Abstract
In comparison to white students, the study of Black student attitudes toward crime reporting on college campuses is deficient, especially in historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). Using approximately 100 completed student questionnaires, statistical results suggest that the majority of students express a willingness to report a campus-related crime to campus police. The highest reported explanation for refusing to report a crime is based upon the prospect of being labeled in a negative manner. The highest reported explanation for reporting a crime is based upon the receipt of a financial reward and anonymity. Bivariate calculations indicate that age, gender, and residential status are significantly associated with crime reporting decisions. Policy implications, areas of further research, and limitations are provided.
Keywords
Introduction
Unfortunately, it appears that national radical violence has become common in the US. Examples of such include the insurrection of the nation’s capital on January 6, 2021, which is considered an act of domestic terrorism (Knox, 2021). Within the Black community, we have witnessed higher rates of public exposure of police brutality levied against Blacks. Examples of such include the murder of George Floyd and Andrew Brown, Jr. Regardless of ideology, motive, or even context, a common denominator is that the general public was able to witness these events as they transpired through the use of technology. Within this societal theme, there are incidents of violence (that are not as obvious) which exist in university settings; occurrences of harm which can lead to significant academic, psychological, and physiological problems. These acts of violence can be addressed through the use of technology as a means of crime reporting. From this standpoint, a cell phone can be used as potential tool for advocacy among students, staff, and faculty who desire to affect change within HBCU settings. Within this process, Blacks will likely have to pursue social justice by interacting with those they might perceive as illegitimate.
Studies show that Black people are more likely to express unfavorable attitudes toward officers and their practices (Cao & Wu, 2019; Decker, 1981; Hurst et al., 2000). Historically, the relationship between Black people and the police has been contentious, starting from the enforcement of slave codes until the present day. Subsequently, Black people are more likely to report the following acts of police misconduct: having uncivil, involuntary, and adversarial contact; being illegally stopped, questioned, frisk/search; and experiencing verbal or physical abuse (Harris, 1997). Studies also show that Black people are less likely to have confidence in the police (Tyler, 2005). Furthermore, research demonstrates that Black youth tend to have more negative interactions with the police compared to their white counterparts. Black youth also have less confidence in the police; they believe that officers are more likely to disrespect them, and they feel that the police are less likely to assist them and care about their communities (Hurst et al., 2000; Lurigio et al., 2009). In light of research associated with crime reporting among Blacks, the following study examines the extent to which Black youth are willing to report crime in a historically Black college and university (HBCU).
Crime reporting is one of the most fundamental actions that citizens can take to assist police officers in their efforts to combat crime. Although the victimization rate for Black people is high compared to other races, Black people are more apprehensive about reporting illegal activity to the police (Ramirez, 2015). Research shows that populations that experience constant interactions and exposure with police, whether direct or indirect, have higher degrees of legal cynicism (or rejection of the law and its agents) (Kirk & Papachristos, 2011). The exposure to police at a young age, both in and out of school, may affect the development of how Black youth perceive the law, legal actors, and underlying social norms (Geller & Fagan, 2019). Compared to the general public, college students are less likely to report crimes to the police compared to non-college students (Hart, 2007; Truman & Rand, 2010). Furthermore, research shows that Black students have a lower likelihood to report campus incidences to campus police and local officers (Smith et al., 2011). This study adds to existing research by examining the likelihood of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU) students to report crimes to campus police. More specifically, this exploratory study will address the following inquiries:
To what extent are students willing to report campus related crimes?
What explanations are linked to students’ unwillingness to report campus related crimes?
Under what conditions are students most willing to report campus related crimes?
What individual-level characteristics are determinants of students’ unwillingness to report campus related crimes?
This research is important as it attempts to identify the degree to which HBCU students are willing to assist officers in their efforts to reduce crime; therefore, possibly uncovering their degree of legal cynicism directed toward officers. Viewing the police in a positive light and as a legitimate institution, in addition to having confidence in legal authorities, helps to further police initiatives in serving and protecting the rights of individuals.
Literature Review
The decision to report crime stems from a number of factors including (1) collective racial/cultural decisions and social influences (Ramirez, 2015; Sharps & Robinson, 2017), (2) campus support and stigmatization (Patton & Snyder-Yuly, 2007), as well as (3) media influences and social cohesion.
Black Crime Reporting in General: Fear and Distrust
Despite high rates of criminal victimization, Blacks in the general population, particularly Blacks of lower socioeconomic status living in lower income neighborhoods (Ramirez, 2015), tend to be apprehensive about reporting criminal victimization, witnessing a crime, or being told about a crime. This often relates to a distrust of police that began with slave patrols (Turner et al., 2006) and continues with centuries of police presence being generated by white fear (Stults & Baumer, 2007), police abuse of power, police brutality, and skepticism of police effectiveness to prevent and solve crimes (Ramirez, 2015). Distrust of police and the criminal justice system shapes experiences and perspectives of many Blacks living in communities in which Blacks exist as the dominant or racially under-represented group.
Although police can be helpful and needed, it is difficult for Blacks to balance a need for police presence with Black distrust of police and the criminal justice system (Ramirez, 2015). However, Blacks may support preventative crime measures such as improving neighborhoods and schools, rather than punitive measures (Ramirez, 2015). Preventative measures potentially reduce crime and police presence. However, when Blacks learn more about the police and the criminal justice system, there can be increased support for punitive measures to reduce crime and prevent future interactions between offenders and victims. Future interactions are most common when Blacks are victimized by Black offenders (Ramirez, 2015; Xie & Lauritsen, 2012). Knowledge of police and the criminal justice system can increase understanding and trust. It can also contribute to Blacks balancing preventative measures with punitive measures and becoming more willing to report crime.
Most criminal activity is intra-racial (i.e., victim and offender of the same race and ethnicity) but crime reporting varies by race of the offender and race of the victim. In a test of Donald Black’s Stratification Hypothesis, Xie and Lauritsen (2012) find crime reporting is directly associated with offender race and victim race in metropolitan areas with higher residential racial segregation and a higher gap in socioeconomic status between Blacks and Whites. For instance, they discovered higher crime reporting for black-on-white assault incidents and lower crime reporting for white-on-black assault incidents. What does not support Black’s Stratification Hypothesis is the highest crime reporting for black-on-black incidents of assault. Furthermore, their study revealed that Blacks are less trusting of police when the offender is White because Whites are treated more fairly by police and they have more access to socio-political resources than a Black victim.
With this tendency of distrust of police and the criminal justice system, and complexity in Blacks reporting crimes, it is not surprising that Black college students might distrust campus police and be cautious to report a crime. Such distrust and apprehension are prevalent at HBCUs and, perhaps, are even more prevalent at predominantly white colleges and universities in which Black students are a racially under-represented group.
Social Influences on the Decision (and Failure) to Report Crime
Aside from racial or cultural influences, the decision to report a crime is socially influenced (Spelman & Brown, 1981; Van Kirk, 1978). Moreover, there is reason to believe that social influence (as contrasted with affective and cognitive) might be the strongest predictor of the decision to report a crime (Greenberg & Beach, 2004; Greenberg & Ruback, 1992). Therefore, it is useful to explore the social influences that may operate on an HBCU student’s decision to report a crime. One form of social pressure falls under the heading of “informational social influence” (Cialdini, 1993). This occurs when a situation is ambiguous and a person does not know the most appropriate course of action, thus referring to others for information (Sharps & Robinson, 2017).
Several factors affect whether individuals will conform to informational social influence. Crisis situations and the perception of others as experts are associated with the prospect of conforming to informational influence (Cialdini & Trost, 1998). The logic is that crisis situations, besides being often novel and ambiguous, give people little time to carefully consider the situation. Therefore, if others seem to have more knowledge, people may be especially likely to subscribe and adhere to their suggestions. Beyond others impacting behavior through providing information, they may also exert social pressure to do things that are perceived as wrong or fail to act as a person would otherwise think is appropriate (Woldoff & Weiss, 2010). Subsequently, people may give in to normative social influence (i.e., implicit and explicit exceptions for how people ought to think, feel, and behave). A great deal of psychological research has demonstrated the impact of normative social influence (see, e.g., Asch, 1955; Kruglanski & Webster, 1991). This has been extended to several pressing social issues, such as bullying (Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004) and disordered eating behavior (Gilmin, 1994).
Factors associated with crime reporting in non-HBCU settings
Given the lack of studies in HBCU settings, studies in non-HBCU settings reveal a number of factors associated with crime reporting. This includes (but is not limited to) (1) the type of offense (i.e., violent compared to non-violent) as well as the application of the legal definitions associated with certain offenses (Cleere & Lynn, 2013), (2) the use of alcohol, especially among those who experience moderate and high levels of intoxication (Mohler-Kuo et al., 2004), (3) the relationship between offender and victim, with reporting likely to occur when the offender is considered a stranger by the victim (Felson & Pare, 2005), and (4) environmental aspects such as partying and recreational activities in university settings (Armstrong et al., 2006; Greenberg & Ruback, 1992; Menard, 2005).
Black Crime Reporting on College Campuses
Across racial and ethnic groups, college students are less likely than individuals ages 18 to 23 in the general population to report crimes to police (Hart, 2007; Truman & Rand, 2010). Hart and Colavito (2011) find college students are more likely to report a crime to police based on two factors. The first factor is if the students are willing to intervene when a crime is being committed. The second factor is that if the crime is considered severe in cost or harm caused, then students are more likely to report a crime to police.
Support for Black students is important at HBCUs and predominantly white institutions (PWIs) (Chen et al., 2014). For various reasons, Black college students can be uncomfortable on college campuses. Colleges and campus police play a central role in race-gender assumptions of criminal offending, victimization, and campus crime reporting (Patton & Snyder-Yuly, 2007). As with the general population, college students are most likely to be victimized by an acquaintance rather than a stranger (Noonan & Vavra, 2007). Colleges need to provide information and resources for students and provide additional safety for students with marginalized, underrepresented, and underserviced identities (Clowes et al., 2009).
Relative to other populations, crime reporting studies related to Black college students is minimal. Among studies which examine crime reporting among Blacks in HBCU settings, Robinson (2018), who examined data from nearly 400 victims of attempted and completed sexual assault, identified certain factors that yield significant influence with respect to not reporting crime. This includes the offender’s and victim’s affiliation and membership in a Greek organization or athletic team. In addition, females who have had previous experience in relation to attempted and completed sexual assault before entering college were less likely to report the incident to authorities, a close family member, or a friend.
Black People and Failure to Report Crime
Among Black people, as well as other racially under-represented groups, reluctance and failure to report crime to the police is a common phenomenon. Studies reveal a variety of causes and correlates related to this code of silence which include cultural, historical, sociological, and political perspectives. Crime reporting, especially among racially under-represented youth, is often discouraged and those who engage in such may experience stigmatization. Often referred to as snitching, research reveals a multiplicity of factors which discourage crime reporting and other types of cooperation with police within racially under-represented communities. Examples of such include both individual and collective responses among Black youth with respect to hip hop music, the war on drugs, mass incarceration rates, stop and frisk police tactics, and the use of criminal informants in drug prosecution cases; in essence, the proliferation of perceived and actual instances of injustice toward Black people in the criminal justice system (Clampet-Lundquist et al., 2015).
In addition to legal factors, cultural dynamics have encouraged alternative methods of conflict resolution as opposed to reporting crime to or cooperating with police. For instance, the code of the streets (Anderson, 1999) offers an informal (and sometimes violent) alternative for settling disputes within isolated and urban racially under-represented communities. In general, studies indicate that the lack of trust toward law enforcement in Black and Hispanic communities as well as the possibility of stigmatization serves as the basis of the no-snitch culture which may explain the failure of reporting crime to the police among Black youth (Solis et al., 2009; Woldoff & Weiss, 2010). To date, the authors are not aware of any studies related to the stigmatization associated with crime reporting among Black college students within HBCU settings.
Media Influences
Media may have an impact upon the perceptions of police and crime reporting decisions among Black and other minorities, especially in cases which depict instances of police brutality which receives a high degree of coverage (Weitzer, 2002). Weitzer (2002), in a study which examined the impact of highly publicized cases of police misconduct in the cities of New York and Los Angeles, revealed that the depiction of police brutality toward racially under-represented groups resulted in lower levels of support for the police among Black people. Despite the lack of support in racially under-represented groups, skepticism toward the police may not translate into failure to cooperate with police or report crime to police. To that end, Desmond et al. (2012), conducted a study which illustrates how excessive police force can affect crime reporting in Milwaukee. By analyzing over 800,000 911 calls, their results indicate that after an incident of local excessive police force was depicted, the number of 911 calls in Black communities declined significantly. The same phenomenon of lower 911 calls in Black communities also existed as a result of depicted accounts of excessive police force that took place in areas outside of Milwaukee. This, and other similar studies, points to the power of media-depicted police brutality as a suppressing agent of crime reporting among racially under-represented groups. In light of such, this study will examine if negative media-depicted content influences crime reporting among HBCU students.
Social Cohesion, Motivation for Reporting
A number of studies point to the value of social interaction and cohesion among individuals as a crime prevention and mitigation mechanism, especially within racially under-represented groups (Rios et al., 2012). For instance, among Latinx families, Soltero et al. (2017) conducted a study which examined the influence of social cohesion in relation to perceptions of traffic activity and crime. Using data collected from 240 Latinx parents, their results revealed that higher levels of social cohesion is associated with higher levels of perceived community safety. The same phenomenon is evident among Black people, in which community social interaction and activities may lead to increased instances of collective vigilance resulting in the prospect of deterrence in relation to crime and unlawful behavior (Griffin et al., 2007). Given the influence of social cohesion and crime reporting, a similar phenomenon may exist among Black students who attend an HBCU.
What is Needed for Black Students to Report Crimes?
To address crime in college campuses, Black students at HBCUs and PWIs need support systems. Included in the support system should be school officials and campus police. Campus police need policies and procedures that provide emergency health services, proven safe campus transportation, and campus surveillance. Rather than isolation and stigmatization, Black students need resources to express concerns about common campus offenses such as excessive alcohol consumption and unwanted sexual behavior. To that end, teaching Black students about school policies as well as local and state laws may increase the safety and support of Black students (Center for Assessment, 2009). The need for support systems among Black people should be assessed at aggregate and institutional levels (Soares, 2004) for the purpose of identifying the effectiveness of police within HBCU settings, which may potentially improve campus community-police relations and crime reporting. Within this vein, technology might be used as a crime reporting mechanism among Black students under certain conditions (e.g., anonymity, etc.).
Method
This investigation took place during the 2018 to 2019 academic year at an HBCU in the eastern region of the United States. With approximately 900 undergraduate students, the institution offers a variety of academic programs including Business and Management Technology, Humanities, Education and Social Sciences, Public Health and Mathematics, General Studies, and Military Science. Within the School of Humanities, Education, Social and Behavioral Sciences (SHESBS), the criminal justice program has approximately 100 students classified as declared majors. Authorization for the study was provided by the University Institutional Review Board (IRB) prior to the student data collection process in the fall of 2018.
Student recruitment efforts involve informal techniques such as word of mouth between students as well as assistance by faculty who agreed to distribute surveys in their respective courses. Based upon the disciplinary nature (e.g., criminal justice, psychology, etc.) of the questions in the survey, all of the students who were offered the opportunity of participating in the data collection process were enrolled in specific courses within the scope of Humanities as well as Social and Behavioral Sciences. This includes students enrolled in the courses of Psychology, English, Sociology, and Criminal Justice. Incentives provided for the completion of the surveys included students receiving extra credit points to any of their required course assignments. A total 105 surveys were distributed with a total of 99 returned which included undergraduate students classified between freshman and senior level status.
Students who participated in the data collection process completed a survey which includes a total of 19 questions associated with numerous aspects of campus-related crimes. Utilizing a six-point Likert scale, the survey offered the following types of responses for each question: 1 = strongly disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = somewhat disagree, 4 = somewhat agree, 5 = agree, and 6 = strongly agree. The rationale for selecting this instrument was based upon the goal of providing a generalized assessment of student responses. In addition, the initial approach of collecting ordinal-level data affords the latitude of recoding student response into dichotomous classifications for the purpose of engaging in further statistical calculations (i.e., bivariate, regression, etc.). The independent variables in this study include the student characteristics of age, gender, academic classification, and residential status. The dependent variables are based upon the survey responses provided by the students. Procedures related to coding on the basis of gender and residential status include males (1) and females (0) as well as on-campus (1) and off-campus (0). Coding measures utilized in regard to age distinctions were based upon the following: 16 to 18 years, (1); 19 to 21 years, (2); 22 to 24 years, (3); and 25+ years, (4). Academic classification distinctions were based upon the following: freshman (1), sophomore (2), junior (3), and senior (4).
Results
The descriptive characteristics associated with the students in the research sample are identified in Table 1. In terms of academic classification, students identified as freshman constitute the highest population (n = 54) at 56% while sophomores, the lowest population, account for 8% (n = 8). With regards to gender and race, males (n = 54) and Black people (n = 85) account for the majority of the sample population at 56% and 89%. Finally, in relation to age and residential status, students between the ages 19 to 21 (n = 43) and those who reside on campus (n = 83) constitute 48% and 86%.
Descriptive Analysis of Student Characteristics.
Table 2 identifies the student responses to inquiries related to campus related crime reporting. The majority of the students (n = 59, 63%) reported they are likely to report crime. However, specific explanations related to the failure of reporting crime include a host of responses. This includes retaliation (n = 64, 66%), stigma (n = 72, 74%), experiencing the reporting process (n = 71, 72%), and experiencing the prospect of being a potential suspect (n = 58, 60%). Additional rationales include failing to report crimes due to the negative perceptions police interactions with racially under-represented groups (n = 68, 69%), past negative experiences with police (n = 68, 70%) and the negative police related experiences of others (n = 70, 73%). The greatest reported explanation of failing to report a crime is the prospect of a negative label (74%) and the least reported explanation is the prospect of being considered a possible crime suspect (60%).
Means and Standard Deviations of Student Attitudes toward Reporting Crimes at an HBCU.
Note. Frequencies represent the number of students who indicated some level of agreement (i.e., strongly agree, agree, somewhat agree). Means represent the average rating on the scale of 1 to 6.
Conditions in which students are likely to report crime include the use of technology as opposed to face-to-face interaction (n = 71, 73%), the use of technology (i.e., cell phone, etc.) and the receipt of a financial reward (n = 76, 78%), the use of a cell phone that includes an unidentified number (n = 71, 72%), and the use of cell phone in which the phone number disappears after 24 hours (n = 66, 67%). As identified, the greatest reported condition of reporting crime is the receipt of a financial reward as a result of using technology (78%) and the least reported condition is based upon cell phone information disappearing after 24 hours (67%).
Bivariate statistical results associated with the dependent variables (i.e., student responses) are identified in Table 3. This includes the independent variables of age, gender, and residential status. Age categories, which include distinctions on the basis of those between the ages 19 to 21 compared to ages that fall outside of this range, reveal statistical significance (p < .01) on the basis of failing to report crime due to negative media images of police interacting with racially under-represented groups. Particularly, students between the ages of 19 to 21 are more likely to avoid reporting crime compared to students who ages do not fall between 19 and 21. With respect to gender, females are more likely than males to avoid reporting crime due to negative media images of police interacting with racially under-represented groups (p < .01). Compared to males, females are also more likely to avoid reporting crime due to negative experiences with police (p < .05). Conclusively, in terms of residential status, students who do not live on-campus are more likely to avoid reporting crime due to the prospect of being considered a suspect to crime compared to those living on campus (p < .01).
Chi-Square Results of Student Crime Reporting on the basis of Age, Gender, and Residential Status.
p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Discussion
Law enforcement needs the public’s assistance to work effectively and positive views of officers among the citizenry is imperative to the success and legitimacy of the police. Research indicates that having favorable opinions of the police is linked to willingness to assist law enforcement in their efforts which has broader ramifications for the legitimacy of police officers (Renauer & Covelli, 2011). In other words, positive experiences of the police are linked to having confidence in the institution of policing (Rosenbaum et al., 2005; Weitzer, 2002).
Crime reporting is one of the main activities in which citizens can support the police in their crime-fighting initiatives. Having confidence and favorable opinions of legal authorities is likely to result in increased instances of crime reporting and cooperation with law enforcement personnel. This study examines the likelihood of crime reporting among Black students who attend an HBCU, a population in which one may assume would be hesitant to report crimes to campus authorities. This research is important as it seeks to determine the viewpoint of this group, specifically their willingness to work with officers in efforts to solve and reduce crime. In alignment with the purpose of this study, the following previously identified research inquiries are provided.
Question 1: To what extent are students willing to report campus related crimes?
As indicated in Table 2, the majority of the students in the sample (63%) reported they are likely to report crime to the police. These results are supported in the literature from a theoretical standpoint. For instance, with over 80% of the student sample population residing on campus, the findings might reflect the positive influence of certain community-based experiences such as close physical proximity and social intimacy (i.e., social cohesion) in residential settings. In general, social cohesion may serve as either a direct or indirect factor in preserving community relationships through the reporting of crime among individuals (Hirschfield & Bowers, 1997).
The relationship between residential proximity and crime reporting among Black people extends beyond the scope of an academic setting. In a study which identified the extent of crime reporting among minorities and immigrants in New York City, Black people were more likely to report certain types of crimes in comparison with other populations. This included the offenses of burglary and muggings (Davis & Henderson, 2003). In studies which compared reporting preferences between Black people and Whites, Black people have reported that they are likely to report crimes; however, their perception regarding the prospect of their claims being warranted as serious might reveal a critical reservation (Bobo & Thompson, 2006).
Question 2: What explanations are linked to students’ unwillingness to report campus related crimes?
As revealed in Table 2, the greatest reported explanation related to why students are unwilling to report crimes is the prospect of being stigmatized. This finding is consistent in the literature; especially in studies which highlight the use of theories related to social disorganization, strain, and various sub-cultural theories among minorities. In the same manner that reporting crimes (or socially prohibited activities) is frown upon by prison inmates, military personnel, police officers, adolescent students, and members of fraternities and sororities, this social dynamic is similar in a variety of studies associated with Black people, especially those exposed to certain social and community factors (Woldoff & Weiss, 2010).
Theoretically, the notion of individuals experiencing stigmatization as a result of reporting crimes or cooperating with law enforcement personnel is often referred to as “anti-snitching,” a term that is commonly derived from a social dynamic described in the “code of the streets” by Anderson (1999). The initial development of this subcultural theory stems from multiple factors identified among high percentages of Black people. This includes high levels of residential locations in urban areas plagued with high levels of poverty and low levels of academic achievement and income resulting in increased levels of exposure to crime (Wilson, 1987). According to Elijah Anderson, certain anti-conventional sentiments among poor Black people leads to ideas of earning respect based upon assuming individual responsibility for addressing matters. This includes not reporting or cooperating with the police based upon a lack of trust among Black people as a reflection of their alienation from mainstream society, also referred to oppositional culture (Anderson, 1999). Ultimately, impoverished areas lead to cultural mentalities among Black people, as well as other minorities) where informal social norms dictate attitudes and behaviors, thus resulting in lower levels of social cohesion, cooperative behavior and collective identity, which serve as barriers to crime and disorder in residential settings (Sampson et al., 1997; Smith, 2007).
Question 3: Under what conditions are students most willing to report campus related crimes?
In Table 2, the use of technology along with the receipt of financial reward was the greatest reported explanation related to crime reporting among students in the sample. A theoretical basis of the results may stem from what is referred to as the theory of planned behavior. The assumptions of this theory, within the context of this study, is based upon the idea that students will report crime in exchange for financial reward if they (1) possess a positive attitude regarding the potential outcome of reporting crime, (2) are associated with others who share a similar viewpoint, and (3) believe they are capable of actually reporting crime (Ajzen, 1991). In comparison to other studies, the propensity of crime reporting among Black people may reflect the possibility of prior victimization, especially in the area of violent crimes such as sexual assault (Baumer & Lauritsen, 2010). Contextually, this decision may exist as a result of the lack of alternative measures as opposed to confidence in the police. To that end, studies suggest that various crime reporting measures supported by Black people may differ in relation to whether they are likely to actually report crimes. Furthermore, there is also what appears to be an inconsistency in terms of Black people revealing the need for police in order to reduce crime despite having unfavorable opinions toward police (Carr et al., 2007).
Question 4: What individual-level characteristics are determinants of students’ unwillingness to report campus related crimes?
In Table 3, in comparison to students whose ages fall outside the range of 19 to 21, students between the ages of 19 to 21 fail to report crime due to the negative media depiction of Black people. In relation to gender, females reported higher rates of failure to report crimes compared to males due to the same explanation. These results, which is supported in literature, serve as evidence which supports the validity of the cultivation theory. Within the framework of this study, this theory is based upon the premise that Black people who witness images of individuals who have similar racial and ethnic characteristics are likely to internalize such representations as valid and realistic, thus influencing their attitudes and behavior (Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Watkins, 2005). Females were also more likely than males to reveal higher levels of failure to report crime due to the negative police interactions of others, thus revealing the influence of social relationships and communication (Hsieh & Urquiola, 2006). Finally, in comparison to students who reside on campus, students who do not reside in residential campus settings report higher levels of failing to report crime due to the prospect of being considered a potential criminal suspect.
Policy Implications
To further improve the likelihood of crime reporting, there should be more events on college campuses to increase social cohesion and to lessen the stigmatization associated with working with police institutions. Specifically, universities can borrow ideas from community policing initiatives, for instance, positioning mini-stations throughout the campus, increasing foot patrols, and more importantly, holding more events that are designed to unite the police and the community (Skogan & Hartnett, 1997; Trojanowicz, 1986). These events may help to lessen the apprehension that students may feel when approaching police officers. Police perform a critically important role in public safety as they have the ability to encourage crime reporting by engaging in trustworthy practices (Tyler & Fagan, 2008). In Montclair State University’s police department, officers use bicycle patrol to increase safety awareness and police visibility (Annual Security Report, 2021); this strategy provides an opportunity for the officers to interact with the public. Furthermore, Montclair State University also established a security survey program, where officers survey an area that was reported unsafe by members of the public (Annual Security Report, 2021). This program may help to increase the degree of trustworthiness that civilians have for officers as the outcomes of reported cases are visible and immediate.
Increased interaction between the police and citizens may also assist in deconstructing some of the core values embedded within the police culture. Although there remains some vagueness surrounding the term “police culture,” scholars have made an effort to identify the extent to which culture impacts the behaviors of officers (Mastrofski, 2004). Some studies have identified a link between cultural attitudes and behaviors of officers. Two prevalent attributes linked to police culture are that officers have a distrust for civilians (Skolnick, 1966) and that officers engage in aggressive police tactics (Worden, 1995). Scholars note that these perspectives and behaviors serve as coping mechanisms to reduce the amount of strain in their day to day occupations (Paoline, 2003). Ideally, the more that officers interact with the general public or with students (in this case), the more these notions can be deconstructed, thus allowing for a better relationship between officers and students.
Furthermore, college administrators should make contact with police supervisors in order to promote community policing initiatives. Literature demonstrates that police behavior is influenced by a number of factors, one being the relationship that officers have with their supervisors (Jonathan-Zamir & Harpaz, 2018; Muir, 1977; Paoline, 2003). Supervisors, particularly those who treat their subordinates fairly, are more likely to convince their line officers to modify common police practices and be receptive to community policing approaches (Skogan & Hartnett, 1997). College administrators should work with police supervisors so that they can help steer line officers into supporting community policing initiatives.
Universities and the police can also learn more about campus crimes and encourage students to report crimes by comparing campus characteristics to city characteristics and conducting yearly campus crime report assessments of demographics for victims and offenders (Hart & Colavito, 2011). Student surveys and other forms of self-reports may assist academic institutions in establishing a comprehensive assessment of criminal victimization, offending, why most students do not report crimes, and whether this varies across student demographics.
Universities can also advertise safety awareness and their services as a means to increase crime reporting. To promote more awareness, universities can install emergency phones throughout their campuses. For instance, in addition to having 24 hour police surveillance via cars, bikes, and foot patrol, Miami University Police installed emergency phones, which are placed in accessible and visible locations throughout their campuses. When the emergency phone is activated, it connects to a person who will dispatch the police (Campus Crime Prevention and Security Awareness Programs, 2021). Failure of reporting crime on college campuses may also transpire due to the confusion that students may have with the official reporting requirements (Eisenberg et al., 2021); to address this concern, crime prevention programs, which cover the extent of safety precautions taken at the university, can be established on campus. Montclair State University currently has a program called “the Campus Crime Watch Program,” which educates campus residents about the safety and security measures taken on campus. The university police also run a number of crime prevention programs to educate the public on various safety techniques (Annual Security Report, 2021).
Practical insight and policies are key to addressing campus related crimes. The basis of such stems from the Campus Sexual Violence Elimination Act which requires campuses to provide resources (i.e., counseling, legal assistance, etc.) designed to address victims of sexual assault. Based upon studies within university settings, identified prevention, response, and notification measures suggest that campuses provide the following: (1) increased awareness of student’s rights in relation to federal legislation. This includes Title IX of the Educational Amendments of 1972 as well as the Clery Act in which universities share information regarding their obligation to (1) investigate and resolve incidents of alleged sexual assault and (2) inform students of their right to file a complaint as well as their access to pertinent resources (i.e., mental health, etc.); (2) an increased awareness of university policies, procedures, programs, and resources in relation to reporting sexual assaults. According to Clery, the information must be available whereby access is openly identifiable (i.e., university website, etc.); and (3) an increased awareness of disciplinary procedures associated with reported campus sexual assaults. This includes procedures for (1) those falsely accused, (2) distinctions between sexual misconduct and sexual assault, and (3) notification of disciplinary outcomes for both the accused and accuser (Richards, 2019).
Limitations and Areas of Further Investigation
There are a few limitations in this study. The study did uncover possible reasons linked to the likelihood of students reporting crimes to authorities; however, future research should include a qualitative approach to gain greater insight into the respondents’ answers. For instance, what is it about technology that increases the likelihood of reporting? Is it the increased ease or the lack of a requirement of coming face-to-face with the police? Secondly, when considering the unit of analysis, the respondents may be viewed as a “limited sample group” as the sample consists of approximately 100 students who come from one southern university. Future studies should consider having a larger sample of students who attend various HBCUs throughout the United States. Also, cross-sectional data were used; therefore, it is not possible to assess change. Future studies should make a concerted effort to carry out longitudinal research.
This study did not consider the possible impact that neighborhood context may have on crime reporting amongst students who attend HBCUs. A small body of research demonstrates that neighborhood context influences police-citizen relations. For instance, the racial composition of a neighborhood is linked to attitudes of the police and interactions with them. Furthermore, residents of poor and racially under-represented communities are found to have poor relationships with officers compared to white and middle-class neighborhoods (Sampson & Bartusch, 1998). With the emergence of proactive police measures, more police work is centralized in racially under-represented communities; thus, members of these communities experience a great deal of police surveillance and police contact (Rosenbaum et al., 2005). Studies show that Black people, more so than their counterparts, have disproportionate interactions with police (Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2005) and are treated with less respect (Weitzer, 1999). In conclusion, scholars may want to consider factoring in neighborhood context when exploring the likelihood of HBCU students reporting crimes to authorities as it may uncover variations within this group. Furthermore, this study failed to consider how the respondents’ view toward campus police may have been influenced by their college environment. Future studies should consider developing an instrument which measures the students’ opinions of officers prior to their enrollment in an HBCU.
This study did not consider the possible impact that the gender or racial composition of the campus police department may have on the likelihood to report crime. Some studies suggest that there are fragmentations in police culture when considering the gender or race of officers (Fyfe, 1981; Garcia, 2003; Geller & Scott, 1992; Sun, 2003; Sun & Payne, 2004). For instance, some studies demonstrate that Black officers are more likely to have positive attitudes toward legal restrictions (Sun, 2003), are more supportive of performing order-maintenance duties (Leinen, 1984; Sun & Payne, 2004); and are better able to manage conflict without resorting to strict police action (Leinen, 1984; Paoline et al., 2000; Sun & Payne, 2004). As for female police officers, studies show that they are more inclined to have a broader role orientation (approval of both law enforcement and order maintenance practices) (Garcia, 2003); and have less favorable attitudes toward aggressive patrol (Paoline et al., 2000). Future research should attempt to see if there are differences in crime reporting among Black students who attend an HBCU when considering the officer’s race or gender.
Additional research is needed to examine factors related to crime reporting among college minorities who are classified as underrepresented populations in the US. Without such, university officials may not be able to identify barriers associated with crime reporting. In short, the failure of crime reporting might be an extension of an institutional culture which is either not motivated or incapable of addressing violence in certain settings (Bennett, 2018). Future research should examine the (1) opinions of faculty, staff, and administration in relation to their knowledge of the impact of campus crimes with respect to academic performance and psychological wellbeing; (2) factors associated with CR among minorities who identify themselves as members of the LGBTQ community; and (3) barriers to CR as identified by campus counseling and university security staff (Jordan et al., 2014; Wood et al., 2021).
In sum, the results of this study reveal that a majority of HBCU students are willing to report a campus-related crime to university police; however, those who hesitated to report to authorities express a fear of being negatively labeled. These perceptions may derive from Black people who view officers in a negative light than their counterparts (e.g., Whites, Asians, etc.) having higher degrees of legal cynicism and less confidence in their willingness to engage in procedural justice. Safety on a college campus is crucial for the learning experiences of students. Research indicates that a student’s sense of security is linked to academic performance (Bennett-Johnson, 1997; Keel, 2004). Thus, maintaining safety and order should be a priority for any university. Universities should implement efforts designed to strengthen ties between their students and the police to better ensure the safety and security of their students, faculty, and staff.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
