Multiplying Faces and Amplifying Voices: Do Women’s Lives Matter in Local Governance Politics in Gwanda,Zimbabwe?

Abstract

Women’s invisibility in political spaces is a glaring reality, particularly in patriarchal polities characterized by misogynistic attitudes towards feminine leadership. This article unpacks the socio-cultural variables that hinder women’s participation in politics and other masculinized spheres of influence. The article focuses on the advocacy efforts of Women’s Institute for Leadership Development in Gwanda, Zimbabwe. The article also details the successes and challenges scored by the lobbying effort. The article uses a qualitative research approach. It discusses the extent and effectiveness of women’s involvement in local governance and how their participation relates to Sustainable Development Goal 5. It was established that the project has greatly improved ordinary women’s participation in local governance in Gwanda Central. Capacity-building strategies implemented improved participation, competence, confidence, and effectiveness of women’s local governance processes. Women are increasingly participating in leadership at various levels. The training and mentorship programmes inspired some women to contest in the 2018 elections. We recommend the government of Zimbabwe and civil society organizations facilitate the implementation of structural reforms that address systemic and institutionalized gender-based discrimination.00263

Keywords

Women political participation patriarchy misogyny empowerment local governance

Introduction

Evidence from many African countries reveals that the political sphere is a phallocentric domain (Komath, 2015). In most patriarchal African societies, women are infantilized and considered second-class citizens. Contrary to scholarly pronouncements that participation in politics is not a gendered and classed phenomenon, the structural configuration of African politics proves the opposite to be true (Kaniye, 2005). Male dominance is more evident in the gender distribution of elected public officials. The reality is that more men than women contest to be elected for public office (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), 2021a and 2021b). Rockefeller and Freese (2013) observe that Joyce Banda was the first female president of Malawi in 2012, and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was elected first female of Liberia in 2012. Although the election of these women is commendable and often touted as signalling the success of gender activism, it should be noted that these are exceptions rather than rule. Gender equity in the political arena remains a widespread challenge even in the more developed countries of the Global North. The recent inauguration of Kamala Harris as the first female vice president of the United States of America illustrates the foregoing. Notwithstanding the above, the mainstreaming of gender inclusivity in Nordic countries demonstrates that advocacy efforts are not a lost cause. Statistics reveal that in Nordic countries, 42% of parliamentary positions are occupied by women (Sirleaf, 2010).

The IDEA (2021a and 2021b) explores both the long-term structural causes of women’s exclusion from political decision-making and the more immediate barriers to women’s inclusion in politics. The study presents interesting statistics on the extent to which Africa has promoted the participation of women in politics since the 1995 Beijing conference. The study is described as a ‘ground-breaking publication–arguably a first of its kind’ (IDEA, 2021a and 2021b: 5). It is ‘a first of its kind’ in so far as it details a continental picture of the gender equality in levels of political inclusion, with evidence drawn from all African countries. The study found that the representation of women in politics in Africa is very low; only 24% of parliamentarians in Africa were women, 21% in local government; 12% in political party leadership, 19% are mayors of capital cities, 7% in top executive positions, and 22% in cabinet (IDEA, 2021a and 2021b).

Patently, the sustainable development goals of gender equality and female empowerment cannot be achieved without the active participation of women in national and transnational politics (United Nations, 2019). Central to this vision is the removal of all legal, social, economic and political barriers to women’s participation in the public sphere. Women’s effective political participation is a matter of human rights, social justice and sustainable development goal (Mlambo and Kapingura, 2019).

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) enshrines equal rights of men and women, including the right to participate in government but is stated most comprehensively in the 1979 United Nations (UN) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (UN Women, 2017). Mlambo and Kapingura (2019) argue that the participation of women (on equal terms with men) at all levels of decision-making and politics is essential to the achievement of equality and sustainable development. Experts (such as Barrow-Giles, 2011; Esarey and Chirillo, 2013) in gender and public policy argue that greater inclusion of women in political parties and government would place specific interests of women on the political agenda. It is acknowledged that equity is not only about equal numbers but nurturing an atmosphere that values women’s perspectives and recognizes women as change-makers. However, globally women are largely marginalized from the political sphere due to discriminatory laws, practices, attitudes and gender stereotypes, low levels of education, lack of access to health care and the disproportionate effects of poverty on women (United Nations, 2011).

Impediments to women’s active political participation

In traditional patriarchal societies, women are presumed to belong to the private sphere. Patriarchal power relations constitute women as the subordinate ‘other’ whose relevance is limited to the domestic space of the home (Ncube, 2019). On the other hand, the public space is a preserve for men because this is where power, politics and decision-making are practised. Bourdieu (2001) argues that patriarchy represents an established order with its relations of domination, rights and prerogatives, privileges and injustices put women in subordinated positions. This established recognized social order works to reproduce the situation where men have distinct privileges such as the execution of power and decision making. When women venture into politics, they are perceived as transgressing feminine values and threatening the hegemony of men and the dominance of the phallus (Chigumadzi, 2018; IDEA, 2021a and 2021b). Women who challenge the patriarchal power arrangements are labelled prostitutes because they have refused their place in time (Chigumadzi, 2018). Casting women politicians as prostitutes is a form of rhetorical policing that is meant to coerce them to withdraw from the political public sphere and embrace domesticity as the destiny of women.

In the virtual spaces of social media, women have faced sexist and misogynistic harassment by men who have questioned their marital status and also sexualized and objectified them (Ncube, 2020). Their sexualization speaks to the manner in which women are framed within a patriarchal gaze which disregards their leadership qualities and potential. Women are seen as nothing more than the sum of their body’s parts and sexual objects meant to pleasure heterosexual men, the emphasis placed on their bodies and sexualization (Ncube, 2020). In the case of Grace Mugabe, the former wife of the late president of Zimbabwe, her active involvement in politics before the coup de ta was attributed to ‘sexual drought’ (Ncube, 2020). Sex was framed as a tool that could instil discipline on Grace Mugabe; however, her husband was 93 years old and could possibly not meet her sexual needs, and there were claims that she needed a young man to deal with her sexual frustrations (Magaisa, 2017). Underlying those views is the belief that sex is an instrument of domination, control and discipline. It is an instrument of power, in this case of men over women.

According to Chant and Sweetman (2012), the domestic responsibilities of women makes it almost impossible for them to gather resources associated with campaigning and contesting for a political office. Candidates are expected to give small gifts and make contributions to fundraising events, weddings, funerals and community events (Chant and Sweetman, 2012). For this to happen, women need significant sums of money to fund electoral campaigns. Unfortunately, most women are not incumbents like their male folks who can manipulate their positions and connections to build roads, schools and clinics to win votes (Potter, 2009). Women are generally financially incapacitated to pursue a political post and even if they have money, their husbands or male folks may not give them the necessary support (Chant, 2016).

There is widespread consensus that being female means you are located at the intersection of multiple vulnerabilities which undermine women’s fundamental human rights such as access to education among many other injustices (Chant, 2016). Access to education and employment is of paramount importance and a key ingredient for one to exercise political power. Education and job experience teach leadership skills and accord individuals ‘self-esteem’. Cool (2010) argues that it is this self-esteem that motivates people to pursue political office and exercise political power. It is concluded that lack of education makes African women less competitive in the contemporary political world. Lack of civic education makes most women unaware of their rights; they know very little about political issues and decision-making (Bullough et al., 2012). For this reason, many women continue to rely on their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons to advise them on whom to vote for and for what position.

Women’s political participation in Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe has a conducive legal framework and a quota system for supporting women’s representation in elected bodies; however, their numbers remain very low, especially in the local government sector (Lovkrona et al., 2020). Female politicians in Zimbabwe have been victims of politically motivated violence and intimidation meant to deter them from exercising their political agency (Hamandishe, 2018). These attacks on female politicians are more pronounced before, during and after elections. Para-Mallam (2015) as cited by Mlambo and Kapingura (2019) asserts that violence against women is used as a targeted and destructive tool in various ways throughout the electoral cycle to dissuade women from participating in elections (as administrators, voters, and candidates). Violence against women in elections could be overt or subtle; beyond violence that does physical harm, there is violence manifesting in terms of gender-based hate speech (Mlambo and Kapingura, 2019). Violence against women in politics deters women from presenting themselves as candidates or voting during elections. Zimbabwe is not exempt from the above. Consequently, women shy away from politics as they view it as a dirty game.

Historically, women in Zimbabwe have been excluded from political life and decision-making processes (Gudhlanga, 2013; Maphosa et al., 2015). Following the adoption of the new Constitution in 2013, some notable strides have been made in reducing gender inequality and empowering women to participate in the public sphere (Women’s Empowerment Link, 2013). The Constitution of Zimbabwe provides a strong legal framework for advancing gender equality, women’s rights and women’s empowerment. Section 19 of the constitution of Zimbabwe provides for equal representation of women in elected and appointed national bodies. The right to health (including sexual reproductive health), education and food and clean and portable water are enshrined in Sections 75, 76 and 77 of the constitution. Broad political participation is provided for in Section 14 of the constitution. However, significant gaps have been observed between the aspirations expressed in the constitution and their adoption in practice (Women’s Institute for Leadership Development Multiplying Faces (WILD), 2018). Zimbabwe is a signatory to international agreements and conventions supporting gender equality. Under Article 7 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, member states are required to ‘take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of their country’ and ensure that women participate in political and public life on equal terms with men (United Nations, 1979). Although Zimbabwe has supportive legal framework and policies, it has not done well in addressing gender inequality in various social, economic and political spheres (Maphosa et al., 2015).

Women’s participation in grassroots politics and decision-making level has been largely unsatisfactory. This state of affairs is attributable to the historical exclusion of women from politics (Mudiwa, 2017). Resilient patriarchy and the misogynistic character of politics have deterred women from pursuing a career in politics. In the exceptional instances that women decide to venture into politics, the support accorded to them is insignificant (Author 2 and Mutale, 2013). Often women are expected to play the subservient role of being cheerleaders for male politicians during rallies and other political events. The political space is basically androcentric, making it difficult for women to participate fully in politics (Ndlovu and Mutale, 2013).

Unequal representation and participation of women in political positions have been influenced by a male-dominated landscape. In the 2018 harmonized elections, the proportion of women in the Lower House of Parliament was 34% and 48% in the Upper House (WILD, 2018). Although the Government of Zimbabwe has adopted a quota system meant to increase women’s participation and representation in politics, the figures cited above still fall short of the SADC requirement that 50% of parliamentarians should be female (SADC, 2019). Zimbabwe witnessed a decline in women’s representation in local government from 16% to 14% in 2019, and this reflects the deeply engrained patriarchal nature of politics (SADC, 2019). Data from the 2018 elections signify a decrease in women’s representation in local government bodies. Female presence in these bodies declined from 16% in 2013 to 14% in 2018 (Lovkrona et al., 2020). Notably, in Gwanda Central only 1 woman out of 13 female candidates was elected councillor (WILD, 2018). Women’s chances of winning were compromised by lack of human and capital resources needed for an effective political campaign (WILD, 2018). Consequently, local government bodies continue to be male-dominated, and gender issues receive less attention in local government policy-making processes. It is within this context that the study examined the effectiveness of strategies implemented by WILD in supporting the participation of women in local governance in Gwanda Central.

The Multiplying Faces, Amplifying Voices project in Gwanda Central

The Multiplying Faces, Amplifying Voices project was implemented by WILD from 2016 to 2020 in Gwanda Central to build women’s capacities and support them to be appointed and elected as public officials. WILD is an organization that was established in 2012, and it ‘seeks to enhance women’s capacities and environment for their effective participation in leadership and decision-making processes in Zimbabwe and beyond’ (Key informant 1, 6 November 2020, Gwanda). The organization came into being after realizing the absence of women’s voices and representation in leadership positions. WILD implemented the Multiplying Faces, Amplifying Voices project in 10 wards in Gwanda Central ‘to build women’s capacities and supporting them to be appointed and elected as public officials (Key informant 1, 6 November 2020, Gwanda). The Multiplying Faces, Amplifying Voices project was guided by three objectives which are (1) to enhance the leadership capacity of women; (2) to mobilize women to demand transparency and accountability in the social service delivery and (3) to protect and promote women’s civil and political rights as provided for in the Constitution of Zimbabwe. The study examined the effectiveness of the strategies implemented by WILD to support women’s participation in local governance.

Theoretical underpinning

In 1976, Hartman developed the patriarchy theory. Hartman identified two key variables that explain the hegemonic status of men in society. The first component is that of men’s superior power. Hartman noted that society’s material arrangements are responsible for women’s dependence on men and that this dependence is the basis of the socially constructed inferiority of women (Anigwe, 2014). The second variable is the gendered division of labour that relegates women to unpaid domestic labour and delegates control of the capitalist economy to men. Women’s domestic responsibilities leave them with little time or energy to participate in the public sphere. Within such a context, men continue to monopolize institutions of power such as law and politics (Alzuabi, 2016). The foregoing realities account for the invisibility of women in politics. Gender ideologies, that stereotype women as the weaker and dependent sex, serve as a function to legitimize this undemocratic social order.

Methodology

Data were collected in November 2020 using in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs). A team of four researchers was involved in data collection. Purposive sampling was used to identify 51 study participants. Purposive sampling enables the selection of study participants based on their specific knowledge of, and/or experience with, the focus of the study (Robinson, 2014). Focus group discussants were selected from WILD’s activity attendance registers. A total of 45 women were drawn from the 10 wards where the project was executed. The 45 women participated in four FGDs. FGDs were used in order to obtain diverse opinions on the effectiveness of the project in enhancing women’s participation in decision-making. The researchers also utilized key informant interviews to gather data from purposively sampled respondents. In addition to 45 women who participated in FGDs, 6 key informants were selected from councillors, members of parliament, members of the Ward Advocacy Committees and WILD staff members. These key informants were selected for the insider insight that they possess about the programme’s implementation, success and challenges. All respondents confirmed their voluntary participation in the study by signing consent forms after being briefed about the purpose and objectives of the study. In keeping with research ethics best practice, respondents’ contributions have been anonymized. This was also necessitated by the toxic and violent nature of Zimbabwean political praxis. Thematic analysis was used to identify emergent and recurring patterns in the data whose findings are reproduced below.

Findings

Capacity building of women

The study established that WILD conducted capacity-building activities meant to enhance women’s participation in decision-making processes in Gwanda Central District. Mentoring and public lectures, and training workshops were the major activities in line with capacity building. Specifically, WILD conducts training focusing on advocacy and lobbying, leadership, gender, public service monitoring, budgeting and auditing, financial literacy and tax justice. The study established that through capacity building, women are now aware not only of their civil responsibility as voters but also their potential to also take up parliamentary and local government positions. The training and mentorship programme managed to inspire at least 16 women to contest in the 2018 elections (13 prospective Councillors and 3 prospective Members of Parliament). Furthermore, 10 female students of Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo Teachers College contested their male counterparts in the Student Representative Council (SRC) elections. Some of the key informants pointed out that

WILD greatly assisted women in Gwanda. The trainings they provided to women improved their confidence . . . I know of women who were not interested in politics but after participating in this project they developed some interest. Now they are able to stand their ground in claiming their rights. One of the women is currently one of the councillors. But before she attended workshops conducted by WILD, she was not a woman whom I can say was strong enough to be a councillor. (Key Informant 2, 6 November 2020, Gwanda)

WILD has changed women in Gwanda. Whenever nominations are made for one to be a committee member in the School Development Committee, women are now interested in participating. In 2017, there were School Development Committee elections in one primary school. I was part of the meeting so I requested women who were sitting next to me to nominate and vote for me. Ever since I was trained by WILD, I have developed interest in being part of any committee in my community. (Focus Group Discussion 4, Participant 1, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

In year 2018 I wanted to be a councillor but I was not confident enough. WILD trained me to be a strong and confident woman hence l will contest in 2023. (Focus Group Discussion 3, Participant 2, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

It was established that the capacity-building strategies conducted by WILD emboldened women to participate in local governance processes and believe that women possess the requisite competencies that qualify them to lead municipal authorities. Women have shown interest in contesting in the 2023 harmonized elections as councillors.

In addition to the above, WILD has established Ward Advocacy Committees (WACs) with 60 female members. This has enabled women to collectively register their grievances within institutionalized settings. The initiative has enhanced service delivery and expedited social change efforts. WACs have mobilized and organized women from different wards to ensure their full participation in advocacy campaign as demonstrated by following excerpts:

WILD created Ward advocacy committees and trained us on how to do advocacy step by step. We were trained on how to identify issues and how to engage the duty bearers. As WACs we were trained on how to avoid confrontation when doing advocacy. We now have a good relationship with the officials of the Local Authorities. (Focus Group Discussion 3, Participant 1, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

In my ward we used a public toilet which was no longer working properly. After being equipped by WILD with advocacy skills, we organized ourselves through the Ward Advocacy Committee and engaged the Town Clerk. Eventually the toilet was fixed. We now know that as women we can stand up and present out issues to Municipality of Gwanda. (Focus Group Discussion 1, Participant 3, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

WACs submitted a petition to Parliament of Zimbabwe written by residents Ward 5 in October 2018 over lack of access to water and sewer reticulation. The 14-member Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Local Government, Public works and National housing yielded to the petition and called for an all -stakeholders meeting. During the meeting, an 11-member resident’s committee which comprises of WACs was formed and was tasked with ensuring that Gwanda Municipality, as a matter of urgency, provided water and sets up sewer reticulation lines in Ward 5 and 6. (Key Informant 4, 7 November 2020, Gwanda)

A High Court application by WACs in partnership with other key stakeholders which include Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (ZELA) and Municipality of Gwanda sought an order for the cessation of operations at Imani Mine. Their mining activities were causing houses within the area to crack due to the mine blasts. The High Court in its ruling made an order to the effect that Imani mine should cease operations with immediate effect after failing to comply with the prerequisites for undertaking mining operations. This happened after Gwanda’s Ward Advocacy Committee summoned Imani Gold Mine, the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development, Environmental Management Agency (EMA) and Gwanda Council Engineering Department personnel over cracks that had developed in their houses as a result of mining activities of Imani Gold Mine. (Key Informant 5, 8 November 2020, Gwanda)

The quotations above show that WACs play a key role in improving the capacity of women in Gwanda to participate in decision-making and they have spearheaded various advocacy initiatives. It emerged that ‘WILD continued to train the WACs to hold meetings to review achievements, challenges and strategize for the future’ (Focus Group Discussion 3, Participant 4, 10 November 2020, Gwanda). The study found that over the years WACs have been instrumental in improving women’s capacity to self-organize and demand improved gender responsive service delivery. WACs have become key influencers in local government as they spearheaded initiatives and mobilized citizens to demand improved service delivery. WACs have become an entry point for other associations including humanitarian organizations such as Africa Ahead whose main interest is providing Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) services to disadvantaged communities. WACs’ visibility and active involvement in community development led to Africa Head’s interest to drill a borehole in Ward 5 so as to guarantee water access to residents whose stands had been unserviced for the past 15 years. A total of 300 households are benefitting from the borehole.

Through the confidence gained by the women after the training, there was a marked improvement in the competence of the women in airing out their views and as such council budget consultative meetings became more interactive. Women are now able to engage the local authority and draw resolutions that are taken to different responsible committees for resolving. Women are effectively participating in council processes with confidence. The study found that women are attending full-council meetings and making meaningful contributions. The following FGD and KII excerpts explain these findings:

Women in Gwanda have developed tremendous confidence. They now own the town. They demand timely service delivery. Thanks to WILD project that has capacitated our women. (Key Informant 6, 11 November 2020, Gwanda)

We tackle issues head on. Gwanda Council authorities now know me. I go straight to their offices if there are issues I am not happy about in Gwanda. Through our WhatsApp group we have stopped dumping of garbage in undesignated areas, we have lobbied successfully for the repair of street lights, renovation of toilets in Jahunda among other issues. I am grateful to WILD. (Focus Group Discussion 3, Participant 10, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

The trainings increased women’s interest in effectively participating in local council decision-making processes. Following Social Accountability training, the aptitudes of WACs in monitoring and assessing service delivery in Gwanda were improved. Women were able to demand their right to social accountability in Gwanda, a town that has for a long time been characterized by poor social service delivery. WACs took a leading role in demanding improved gender-sensitive social service delivery.

Providing platforms for engagement

It was also established that the project provided platforms for women to engage in electoral processes and engagement with duty bearers from the Municipality of Gwanda. The forums include town hall meetings, radio programmes, social media platform discussions and manifesto consultative meetings. Town hall meetings are important platforms that have enabled free interface between women and their leaders on social service delivery issues and any other issues of public interest. It was noted that

WILD has provided us with platforms for presenting our issues to duty bearers. We have discussed issues like water challenges and how they affect women. The engagement eased the water challenges. Municipality of Gwanda now responds very swiftly to burst water pipes. (Focus Group Discussion 2, Participant 3, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

WILD also conducted Expert Budget Analysis trainings which developed and strengthened women’s capacity to participate in local council decision making processes. In year 2017 a Local women’s leadership Symposium was held to provide a platform for women to engage community leaders and service providers on various social service delivery issues. (Key Informant 1, 6 November 2020, Gwanda)

The project also utilized radio programmes to amplify women’s voices regarding the quality of social services and to mobilize women to exercise their collective agency by demanding improved service delivery. The radio programmes aired on SKYZ Metro FM have increased the social visibility of WACs. The programmes also double as a form of social marketing and have seen more women express interest in being part of the women’s movement in Gwanda.

Further, the formation of Young Women’s Shadow Councils (YWSACs) who are also known as Devolution Champions under the auspices of WILD has seen young women effectively participating in governance issues. 21 YWSACs were trained on the facets of devolution as enshrined in Section 264 of the Constitution. The training equipped young women with the skill to further train more young women to be devolution champions. One of the key informants pointed out that

The YWSACs have shown interest to self-organize and mobilize other young women to participate in local decision-making processes, this is demonstrated through their ability to train 15 more young women to be part of a group that champions devolution of power. This has seen young women in Gwanda actively taking part in raising awareness on devolution and how it affects especially the young people. (Key Informant 1, 6 November 2020, Gwanda)

Women have been able to conduct meetings with the Mayor and Member of Parliament to seek clarity on progress made in implementing devolution of power. They presented issues such as water and sanitation and rehabilitation of roads. They also requested that council should conduct youth specific budget consultative meetings. (Focus Group Discussion 1, Participant 9, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

The YWSACs organized the first ever Gwanda Youth Budget Consultation Meeting where they informed the council on the need for: (1) improved access to water and sanitation, (2) road rehabilitation and (3) the establishment of a youth and culture centre. Additionally, young women have asked for a progress report regarding the implementation of devolution process and the local authority’s plans for the devolution funds.

Constitutional awareness campaigns

WILD Introduced Constitutional Awareness Debates to improve constitutional literacy among women in Gwanda Central. The awareness effort focused on Sections 17, 77, 78, 80 of the 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe. A clash of the choirs’ initiative was used in 2016 to increase women’s constitutional awareness. Participants were drawn from the 10 wards of Gwanda Central. Women have been able to invoke Section 46 and 77 to claim their socio-economic rights around housing and water issues. Constitutional violations around issues of home ownership issues, water billing and skewed allocation of stands were taken up with Zimbabwe Lawyers for Humans Rights (ZLHR). It emerged that

Women who participated in the project now have a clearer understanding and appreciation of their rights provided for in the 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe. They have demonstrated high awareness of the link between constitutional reforms and service delivery. (Key Informant 2, 6 November 2020, Gwanda)

As women we now know our rights because WILD trained us. It is no longer business as usual. We know when our rights are violated. We aggressively push for service delivery. (Focus Group Discussion 1, Participant 11, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

WILD empowered me from the word go. I was educated on my rights and my confidence was boosted. After some trainings I have been able to approach the officials of Municipality of Gwanda and I managed to get a business stand and I constructed a saloon. (Focus Group Discussion 2, Participant 12, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

Raising awareness of constitutional provisions on women’s rights strategies employed in the project resulted in women being able to identify some constitutional violations and took the issues up for advocacy with human rights organizations.

Factors hindering women’s participation in decision-making in Gwanda Central

The values and principles of the Constitution of Zimbabwe guarantee women the same rights and opportunities as their male counterparts. Chapter 17 of the Constitution states that ‘The State must promote full gender balance in Zimbabwean society and in particular, the State must promote the full participation of women in all spheres of Zimbabwean society on the basis of equality with men’. Section 80 states that ‘Every woman has full and equal dignity of the person with men and this includes equal opportunities in political, economic and social activities. Furthermore, the Constitution of Zimbabwe provides for a quota system where 60 seats are reserved for women. However, despite this gendered Constitution, we have seen regression in women’s representation and participation in political leadership across all political parties and processes in Zimbabwe.

It surfaced that although WILD has trained women on leadership, provided forums for enhancing participation and conducted constitutional awareness activities for them to effectively participate in local governance processes, it is still difficult for some women to support and vote for other women. In this regard, one woman argued that ‘there are many women who still lag behind in capacity building. WILD should also train women in churches as they have negative attitudes towards women who participate in politics’ (Focus Group Discussion 2, Participant 8, 10 November 2020, Gwanda). It was also established that patriarchy continues to be stumbling block in women’s participation in decision-making. Some of the study respondents had this to say:

I have realized that not all men are happy with the programmes implemented by WILD . . . I heard that even in political parties some men had been complaining that there is an NGO which is pushing an agenda of removing men from positions of power. They also complained that the NGO had put in place young women as shadow councillors to replace men. Men feel threatened by the WILD project which is empowering women. (Key Informant 6, 11 November 2020)

While women have become active and vocal in council chambers, there are beset by some challenges. Some husbands are not comfortable with their wives being visible in the political arena. Activism in that space is viewed as an avenue for sexual immorality. Stigma and patriarchal mind-sets limit women from realising their full- potential. (Key Informant 2, 6 November 2020, Gwanda)

Men don’t want to be led by women. Some men think the WILD project is changing social norms and making women too vocal and rebellious. (Focus Group Discussion 1, Participant 7, 10 November 2020, Gwanda)

The succeeding excerpts demonstrate that the legislative framework, funding for political activities and campaigns and cannibal and violent political culture continues to inhibit the participation of women in local governance processes in Gwanda Central. The following thematic issues speak to that:

Legislative framework

The legislative framework (Constitution of Zimbabwe, Electoral Act, Regional and International Protocols and Guidelines on Women Participation in political activities and elections) encourages women to contest for political office. However, the deeply embedded political culture makes it hard for women to participate at the same level with their male counterparts (Amy, 2012; Silbermann, 2015). Women are often denigrated and labelled as prostitutes or sex symbols when they contest with men for political office. There is no political will to implement the provisions of these legal instruments to create an enabling environment for women to fully participate in politics and contest in those positions.

Funding for political activities and campaigns

When money dominates politics, women generally lose out. Women persistently have low incomes for many reasons (occupational segregation, disproportionate unpaid family care and violent nature of the political space). Most women do not have reliable sources of funding to sponsor their campaigns compared to men (Shames, 2014). This boils down to the culturally engraved economic imbalances around land ownership, inheritance customs, and access to means of economic production. In instances where they are offered funding, men would often ask for sexual favours in return. The mainstream political establishments have hegemony over funding to which some of the upcoming women in politics are not privy of. The legislation on political parties funding is so exclusive therefore leaving the women worse off. Political activities are so taxing especially to finance logistical activities, nomination fees and campaigns.

Cannibal and violent political culture

The political terrain in most developing economies is marred with all forms of violence, that is structural, cultural and direct violence (Crenshaw, 1991). Violence thus becomes an elephant in the house that hinder women from fully participating in the political and electoral processes. Violent activities, degrading and hate speech coupled with character assassination are mostly sponsored by political figures and capital. This creates an intimidating environment that inhibits women from venturing into those political spaces. Over the years, Zimbabwe’s electoral cycle has been characterized by gendered disinformation campaigns that feature narratives aimed at threatening and humiliating contesting female political candidates. Sexually charged content is also disseminated to character assassinate the contesting female candidates. Political and electoral-related violence dissuades women who aspire to contest for political office. It can lead to voter apathy and defeats the whole purpose of 50/50 approach to gender balance in electoral processes and leadership positions.

Family work and time constraints

Continuing uneven distribution of family care responsibilities means that women spend far more time than men in home and child care. Studies repeatedly demonstrate that women pay a ‘motherhood penalty’, across fields, relating not just to the time, effort and medical care of pregnancy and childbirth but to the far greater maternal involvement necessary for breastfeeding and to the persistent tendency of women to do a larger share of childcare (Phiri et al., 2020; Silbermann, 2015; Sithole et al., 2021). Women face time constraints navigating between family responsibilities and a political position. Consistent around the globe is that compared to men, female politicians tend to start their careers later, have fewer children and spend more time caring for their families. This means that women with supportive families run for office, whereas men are more likely to run despite discouragement from their families.

Discussion

Evidence from the analysis shows that capacity building is key to improving women’s participation, competence, confidence and effectiveness in local governance processes. Studies have shown that women are hindered from participating in politics by a lack of confidence and competence (Chambers, 2016; Ncube, 2019; Ndlovu and Mutale, 2013). Study findings show that WILD implemented various capacity-building such as citizen training workshops focusing on advocacy and lobbying, leadership, public service monitoring, budget monitoring, and tax justice. With reference to Uganda, Chambers (2016) concluded that women who participated in the mentoring and training workshops developed confidence. Subramaniam (2003) concluded that capacity building is not only a strategy for bettering women’s competence and as they share experiences, knowledge and strategies for improving their status. Capacity-building strategies have a real potential to promote women develop power within and power with. Power within and with is important in enabling women to make sense of their political, economic and social worlds and perceive that they are able and entitled to occupy positions of power at various levels (Women’s Empowerment Link, 2013).

It was also established in addition to capacity building, the project provided platforms for women to deliberate on electoral processes and engage with duty-bearers from the Municipality of Gwanda. Forums such as town hall meetings, radio programmes, social media platform discussions and manifesto consultative meetings enabled women to engage with duty bearers. Through the confidence gained by the women after the project trainings, there was marked improvement in the competence of the women in airing out their views and as such council budget consultative meetings became more interactive with both the women and the duty bearers being able to discuss and draw resolutions that were taken to the different responsible committees for resolving. WILD has provided forums for women to effectively participate in council processes with confidence. As a result of the radio programmes, the women’s movement in Gwanda central has become more visible and their respective communities are now alerting them of various service delivery challenges which they have managed to deliberate on and forwarded to relevant authorities. The radio programmes have also seen more women enquiring on how they can become part of the women’s movement in Gwanda. With reference to India, Subramaniam (2003) argues that such forums facilitate the creation of spaces for long-term interaction and building bonds for collectively improving women’s participation in decision-making.

WILD established and trained Ward Advocacy Committees. WACs have played a key role in building women’s movements in Gwanda Central. Globally, women’s movements have grown in numbers partly because of greater consciousness of political, economic and social inequalities. Studies have shown that women’s movements are effective in raising political consciousness and promoting their voices in women’s rights agenda at various levels (Wilson, 2018). Women’s movements are also effective in supporting constituency building, convening spaces for developing common political agendas, developing critical alliances and ensuring support around collective strategies for change (Wilson, 2018). In this regard, WACs have managed to mobilize and organize women to demand gender responsive service delivery. WILD has supported the mobilization and organization of women to demand transparency and accountability in social services delivery from the local authority. It was established that elected leadership works better when there is a good relationship with all stakeholders which include women. The local authority responded positively to queries and demands on local governance processes by WACs. Through their movement, women are challenging decisions and actions within council chambers. Therefore, WILD has played a key role in improving women’s participation in local governance by supporting women’s movement. Women’s movements are important in amplifying women’s voices in influencing decision making in governance processes.

WILD conducted constitutional awareness debates to improve constitutional literacy among the women in Gwanda Central. Many ordinary women are not aware of their rights and freedoms entrenched in national constitutions. Constitutional illiteracy is among one of the factors impeding efforts to enhance gender equality in Gwanda central. For marginalized women to be able to make informed decisions, claim their rights and participate in local governance they must be knowledgeable about the legal and constitutional framework. According to Fombad (2018), constitutional literacy empowers the ordinary citizen and breaks the barriers of privilege and exclusion, domination and marginalization. Raising awareness on constitutional provisions on women’s rights strategies employed in the project resulted in women in Gwanda central to be able to identify some constitutional violations. We established that women were able to take the issues up for advocacy with human rights organizations. This corroborates findings from a study conducted in Rwanda by Chambers (2016) concluded that constitutional knowledge is important in enabling women to claim their rights.

The study found that WILD’s project employed strategies for empowering young women in Gwanda Central to participate in decision-making. Women are not a homogeneous group; they have a distinct set of interests. Young women are hardly ever represented at both national and local political levels (Women’s Empowerment Link, 2013). Globally young women are largely marginalized from the political sphere due to discriminatory laws, practices, attitudes and gender stereotypes, low levels of education, lack of access to health care and the disproportionate effect of poverty on women (United Nations, 2011). Young women have been left out due to the policies that have ignored generational inequalities among women. WILD recognized the inequalities faced by young women and hence supported their involvement in governance. The formation of YWSACs has seen young women effectively participating in local governance in Gwanda central. Therefore, young women’s participation in decision-making is part of their fundamental right to participate in political life, and at the core of gender equality and women’s empowerment (Mlambo and Kapingura, 2019).

Conclusion

We conclude that the Multiplying Faces, Amplifying Voices project implemented by WILD has greatly improved ordinary women’s participation in local governance in Gwanda Central. Capacity-building strategies implemented improved participation, competence, confidence and effectiveness of women in local governance processes. Women are increasingly participating in leadership at various levels, institutions and organizations. The training and mentorship programmes inspired some women to contest in the 2018 elections. The formation of the WACs has enhanced the capacity and confidence of women in Gwanda Central to lead advocacy actions and stand for elections at local level. WACs have mobilized and organized women’s movement which has engaged in advocacy to address issues such housing shortages, inadequate water supply, un-serviced residential stands and access to sexual and reproductive health services. Women have submitted several petitions and High Court applications for service delivery issues to be addressed. WILD provided forums that have increased women’s participation in public processes in Gwanda Central to influence efficiency and inclusiveness in social services and decision-making. Women who participated in the project have exhibited improved knowledge of the constitutional provisions leading to their active participation in politics. Raising awareness on constitutional provisions on women’s rights strategies employed in the project resulted in women being able to identify some constitutional violations and they took issues up for advocacy with human rights organizations. Consequently, such women are now confident to self-mobilize, organize, call their leaders to account and advocate for policy change even outside WILD’s assistance. We recommend that more work should be done to conscientize conservative institutions like religious organizations about gender equality and how mainstreaming it is essential for organizational success. Second, the government of Zimbabwe and civil society organizations should facilitate the implementation of structural reforms that address systemic and institutionalized gender-based discrimination.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Keith Phiri

Author biographies

Dr Keith Phiri is a senior lecturer and researcher in the Department of Development Studies, Lupane State University. His research interests are in climate change, livelihoods, gender, food security and marginalized communities. He is an Eisenhower Fellow for the 2022 cohort.

Dr Sibonokuhle Ndlovu is a senior lecturer and researcher in the Department of Development Studies, Lupane State University. Her research interests are in food security, social protection, climate change and gender.

Ms Samukeliso Khumalo is a development and human rights practitioner and executive director at Women’s Institute for Leadership Development. She is an emerging researcher and publisher on women’s rights, gender equality, leadership, governance, economic development, peace building, political economy and sustainable development.

Mrs Siphilisiwe Benita Ncube is a lecturer and researcher at Lupane State University. She is a published author of educational teaching and learning materials for the Zimbabwean competency based curriculum. She specializes in gender and monitoring and evaluation.

Dr Douglas Nyathi is a senior lecturer at Lupane State University. His research interests include the agrarian question in the Global South, climate change, livelihoods diversification, food security and gender.

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