where community members willingly volunteer to offer services with the endorsement of the community. In general, there are more female volunteers than male volunteers in the CD, possibly because of the gender dynamics of the district and the commitment of women to offer services to their communities. We concur with the submission of Brown and Green (2015) regarding the overrepresentation of women in volunteerism since they have an assumed influence in the domestic sphere. The interactions we had in the CD showed that there were no instances where volunteers signed contracts of engagement detailing what they were expected to do and what they would gain in return. In essence, our findings reflect an informal process of recruitment of volunteers, a scenario also observed in neighbouring Mozambique by Volunteer Services Overseas (2014). Our findings differ from those of Brown and Green (2015) in East Africa where volunteerism is slowly ‘professionalising’. The work expected from volunteers is usually communicated in trainings and meetings and the various volunteers we interacted with confirmed being promised incentives while at other times there were no promises of incentives depending on the NGO they worked under.
Methods and materials
We adopted a qualitative approach to investigate the challenges experienced by volunteers working with NGOs in the CD. The researchers’ understanding of qualitative research is informed by Jackson et al. (2007) who submit that qualitative research relies on non-numeric data usually in form of words or texts. Through the use of the qualitative research approach, a massive amount of data was generated from Chegutu volunteers enabling the researchers to generate themes of importance to the study. We found the qualitative research useful as we were able to combine multiple data collection methods, thus, allowing a greater understanding of the problems that volunteers encountered in the CD.
To capture the challenges faced by volunteers in the CD, we collected data using in-depth interviews and focus group discussion (FGD). Regarding in-depth interviews, Adhabi and Anozie (2017) submit that these remain a popular qualitative data collection method. This is because in-depth interviews allow the generation of detailed descriptions. As we were interviewing the respondents, we relied on the probing technique to get clarity (Guest et al., 2017). During the interview process, we relied on an interview guide asking questions such as; what are the challenges faced by volunteers in community development? as well as, how are volunteers coping with the challenges? A total of 15 in-depth interviews were conducted with community volunteers and each interview lasted for one hour. We were able to generate thick descriptions which enabled us to, in the process, answer our research questions.
To complement data from in-depth interviews, we conducted an FGD made up of 10 volunteers. Our view of FGDs is informed by Dilshad and Latif’s (2013: 4) view of FGD as a “group comprised of individuals with certain characteristics who focus discussions on a given issue or topic”. The FGD lasted for one hour and the participants had the opportunity to influence each other through their responses; in the end, generating a significant amount of data to answer the research questions. We asked questions such as; in what ways have NGOs increased or decreased your burdens in community development? Huge quantities of data emerged from the FGD allowing the generation of themes discussed later in this study.
We understand sampling as a process of selecting units from the population such that by studying the sample, we may be able to generalise the results back to the population. Volunteers in the CD were selected using purposive sampling. In using purposive sampling, the researchers had direct control over elements included in the study (Etikan and Kabiru, 2017). The researchers included volunteers from the CD working with NGOs in community development. The selected volunteers were drawn from four NGOs working in the CD. The inclusion criteria included the expectation that one had to be a volunteer working with NGOs in community development in the CD. This enabled the capturing of the voices of volunteers regarding the challenges they are encountering in community development. Since community development is broad (Guest et al., 2017), the researchers included volunteers who were active in several aspects of community development. Thus, the Chegutu volunteers who were included in the study were active in the following thematic areas: household economic strengthening, women empowerment, agricultural improvement, health, education, child protection, environmental protection and water and sanitation.
Ethically, before data collection, we obtained verbal consent from the participants. The participants were told the purpose of the research and they verbally consented. The volunteers that were not willing to participate in the study were not coerced to participate; thus, there were three volunteers who indicated that they were unwilling to participate in the study, and they were not coerced. We informed our participants that they could withdraw from the study at any time without even giving notice of withdrawal. As researchers, we were guided by the imperative of showing respect to participants. Thus, the participants were, for instance, never criticised for missing appointments. The research was cleared by administrative authorities in the CD. The District Administrator (DA) cleared the research; thus, there were no political and administrative impediments to the study.
Presentation and discussion of findings
Poverty and lack of incentives
Community volunteers in Zimbabwe are existing in a context characterised by socio-economic difficulties. The economy is not performing; thus, liquidity problems and price increases are everyday experiences (Bond, 2019). Because the majority of volunteers in the CD are rural-based where there are fewer employment opportunities, access to income is a challenge. It is not surprising that the majority of Chegutu community volunteers are impoverished and struggling to survive. To worsen the situation, some of the NGOs working in the CD are not providing incentives. This has, to some extent, worsened the plight of community volunteers. Highlighting this problem, a male volunteer in an FGD said;
We have nothing to eat at home. For the past three years, the community has been stricken by drought. We just need a token of appreciation for the great work that we are doing in the community.
The volunteers argued that the reason why some of their colleagues are displaying a sluggish approach to work is the lack of appreciation and incentives from NGOs working in the district. The volunteers submitted that if NGOs cannot afford to give them monetary benefits, they should be allowed to benefit from the services offered by NGOs since they are poor and vulnerable. This was said by a female volunteer active in the education thematic area;
If it is difficult for the NGO to provide monetary benefits to us, our children should benefit from the school fees assistance programme run by the NGO. It does not augur well that we encourage the community to send children to school when our children are not going to school
Poverty remains the greatest threat to volunteerism in the CD. It makes it difficult for individuals to dedicate time to volunteerism. This finding of the study aligns with the findings of Kaseke and Dhemba (2006) who said that poverty and vulnerability make it problematic for volunteers to continue working when they have to feed their families. In a study by Madziva and Chinouya (2017), it emerged that due to a lot of voluntary work, volunteers would leave their fields unattended to meet the demands of voluntary work. We observed that many volunteers were into agriculture and running small household businesses like buying and selling. Due to pressure from NGOs to meet reporting deadlines, it emerged that CD volunteers’ fields were usually unattended during the farming season.
The Zimbabwean study of volunteerism by Madziva and Chinouya (2017) depicts volunteers as ‘having nothing to hold’, a clear indication of their material poverty. Because of the current economic difficulties in Zimbabwe (see Bond, 2019), Chegutu volunteers’ need for incentives is reasonable. In a study done by Kaseke and Dhemba (2006), the poverty of volunteers led to NGOs negotiating with their donors for them to include volunteers on the beneficiary list. It is illogical for volunteers to take food packs to beneficiaries when the volunteers themselves are hungry and in need of support (Kaseke and Dhemba, 2006). To motivate volunteers, other NGOs have a volunteer policy that provides for the inclusion of volunteers on beneficiary lists. Many studies reflect the desire of volunteers to be included in beneficiary lists because of their vulnerability and poverty (see, Kaseke and Dhemba, 2006; Madziva and Chinouya, 2017; Rodlach, 2009). The CD fieldwork reveals rare occasions when volunteers benefit from services offered by NGOs such as educational support. The authors, therefore, agree with the conclusion made by Morwe and Ramaila (2012: 7) that “although volunteerism is a conduit for community development that benefits the government, the economic benefits hardly trickle down to the caregivers” or volunteers.
Lack of tools (paraphernalia) to do volunteer work
Despite the various and important tasks being carried out by volunteers, Chegutu volunteers sometimes lack important tools to perform voluntary work. For instance, lack of transport was mentioned as one of the greatest challenges affecting voluntary work in Chegutu. A female volunteer explained;
I travel more than 10 kilometres to reach some of the children under my care. It is very difficult to get there without transport. The NGO we are attached to does not give us bicycles unlike other volunteers
Other Chegutu volunteers highlighted that at times they are forced to use their money to accomplish NGO-related community development work. The researchers’ findings confirm the assertions of Voluntary Service Overseas (2014) that at times, volunteers dig into their pockets to accomplish voluntary work. This is a clear reflection of volunteers’ commitment to community development and a desire to act on situations affecting their communities (Quimbo et al., 2018). The use of personal funds is further burdening the already impoverished Chegutu volunteers. This resonates with the narrative provided during the FGD:
To reach our clients we need transport and we are using our money to pay for transport.
Other scenarios where community volunteers shoulder costs on behalf of NGOs include:
Our work involves a lot of paperwork. Sometimes the forms that you want to use may not be enough and you are yet to receive supplies from the headquarters; in such a scenario, you photocopy using your own money without reimbursements.
The literature reveals scenarios where volunteers engage in volunteerism without the tools of the trade. Topp et al. (2015) discovered that volunteers working in home-based care programmes experienced frustration from lack of tools such as home-based care kits to enable them to carry out their work effectively. At the height of HIV and AIDS characterised by bedridden clients, Mashau et al. submit that “voluntary home-based caregivers explained that sometimes they find themselves working with insufficient hand gloves to an extent that they find themselves assisting patients with bare hands” (Mashau et al., 2014: 154). This aligns with Harding and Higginson’s (2005) findings that palliative care in Southern Africa is often characterised by limited resources, a huge challenge for volunteers. Chegutu volunteers are performing voluntary work with limited resources. Rodlach (2009) similarly observed some home-based care volunteers in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, providing caregiving functions without adequate home-based care kits. The lack of tools is making it difficult for volunteers in the CD to effectively carry out voluntary work.
Community lack of appreciation of voluntary work
Though volunteerism is important to community development, Chegutu volunteers complained about the lack of community appreciation of voluntary work. This lack of appreciation emanates from misconceptions surrounding volunteer work as explained during our FGD:
Some of the community members hate us so much they think we are being paid a lot of money and there are other benefits we are getting for being volunteers. If only they knew our situation, they will think otherwise. In fact, we are in a worse off situation, because a lot of time is dedicated to volunteer work comprising efforts towards our household livelihoods
The theme of the misconception of the work of volunteers was also highlighted by an interviewed female volunteer who said:
At times, we are not welcomed at some households, particularly during beneficiary registration periods. Some households believe we are using their names to get access to donor funds and materials
In a study by Mashau et al. (2014) in South Africa, the lack of appreciation of the work of volunteers manifested in volunteers being chased away from households that they intended to service. Other experiences that showed a lack of appreciation of their work included cold receptions, particularly in the era when the stigma associated with HIV and AIDS was still significant. Our respondents similarly reported cold receptions at some households. Mashau et al. (2014) submitted that volunteers felt frustrated when they were told not to enter the gate even when they knew that there was a sick person in the household needing their services. Volunteers are sometimes blamed when the client fails to get better or dies. Akintola (2008) argues that it is common for Africans to blame health workers, for instance nurses, when a patient fails to improve within an expected period. For Kaseke and Dhemba (2006), this lack of appreciation of the work of volunteers is reflected by some members of the community who suggest to volunteers that they are being used by NGOs. This was a common occurrence in the CD. This view is peddled by those who are oblivious to Christian ethics and Ubuntu which motivate the majority of volunteers in Zimbabwe in general and the CD in particular. Ubuntu is a philosophical orientation that captures African belief in good deeds and acceptable behaviour (Kabonga, 2020b). Our findings concur with Bhiri et al.’s (2014) conclusion that the lack of appreciation of the work of volunteers is a barrier to volunteerism. How Chegutu volunteers are being treated makes community members shy away from dedicating time to formal volunteerism.
Burnout from too much work
Community volunteers working in the CD are overwhelmed with work and this has resulted in significant incidences of burnout. The burnout emanates from being affiliated with many NGOs. In the CD, it is common to have a volunteer affiliated with more than one NGO. Attempting to balance the demands of two organisations may not be possible. The other source of burnout for Chegutu volunteers emanates from too much work assigned to them. For instance, we observed that a volunteer working under a certain NGO in CD had to perform several roles that included making home visits to children affected and infected with HIV and AIDS, training households in economic strengthening, managing Internal Savings and Lending Groups (mukando), conducting adolescents’ sexual reproduction health group sessions and case management of child protection cases.
Considering the above, Rodlach (2009) equated the amount of work done by volunteers to a full-time job although it was not regarded as such. Volunteers in Madziva and Chinouya’s (2017) study submitted that the work they do is hard. The work done by Chegutu volunteers is hard and demands commitment. Home-based care volunteers in Limpopo, South Africa, spent, on average, three to four days per week doing home visits and conducting several home-based care duties (Mieh et al., 2012). In our study area of Chegutu, some vounteers sometimes spent five days doing voluntary work. Morwe and Ramaila (2012) similarly argue that women involved in volunteerism on average spend close to five hours of unpaid labour daily. These hours are inclusive of volunteerism. This is why the volunteers in Mieh et al.’s (2012) study complained of being overworked just like the Chegutu volunteers and demanded that the incentives paid by the South African government be commensurate with the amount of work they carried out. At least these South African volunteers were being paid something; in our study, the majority of the volunteers were not being paid. Those that were receiving stipends complained that the incentives were next to nothing. The reported amounts varied between US$5 to US$15 per month.
Lack of respect from NGOs
Among other challenges mentioned by community volunteers in the CD was the lack of respect from NGOs. This lack of respect is shown by the way that they were being treated by NGO officials. Several NGO practices were mentioned as embodying a lack of respect. One of the practices that was constantly mentioned by the majority of Chegutu volunteers is the failure to stick to scheduled meeting times. One interviewed male volunteer elaborated:
These people from NGOs do not respect us. They do not see us as people who have their own lives. They think that our life revolves around their projects. In many cases, we are made to wait for them. Just imagine a meeting scheduled at 9 am starting at 4 pm. And they do not feel anything wrong with that.
Related to the above was the constant postponement of meetings without valid reasons. This was also said by an interviewed female community volunteer working in the women empowerment sector:
I do not like the way these NGOs operate. On several occasions, they phone us to postpone a meeting when we have already mobilised the community. At one point, we were supposed to conduct a community dialogue meeting at 9 am at the clinic over there. They called me at 1 pm to cancel the meeting. I had already mobilised very important people to come to the meeting. It was a difficult scenario. The community no longer trusts us when we call for such meetings.
The other practice that was detested by the community volunteers was that of the constant calling and texting at night by NGO officials. It emerged that the NGO officials were calling outside business hours as explained by female community volunteers:
These people from NGOs can call at night when you are in your bedroom with your husband. To make matters worse, it will be a man calling you. It does not give a good picture.
Although NGOs are embracing the use of information and communications technology in development work to enhance efficiency, Chegutu volunteers were not happy about the invasion of their privacy when NGO officials called at night to discuss organisational work. Though volunteers may be poor and vulnerable, they demanded that they be treated with respect and dignity. Interviewed NGO frontline workers denied denigrating community volunteers by saying:
Community volunteers are important to us. Without community volunteers, there is no community development. Sometimes our budgets do not allow the remuneration of volunteers.
The response by the NGO official frames respect for volunteers in terms of financial recognition. The volunteers themselves framed the lack of respect in terms of the behaviours and practices of the NGOs’ frontline workers, suggesting the need to realign their engagement and relationships with community volunteers. The fact that NGO officials wield much power in the relationship is why they, at times, disrespect community volunteers. Such power dynamics in volunteerism negatively impact community development as also reflected in a study by Dickey et al. (2019).
The foregoing discussion reveals the vulnerability of Chegutu volunteers in the context of deteriorating economic conditions and lack of incentivisation by NGOs. The NGO representatives we interacted with were aware of the plight of the community volunteers. NGO officials reiterated the importance of the community volunteers in community development. Thus, they submitted that they would continue engaging their donors for the possibility of incentivising volunteers. The current projects being run by NGOs do not provide for incentivising volunteers. While waiting for the possibility of incentivisation, NGOs’ officially reiterated plans to improve the conditions of work for volunteers. These plans included recruitment of more volunteers to reduce the burden of work which is leading to burnout, and continuous appreciation of the work of volunteers.
Coping mechanisms with challenges faced
Participation in volunteerism in the CD is a difficult task as the volunteers face a plethora of challenges. The love for voluntary work keeps them going. This trait of Ubuntu helps volunteers to carry on despite daunting challenges. This was reiterated by one volunteer who said:
This work is difficult [. . .] some community members do not appreciate what we do. But as for me, I will continue because I want this Mhondoro North area to develop.
Mieh et al. (2012) similarly argue that volunteers have a burning desire to fulfil duties to the collective. In other words, the Ubuntu trait of collectivity keeps volunteers at work despite challenges. We are convinced that volunteers in the CD will continue doing voluntary work because of the Ubuntu philosophy that underpins collective well-being.
The study established that generally, there is a lack of appreciation of the work of volunteers. Some of the volunteers highlighted that despite the challenges, the positive comments emanating from a few community members keep them going. This was highlighted during our FGD:
Some community members value our work. They speak highly of the good work that we are doing in the community. We feel encouraged to continue.
The researchers were told by volunteers that they felt encouraged when community members told them that they were praying for them. It is not always the case that community members are demeaning towards Chegutu volunteers. Rodlach (2009) discovered that at times, community members are supportive towards volunteer work. Therefore, spiritual support in the form of prayers from other community members is a coping mechanism for many volunteers in the CD whom we discovered were motivated by the values of Christianity. The appreciation by some community members is reflected by food given to volunteers as a token of appreciation. The volunteers reported being given vegetables, chickens, maize and goats as tokens of appreciation.
In instances where volunteers were unable to provide material support to their clients, Rodlach (2009) observed that they tended to provide more spiritual support. Similarly, in our study, we discovered instances where volunteers were providing prayer in the absence of material assistance. Prayer is a temporary sustitute for material provision. The researchers were told that volunteers feel better when they provide prayer rather than do nothing.
Conclusion and recommendations
Volunteers are important to community development; thus, it is common to find volunteers involved in health, education, disaster recovery, child protection and economic empowerment. However, as volunteers perform tasks that are fundamental to community development, it emerged that they also encounter many problems. Poverty ranks as one of the challenges affecting volunteers. With economic problems on their back, volunteers become more concerned with survival than voluntary work. Other challenges include burnout from too much work, lack of tools to do voluntary work and lack of community appreciation of voluntary work. Spiritual support and encouragement from a few community members help volunteers to persevere despite these challenges. The study recommends the following:
(a) At a micro-level, the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare should come up with a volunteer policy that clarifies the issue of stipends to volunteers. There is no legislation for volunteerism in Zimbabwe. As it stands now, NGOs are using their discretion on whether to extend stipends to volunteers. Other countries in East Africa such as Kenya have community development strategies that stipulate the reward towards community volunteers. Our view remains that though volunteers need stipends, their provision of services is not dependent on stipends as they are motivated by the Ubuntu maxim of commitment to the development of the community.
(b) Where possible, the NGOs should provide stipends to the volunteers who are existing in a context characterised by socio-economic challenges. Where promises are made regarding the issue of stipends, the promises should be fulfilled. While money is not a principal factor in volunteerism, the context in which volunteers exist in the CD makes an extension of stipends an imperative to cushion them against harsh economic conditions.
(c) As found in other studies, it is not only monetary benefits that motivate volunteers; there is a need for acknowledgement and appreciation of volunteers by NGOs and the community at large. For instance, Chegutu Rural District Council, the Department of Social Welfare and the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare and several NGOs in the district can take advantage of the International Volunteers Day to appreciate and acknowledge the volunteers in the district. This appreciation will increase the volunteers’ confidence and sense of worth.
(d) To ease the economic burdens faced by volunteers, volunteers should be allowed to benefit from services offered by NGOs. The volunteer policy at the macro-level (national level) and micro-level (the NGO) should contain clauses that allow volunteers to benefit from services offered by NGOs as a form of recognising the important work they do in community development.
(e) NGOs should also create a conducive environment for volunteerism as it was reported that at times volunteers ended up using their funds in doing voluntary work, further compounding their situation. Where volunteers expend their resources in furthering community development, NGOs should appropriately reimburse the funds used.
Footnotes
Author’s Note
Itai Kabonga is now affiliated with Zimbabwe Ezekiel Guti University (ZEGU), Zimbabwe.
Kwashirai Zvokuomba is also affiliated with Zimbabwe Ezekiel Guti University (ZEGU), Zimbabwe.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
