Chiramu : Cultural Heritage or Harmful Tradition? Perspectives From Zimbabwe and the United Kingdom

Introduction

Culture is a fundamental aspect of human society, shaping identities, values and social structures. Traditional practices in particular, are often deeply embedded in communities, passed down through generations as a way of preserving heritage and social cohesion (Gelfand, 1973). However, culture is dynamic and fluid. As societies evolve and become increasingly interconnected through globalisation, migration and legal reforms, some traditional customs come under scrutiny for their relevance and impact (Mawere, 2012). In Zimbabwe, Chiramu, translated ‘sexual dalliance’, is one such practice that has sparked considerable debate in contemporary discourse, particularly in the context of gender-based violence (GBV) and changing societal norms.

The authors employ the term ‘sexual dalliance’ in reference to the sexual nature of the practice. While this definition may not capture the full intent of the culture as the reviewer queries, the authors employ it as a means for non-Shona speaking readers to understand what the practice entails. In addition, there is no English term for it as it is an indigenous practice specific to the Zimbabwean society. Furthermore, the term is also widely used by Zimbabwean scholars that have published on the topic. See also:

Mahachi-Harper SN (2004) Echoes in the Shadows. Mambo Press: Gweru.

Mawodza O (2019) The impact of the customary practice of chiramu (sexual dalliance) on the rights of girls in Zimbabwe. OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development 12(3): 19–26.

Chiramu involves fondling, teasing, or making sexually suggestive remarks by an adult male (babamukuru/muramu), typically the husband of the girl’s older sister or her father’s sister’s husband (Tshugulu et al., 2023). Chiramu entails babamukuru having the ‘rights and or privileges’ to have a ‘pretend’ casual romantic relationship with his wife’s younger sister or niece (mainini/muramu) (Mahachi-Harper, 2004; Mawodza, 2019). The practice is widespread in Zimbabwe although nuances might exist between the different ethnic groups (Mawodza, 2019). The custom continues to be practised despite the fact that it renders young girls and women extremely vulnerable to sexual abuse (Chisango, 2018; Mawodza, 2019). While some defend it as a form of playful familial bonding (Bourdillon, 1997), others argue that it fosters GBV), reinforces patriarchal dominance and erodes women’s rights (Chitando and Chirongoma, 2012). Recent scholarship and advocacy work have highlighted how the practice has often been misinterpreted or exploited, contributing to sexual harassment, coercion and gendered power imbalances (Makahamadze et al., 2009; Mawere, 2019).

Historically, Chiramu was perceived as a light-hearted cultural interaction between a babamukuru and his younger sister-in-law (mainini). Traditionally considered a form of playful teasing, it was meant to establish kinship bonds within extended families (Shoko, 2017). In traditional Shona society where, extended family structures play a crucial role in social organisation, Chiramu was seen as a way of strengthening relationships (Gelfand, 1973). However, contemporary discourse has exposed the darker side of Chiramu, with growing evidence that the practice is often misinterpreted or exploited, leading to sexual harassment, coercion and psychological harm, particularly for young women and girls (Mtaku, 2016).

Existing literature on Chiramu focuses on cultural significance, the tensions between traditional and modern perspectives, and the legal and social implications of the practice. It exposes gaps in knowledge with regard to perspectives of Zimbabweans in the UK diaspora on how migration influences attitudes towards Chiramu. Despite existing research on Chiramu, there is limited empirical data on prevalence of the practice or Chiramu-related GBV cases in Zimbabwe. Most studies rely on anecdotal evidence or qualitative data (Mawere, 2019). The paucity of data on Chiramu exposes a knowledge gap in terms of contextual dynamics of the practice since the expansion of globalisation and mass emigration of Zimbabweans to the United Kingdom. This study examined the perspectives of Zimbabweans in the UK diaspora and in Zimbabwe, exploring how attitudes towards Chiramu have evolved due to modernisation, migration and shifting cultural norms. A further aim was to identify participants’ perceptions of Chiramu’s relevance and impact on the well-being of young girls.

By analysing views from the two categories of participants, the study sought to understand the extent to which Chiramu is still relevant, and the factors influencing its continued practice.

The above points were part of the study’s aims, not questions posed to participants.

According to our knowledge, this study is the first of its kind to capture views on Chiramu in both Zimbabwe and the United Kingdom.

To fully appreciate the current discourse surrounding Chiramu, it is important to understand its origins and role within traditional Zimbabwean society. Chiramu has long been an integral part of the Shona kinship system, deeply rooted in social structures that emphasise extended family cohesion (Bourdillon, 1987). The Shona people, who make up the majority of Zimbabwe’s population (Institute for Security Studies (ISS), 2024), have historically valued strong family connections (Bourdillon, 1987). Chiramu was one way of reinforcing familial bonds, particularly in polygamous and extended family settings where relationships could be complex (Gelfand, 1973). Within traditional Shona society, the practice was intended to create a respectful, yet informal, familial relationship between in-laws, reinforcing non-sexual bonds (Gelfand, 1973). By engaging in playful teasing, brothers-in-law and their sisters-in-law were encouraged to develop a relationship that was both familiar and respectful, creating a sense of hierarchical but non-romantic intimacy within the family structure (Gelfand, 1973).

In its traditional form, Chiramu was governed by strict cultural rules intended to prevent inappropriate behaviour (Gelfand, 1973). However, the informal and ambiguous nature of the practice made it susceptible to exploitation and misinterpretation, especially as societal norms changed (Chisango, 2018). The power dynamics between a babamukuru (the older male figure) and a mainini (the younger, often vulnerable female) create an environment where boundaries can easily be overstepped, leading to harassment or coercion (Chisango, 2018; Mawere and Mubaya, 2015; Mawodza, 2019). This is particularly concerning in contemporary Zimbabwe, where rising cases of child sexual abuse and GBV have drawn attention to how cultural practices can sometimes normalise or mask predatory behaviour (Mawodza, 2019).

Changing perceptions on Chiramu

Proponents argue that Chiramu was governed by strict social norms that discouraged inappropriate behaviour, ensuring that it remained a symbolic rather than literal enactment of familial closeness (Makahamadze et al., 2009). However, as societal structures have evolved, so too have interpretations of Chiramu. Critics such as Mawere (2019) and Chisango (2018) argue that the practice has been distorted over time, with some men using it as a justification for inappropriate advances towards younger female relatives. Similarly, Mawere and Mubaya (2015) argue that the informal nature of the practice, coupled with the hierarchical power dynamics between men and women, has led to significant concerns about its potential for abuse.

As the Zimbabwean society modernises, attitudes towards Chiramu have shifted significantly, particularly among Zimbabweans who have been exposed to alternative cultural norms through migration, education and media influence (Mawere, 2012). Many Zimbabweans, both at home and abroad, now see Chiramu as an outdated relic rather than a meaningful tradition (Maringira, 2018; Tinarwo, 2021).

In diasporic communities, cultural practices are often re-evaluated, as individuals navigate between preserving their heritage and integrating into their new social environments (Shoko, 2017). For many Zimbabweans in the United Kingdom, Chiramu is increasingly viewed as problematic, especially in the context of legal systems that explicitly criminalise behaviours associated with it, such as inappropriate touching, coercion or child grooming (Mtaku, 2016).

Research on the Zimbabwean diaspora in the United Kingdom suggests that migration and exposure to Western legal and gender equality frameworks significantly influence attitudes towards Chiramu (Tinarwo, 2021). They often view Chiramu through a more critical lens, recognising its potential to violate principles of bodily autonomy and consent. In Western societies where sexual harassment laws are stricter, many members of the Zimbabwean diaspora reject Chiramu outright, seeing it as incompatible with contemporary human rights standards (Maringira, 2018).

However, among older generations and more conservative communities in the United Kingdom, Chiramu is sometimes still defended as an important cultural practice that should not be judged through Western perspectives (Nyambi, 2012). This generational divide highlights tensions within the diaspora over cultural adaptation and identity preservation.

Perspectives within Zimbabwe however remain more divided. While urban and educated populations tend to reject Chiramu, some rural communities continue to practise it, often viewing external criticism as a form of cultural erosion (Mawere, 2012). For these groups, Chiramu is still considered a marker of identity and belonging, and efforts to challenge or outlaw it are sometimes met with resistance (Shoko, 2017). This tension between cultural preservation and human rights advocacy is central to discussions on Chiramu’s place in modern Zimbabwean society (Chitando and Chirongoma, 2012). While some argue that Chiramu is an essential part of Shona heritage that should be preserved, others believe that it must be either significantly reformed or abolished altogether to align with modern understandings of consent and gender equality (Nyambi and Mangena, 2015). Zimbabwe’s legal framework remains ambiguous on the issue, with limited direct intervention from policymakers despite calls from activists and scholars for clearer protections against harmful interpretations of Chiramu (Mawere, 2019).

A major controversy surrounding Chiramu is its role in perpetuating GBV. Studies have documented cases where the practice has provided a cultural cover for sexual harassment, as young women often feel powerless to resist advances from male relatives who invoke Chiramu as a defence (Makahamadze et al., 2009). Furthermore, cultural justifications for Chiramu contribute to high levels of underreporting of GBV and victim silencing in Zimbabwe (Chirimuuta, 2006). Several reports from women’s rights organisations and social justice advocates highlight cases where Chiramu has been used as a pretext for sexual harassment and abuse. Survivors of coercive or non-consensual interactions under the guise of Chiramu often find it difficult to report such incidents due to family pressure, cultural taboos and weak legal enforcement mechanisms.

Traditional norms and patriarchal structures often discourage victims from speaking out, as reporting abuse may be perceived as disrespecting cultural values or disrupting family harmony (Chitando and Chirongoma, 2012; Mtaku, 2016). Furthermore, Chiramu’s ambiguous nature allows perpetrators to exploit it under the guise of cultural tradition, further silencing victims and reinforcing GBV (Mawere, 2012; Shoko, 2017). Many survivors fear being blamed or ostracised by their families, particularly when perpetrators are older male relatives who hold positions of authority within the family. The patriarchal nature of many traditional structures means that victims are often pressured to remain silent, reinforcing cycles of abuse.

From a legal standpoint, Zimbabwe has introduced various legislative measures to combat GBV, including the Domestic Violence Act (2007) and the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform Act, 2004). However, enforcement remains inconsistent, particularly in rural areas where customary law often takes precedence over statutory law. This legal loophole allows practices like Chiramu to persist in ambiguous legal territory, making it difficult for victims to seek justice.

Methodology

Analytical approach

The primary focus of this analysis was to identify participants’ perceptions of Chiramu’s relevance and impact on the well-being of young girls. Transcripts of interviews were analysed to identify differences and similarities across participants’ views of the practice and its impact on victims.

Interviews were conducted in English and the audio recordings were transcribed verbatim. The authors then independently read the transcripts to identify inductive and deductive themes and reconciled their independent findings to generate a list of analysis codes and themes. All transcripts were manually coded and then axially coded in NVIVO 20, where coherent themes were developed (Saldaña, 2009).

Commonalities and differences were identified in responses relating to each thematic code and intersections between different themes and generated reports for each of the themes (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Finally, the coding reports were reviewed to ensure interpretation was consistent with data collected and to develop a conceptual framework for understanding the findings.

Data were analysed thematically, following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-step method: (1) familiarisation with the data, (2) generating initial codes, (3) searching for themes, (4) reviewing themes, (5) defining and naming themes and (6) producing the report. Themes were deductively informed by the two guiding theoretical frameworks while remaining open to inductive insights that emerged from participants’ accounts. For example, the ecological model prompted examination of how Chiramu operates within family structures (relationship level) but is reinforced by legal loopholes and patriarchal norms (societal level). Postcolonial feminist theory sharpened the critique of how colonial legal legacies, missionary moral codes and local customs intersect to sustain gendered inequalities.

As both authors are of Zimbabwean cultural heritage it translated that the research was undertaken with prior knowledge and embedded beliefs of Chiramu. While the authors’ positionality (Holmes, 2020) to an extent helped them to design appropriate research tools and allowed the data to reflect the meanings that their participants attached to their experiences, the authors also had to examine their own beliefs, judgements and practices throughout the research process and how these could influence the research process through reflexivity (Holmes, 2020; Soedirgo and Glas, 2020). Acknowledging positionality in this way added to the reflexivity of the research. As both insider researchers researching their own culture, the researchers were able to bring out new dimensions and a greater depth of understanding (Clifford and Marcus, 1986: 9) of Chiramu and its implications. Having prior knowledge of the subject matter also meant that the researchers could use that advantage to change gears (Mohanty, 1988) and probe emerging themes further for elaboration and critical analysis. This was achieved by adopting an objective approach throughout the research process and allowing the data to guide analysis, utilising grounded theory methodology (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Thus, the authors were able to challenge their own preconceived ideas about Chiramu by letting the data speak as narrated by their participants. In addition, the findings were interpreted through a gender lens in order to eliminate researcher bias.

This study adopts a postcolonial feminist theoretical framework alongside the ecological model of gender-based violence to interrogate the practice of Chiramu within Zimbabwean and diasporic contexts. These approaches guide the analysis of how age, gender, power and cultural norms intersect to shape the lived experiences of Zimbabwean women, both at home and abroad.

A postcolonial feminist theory provides a lens through which to explore the specific forms of oppression experienced by women in postcolonial societies, particularly those shaped by patriarchal, cultural and colonial legacies (Mohanty, 1988; Narayan, 1997). This framework challenges universalist assumptions about womanhood by foregrounding the voices and agency of women from the Global South. In this study, postcolonial feminism is employed to centre the narratives of Zimbabwean women whose experiences with Chiramu are situated within broader systems of familial, cultural and institutional power.

The ecological model of gender-based violence (Heise, 1998) complements this perspective by conceptualising violence as a product of interaction between individual, relational, community and societal factors. This model supports a holistic analysis of how Chiramu is maintained or challenged across different layers of social organisation – from the household to legal and cultural institutions. It also provides a framework for understanding how social change, such as migration or legal reform, may disrupt or perpetuate gendered practices. Together, these theoretical approaches allow for a nuanced exploration of the complex socio-cultural dynamics surrounding Chiramu, highlighting both the structural conditions that enable its persistence and the possibilities for resistance and reform.

Guided by postcolonial feminist theory and the ecological model of GBV, this study interrogated Chiramu as a cultural practice situated at the intersection of tradition, gender power relations and social norms in Zimbabwe, while also drawing parallels with perceptions in the United Kingdom. The postcolonial feminist lens recognises that women’s and girls’ experiences cannot be disentangled from the historical, cultural and socio-political contexts shaped by colonialism, patriarchy and economic inequality (Lewis, 2005; Mohanty, 1988). Meanwhile, the ecological model (Heise, 1998) allowed the analysis to operate across four interacting levels: individual, relationship, community and societal structures. Together, these frameworks enabled a multi-layered understanding of how Chiramu functions both as a mechanism of social cohesion in certain contexts and as a vehicle for the perpetuation of gender-based violence.

Findings

Illustrating the prevalence of Chiramu in Zimbabwe, nearly participant interviewed knew of a case where sexual abuse ended up in child marriage and/or teenage pregnancy. Most of the participants concurred that Chiramu is still relevant in Zimbabwean society while questioning the need for the practice. Some participants expressed concern that while Chiramu may have had a place in traditional Zimbabwean society, it no longer aligns with modern principles of consent, autonomy and gender equality.

Several factors were cited as rationale for the continuation of the practice. These included geographic, social and cultural elements although perceptions of the practice’s relevance varied across participants.

Chiramu’s relevance

With regard to the practice’s relevance, most participants articulated its harmful nature. Responses from the UK-based participants’ narratives of relevance were mostly framed along child abuse/human rights infringement, which differed from responses from the Zimbabwean-based participants. Women in the UK category exhibited a knowledge of l human rights which was lacking from some of the responses from the Zimbabwean category.

Frequently reported was the long-standing nature of abuse that the Zimbabwean society has always been aware of and seemingly turned a blind eye on. A participant said,

I don’t think it is relevant today, even then it wasn’t relevant but I think it was just a way for men to please themselves under the pretence of Chiramu but it’s not relevant today. (Female, 61, UK)

Echoing perceptions of vulnerability Chiramu places on young girls a participant responded:

Chiramu gives paedophiles an opportunity to sexually abuse and groom young girls.’ (Female, 34, UK)

While another participant concurred,

It is no longer important because it contributes to child abuse, polygamous marriages, and destroys marriages. (Female, 26, Zimbabwe)

These statements reveal that there was consensus among participants in both research sites that Chiramu is a vehicle through which men could abuse vulnerable young girls. The same views were echoed by men both in the United Kingdom and those in Zimbabwe as shown by some of the participants:

It is an outdated practice created to benefit us men. Why is this still allowed to happen. (Male 38, UK)

This should not have a place in modern society. For me it is the way it has been taken over some men to take advantage of vulnerable girls. (Male 29, Zimbabwe)

Participants also reported the ubiquitous nature of polygamous marriages as a result of Chiramu.

Responses from the Zimbabwean category highlighted that polygamous marriages are prevalent in that context which was not reported in the Zimbabwean diaspora category. Participants reported increased incidents of IPV occurring because of poverty induced polygamous marriages. A participant said,

It is happening a lot mainly because of the economy, we are dependent on this man. And so, in a way, we are extra nice to him. There’s a risk that he could take advantage of you. At the same time, he is the breadwinner. (Female, 28, UK)

This statement highlights the lack of autonomy a woman will have in a marriage where she is financially dependent on her husband. This also means that women may stay in an abusive marriage because not only are they reliant on their husband but their younger sister or niece will also be co-dependent on their ‘shared’ husband as co-wives.

Chiramu and poverty importance of context

It was evident from the responses that participants recognised the significance of context in sustaining the practice. They concurred that geographical location is a risk factor in terms of the impact of Chiramu on young girls. Most participants reported that girls in the rural areas are more at risk of abuse because of increased levels of poverty in rural Zimbabwe. A participant responded,

I do believe its still relevant especially in remote areas where there is not enough education most girl children are raped and they are afraid to report because for them to speak out the older sister or the aunt will say so if you get your brother in law arrested who will look after us? You better be quiet. It just ends quietly like that. (Female, 55, Zimbabwe)

This position is also supported by some of the male participants, with one asserting that:

The problem is that most families are struggling and will not have their son in law prosecuted for whatever misdeeds, that is the sad reality. In fact, the family will criticise the victim instead and may even accuse her of lying, more so, where the bride’s family is based in the rural areas. (Male 39, Zimbabwe)

Several participants also highlighted the role poverty played in perpetuating the practice. They cited anecdotal reports that families will orchestrate for the young girls to [sexually] attract the attention of the older female relative’s husband in order to win his affection. A participant said,

Sometimes it’s because of wealth and hunger, the family thinks that if that son in law leaves the family their lives will be shattered so it is better to give him the younger sister also so that the wealth remains in the family. (Female, 32, Zimbabwe)

Also citing poverty as determining factor in Chiramu’ practice, another participant said:

In the context of surviving maybe. Perhaps the wife’s family needs financial assistance and will allow the wife’s sister to live with the husband and wife. But I think as things get more difficult and more people lose their incomes the practice may actually increase. (Female, 48, Zimbabwe)

Other participants also bemoaned that Zimbabwe’s economic decline increased poverty levels which shifted traditional breadwinner roles from men to women. Although this is not a new phenomenon, upon marriage, older siblings can be expected to provide financially for their younger siblings whether they are formally employed or not. Alluding to this a participant narrated:

especially now the way the economy [in Zimbabwe] is you often find that if the oldest sister gets married, she’s expected to almost like, provide for her younger sisters until they can get married, it can be to get an education and so it’s so relevant in kind of helping in that way. (Female, 28, UK)

In support of the above narrative, a male participant also echoed the same sentiments:

At the heart of the Chiramu is the issue of poverty, the role of the son in law who is also breadwinner cannot be understated. Poverty often leads to the wife’s young sister moving to stay with her sister and this can lead to abuse in the name of Chiramu where the son in law caters for the in-laws. Poverty is creating power dynamics here. (Male 47, UK)

This highlights that marriage is regarded as a source of livelihood for women who are then expected to provide for their siblings from the perceived ‘financial gains’ of a marriage.

Gender inequality and discrimination gender inequality

This study found that age is a significant factor in vulnerability as the practice impacts adolescent girls who are considered to be ready for sexuality by their male in-laws before they encounter their own future sexual partner. It also found that men clearly support the practice. Echoing this, a participant said,

Men regard Chiramu as socially acceptable and harmless. I think the men benefit from Chiramu as it is socially acceptable in this country. They encourage it to continue, they say it’s our cultural practice. So, it’s up to men and it’s a disadvantage to women. (Female, 32, Zimbabwe)

Significantly, it is within the family setting that men are expected to showcase their gender roles. There is a near universal expectation in Zimbabwe that men will either lust after other women or will be unfaithful at some point during marriage. With regard to Chiramu, mostly cited by participants was the expression of the instinctiveness and impulsivity of masculinity and sexuality. Alluding to these elements, a participant noted:

The wife may be paying fees or looking after her younger siblings and as a result a younger sister could end up living with the couple and the husband’s eye wanders to the sister-in-law. (Female, 48, Zimbabwe)

Another participant echoed,

but usually men are known to have wandering eyes. (Female, 38, UK)

Some of the men interviewed also felt that the Chiramu put men at an advantage and this has resulted in the practice being abused. In fact, one participant in Zimbabwe summed up the power dynamics at play:

I guess it boiled down to what kind of a person one is. I know, us, most men tend to take advantage of these vulnerable maininis (sister in laws) because of their age and naivety. It is sad because, it is a tradition that favours me, some men are using it to groom these young girls who seem them as a ‘guardian’. (Male, 45, Zimbabwe)

This normalising of adulterous behaviour was severally cited by participants across the research sites. This reinforces gender inequality which, with regard to Chiramu, disproportionately affects young women and girls. The following section unpacks the role gender plays in reinforcing gender inequality.

How the family institution sustains the practice

Upon asking the question: Why and how has the family as an institution facilitated the continuation of the practice? responses differed with participants citing poverty as the main factor in sustaining the practice. The pervasiveness of the practice was made more clearer in participants’ views while other participants also disclosed their own participation in the practice.

The significance of culture and tradition

Although there may be nuances in how Chiramu is practised, there are commonalities among the Zimbabwean society according to the study’s participants. They argued that the family institution has historically supported the practice because of its relevance to cultural identity. A participant succinctly narrated,

I know of instances where the groping of breasts was happening when adults were there and they did not ask the men to stop because that is normal within the confines of Chiramu. That’s what happens. That is legitimizing it isn’t it? It’s not like people do not know what happens, it’s a tradition. They may be unaware if its sexual intercourse because that is a private thing. (Female, 51, Zimbabwe)

Other responses reflected respect for culture as the major driver in the continuation of Chiramu. Citing the family’s complicit in perpetuating and encouraging the practice, a participant said:

Chiramu was happening and the family of the girl would understand and never mind even if they see the older men chasing the girl in the name of Chiramu. No rebuke would be done because it’s something society accepted a lot. (Female, 61, UK)

Another participant alluding to her own part narrated,

Like in my extended family, I tell my nieces that they are my husband’s wives and that they will look after my children when I die because they are the mothers but this now depends on whether the husband is a paedophile when he gets a private opportunity with the girl child he will tell her that she is his wife and will manipulate and groom the child. (Female, 34, UK)

Society tends to exert pressure even on men to be part and parcel of the practice. This angle is intriguing and was shared by a few men interviewed for example:

My in-laws, including my wife, encouraged me. They would say this is your wife. I can understand the need to respect the tradition, but some people would take it far. As a man, its like you are being pushed, you are being pressured to partake in the practice. (Male, 59, UK)

For me it was as if my in-laws wanted to give me a second wife, the pressure, the constant encouragement, this can lead to something else. I have seen some men failing to control themselves, ending up sleeping and even impregnating their sister in laws, it is sad. (Male, 50, Zimbabwe)

What this reveals is that women seem to watch on silently while their husbands play Chiramu with their young vulnerable female relatives instead of protecting them. They seem to trust the process of culture and tradition and that their husbands would hold their own end of the bargain. While in a safe environment one would not have reason to suspect that their husband might abuse their younger female relative, with regard to Chiramu there is evidence that men tend to abuse young girls in this way and the phenomenon is prevalent in these same settings where women watch this abuse unfolding passively.

Maintaining kinship cultural values

The study found that the desire to maintain kinship fuels Chiramu. While it is clearly a practice that undermines autonomy in marriage, historically it was also practised for benevolent reasons in cases of infertility This is evident in cases where young girls were offered to their older sister’s or aunt’s husband if their female relative had infertility issues.

A participant narrated,

if your sister cannot have children, then your brother in law can come and pick me up. He will have to get married to the little sister so that they can have children. So it was done for those kinds of reasons.it was to do with embarrassment, the younger sister didn’t want the older sister to have marital challenges or being insulted for not having children. (Female, 55, UK)

While this was done for a seemingly noble reason it was also to ensure that the son-in-law does not seek another woman outside of his wife’s family to produce an offspring for him. Citing this reason, a participant commented:

it mostly affects the wife, the woman’s side. On the men’s side, we have men who could not father children, but it was the male brother who ended up fathering the kids for his brother and in some way would die without even knowing that, because of this practice. Some even died without knowing that this has happened. And when the wife dies and if the husband was rich the family would say oh we don’t want the riches to go away so the family will give him another daughter for the wealth to circulate within that family that he had married into. (Female, 64, UK)

Participants, however, questioned the relevance of Chiramu in terms of forging familial relationships. While others cited it as a vehicle through which bonds were strengthened others argued against that narrative. A participant from the United Kingdom argued that such relationships need not be emphasised but should develop organically. They argued,

It was just a misdirected kind of relationship the way I look at it because you should just know that your aunt’s husband is your aunt’s husband and I give him respect he is my brother in law and we draw the line there. Also, the fact that my sister is my older sister she is more like a mother figure so her husband is also like a father to me and that boundary should remain there. As for your aunt she would have trusted you as her brother’s daughter and so want to stay with you to help you. (Female, 38, UK)

Citing the importance of managing these relationships, participants also highlighted the risk of abuse that disregarding such boundaries would pose to young girls and their female relatives. A participant said,

I know I have a relative who took her brother’s daughter to help her go to school and so stay with her but her husband who was a headteacher played Chiramu with the girl until she got the man to divorce her aunt. They broke the relationship boundaries. (Female, 61, UK)

Although this statement may infer that the minor was intentional in encouraging the man to divorce her relative, the sentiments are similar to the narrative that is made against minor girls that are abused in these relationships. It is common that girls are blamed for the abuse they suffer from older male relatives.

Further echoing this view another participant cited the risk of relationship abuse because of power dynamics that are at play in such relationships. They argued,

some people do take it a step further into ending up like in a relationship with maybe their sister’s husband, or whatever. Actually, I have seen it happen, the [younger] sister is asked to help out the older sister when she is away to like do chores for the husband like cooking and, you know, washing clothes and then she ended up having a child with the husband. (Female, 40, UK)

Some participants had ambivalent views with one commenting:

Well I think it has been allowed to continue as it encourages bonding, and also kind of teaches young women on how to handle themselves in the company of the opposite sex. -well some families continue to encourage and promote this custom but as families are living further apart this is not easily practised. (Female, 38, UK)

In addition, chiramu reinforces kinship by facilitating polygamous unions within families. The cultural expectation of producing a male heir and familial arrangements normalise relationships between in-laws, often blurring boundaries. However, the practice perpetuate gender inequality, undermines women’s autonomy and prioritise lineage continuity over individual rights and consent. This is highlighted by a quote from one of the male participants in Zimbabwe:

My second wife was my sister in law. I had three daughters with my first wife. I wanted a boy to maintain my family name. The in laws sent my sister in law so that she could stay with us. I remember at one time my in law requested me that my wife could go and look after her mother, my mother in law, who was sick. I was told that you could stay with your’ other’ wife. Whilst my wife was away, one thing led to another and I am now married to sisters. (Male, 62, Zimbabwe)

While most participants alluded that the family has sustained Chiramu some argued that families, because of the risk and prevalence of the abuse of young girls, have become protective and unsupportive of the practice. A participant with ambivalent views narrated,

I wouldn’t say they support it. This thing was just supposed to be about recognising your aunt’s husband or sister’s husband as your in law just so you know the relationship connection and you will be mindful of them in terms of behaviour, seeing them as father figures. Families do try to remove the temptation. Sometimes other families feel embarrassed to admonish the male in law then all we realise something has happened. (Female, 38, UK)

Legal pluralism and social injustice

This study established that the legal framework in Zimbabwe is not responsive enough to provide social justice for those young girls victimised under the guise of culture.

Alluding to this, a participant said:

When an innocent girl is pregnant the case is given to the courts, the village courts in those remote areas. The village court does nothing about it. (Female, 32, Zimbabwe)

Another participant chimed,

Such crimes are hardly reported so child abusers go free, families prefer to deal with it traditionally- paying reparations to the girl child’s mother? How does this change the course of the girl’s life? Having a child when she herself is a child. She’s ruined for life. (Female, 51, Zimbabwe)

It is worth noting that the Zimbabwean culture is strongly opposed to what it perceives to be an attack on the marriage union. In spite of young girls being abused by their female relatives’ husbands, girls often find themselves stigmatised by their families while the families, in their remit as arbitrators, will not only condemn the girl for a fault not of her own making but will accuse her of ‘breaking’ her relative’s marriage. The following statements highlight this:

the problem is when you are sexually abused your aunties will take side with the brother- in- law and they will say the girl was of no morals and was a prostitute. How can a girl below 19 years be called a prostitute? Its covering abuse and paedophilia because they want to protect the sister’s marriage. (Female, 34, UK)

when the girl gets pregnant they will still try and cover it up and the blame falls on the girl citing her weak morals or even accusing her of enticing her brother in law. They hardly blame the son in law because they want to protect the marriage of the older sister or aunt so the girl becomes the scapegoat. (Female, 28, UK)

Another issue that came out strongly was the issue of the dual legal system. Traditional courts handling abuses like rape and teenage pregnancy perpetuate injustice, as they prioritise cultural preservation over victims’ rights. Such crimes require legal prosecution to ensure accountability and protection for victims and survivors. This was summed up by a male participant in Zimbabwe:

My understanding is that abuses as a result of Chiramu even serious ones such as rape, sexual assault, even teenage pregnancy are often dealt with in traditional courts which are often presided by a family member, chief and this should never be the case because a crime has been committed. This should stop. (Male, 45, Zimbabwe)

These statements reveal the extent to which the family institution has sustained the harmful practice while also complicitly facilitating abuse through Chiramu. Furthermore, the family adopts double standards where they protect abusers while blaming the abused young women in order to preserve marriages.

Discussion

Nuances of culture, race and gender in Zimbabwe and the United Kingdom

While Chiramu is culturally specific to Zimbabwe, the UK-based participants, particularly within the diaspora, highlighted the tensions between preserving cultural identity and adapting to new legal and social norms. In the UK context, race and migration status intersect with gender in shaping both vulnerability and protection. For example, diaspora communities may maintain traditional practices as markers of cultural authenticity, but this can clash with UK safeguarding laws. Conversely, UK-based survivors may find greater institutional support but still face intra-community stigma and isolation, illustrating how gendered harm is mediated by racialised migrant experiences.

Postcolonial feminist analysis here reveals how racialised minority women in the United Kingdom can be caught between two patriarchal systems: one rooted in heritage culture and another embedded in the structural racism of host-country institutions (Erel et al., 2016). This dual marginalisation complicates disclosure, access to justice and culturally sensitive service provision.

Conclusion

This study explored how perspectives on Chiramu are evolving among Zimbabweans in Zimbabwe and those in the United Kingdom, highlighting the impact of modernisation, legal reforms and migration on traditional practices. Chiramu remains a highly contested cultural practice in Zimbabwe, with diverging perspectives on its relevance and impact. The practice stands at a crossroads between cultural tradition and human rights advocacy. While traditionally seen as a means of strengthening kinship, the practice has increasingly come under scrutiny for its potential to facilitate GBV.

While some continue to defend it as a form of playful kinship, growing evidence suggests that it contributes to GBV, power imbalances and victim silencing. The practice remains a serious human rights violation that disproportionately harms young girls through sexual exploitation, child marriage and educational marginalisation. As a culturally entrenched practice, it sustains patriarchal norms and reinforces gender inequality. The Zimbabwean diaspora, particularly in the United Kingdom, demonstrates a growing rejection of Chiramu due to its incompatibility with modern legal and social norms. However, within Zimbabwe, especially in rural areas, the practice is still supported by some as an essential part of cultural heritage.

Addressing Chiramu requires legal reforms, community awareness initiatives and education-based interventions to dismantle harmful traditions that violate children’s rights and hinder gender equality.

As Zimbabwe grapples with the complexities of cultural preservation and gender justice, it is essential to ask: Should Chiramu be abandoned entirely, or can it be reformed to align with contemporary values? Through continued dialogue, education and legal enforcement, Zimbabwean society must navigate this delicate balance to ensure that culture serves as a tool for unity and progress rather than oppression and harm. In sum, this study demonstrates that Chiramu is not a benign cultural artefact but a practice that entrenches gender inequality, facilitates sexual exploitation and perpetuates cycles of IPV. By combining postcolonial feminist critique with the ecological model of GBV, the analysis reveals how individual vulnerabilities, familial hierarchies, community norms and systemic patriarchal structures interact to sustain the practice, both in Zimbabwe and, in modified forms, within the diaspora.