Abstract
This study examined the relationship between exposure to police brutality on social media and race-based stress among Black college freshmen, as well as the potential moderating effects of racial identity and racial socialization. A national sample of 292 first-year Black college students (151 females, 141 males) completed a Qualtrics survey measuring demographic characteristics, police brutality exposure, race-based stress, racial socialization, and racial identity. Guided by Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Social Identity Theory (SIT), this study situates Black college students’ responses to police brutality exposure within broader structural and identity-based processes that shape interpretations of racialized violence. Analyses showed that race-based stress was negatively correlated with both racial identity and racial socialization, suggesting their potential protective roles. An unexpected negative correlation also emerged between exposure to police brutality and race-based stress, although this association did not remain significant in multivariate regression models. Neither racial identity nor racial socialization significantly moderated the exposure–stress relationship. Findings highlight the complexity of social media as both a site of racial trauma and resilience. Counseling implications, measurement limitations, and directions for future research on vicarious racial trauma in digital contexts are discussed.
Plain Language Summary
Videos and posts about police violence against Black individuals are widely shared on social media. Many Black college students regularly encounter this content, which may affect their mental health. This study examined whether exposure to police brutality on social media is related to race-related stress among Black college freshmen. It also explored whether racial identity and racial socialization might help protect students from stress. A national sample of 292 Black college freshmen completed an online survey about their social media exposure to police brutality, race-based stress, racial identity, and racial socialization. Students reported frequent exposure to police brutality content online. Results showed that students with stronger racial identity and more racial socialization messages from parents tended to report lower levels of race-related stress. However, these factors did not significantly change the relationship between exposure to police brutality and stress when examined together in statistical models. Overall, the findings suggest that the relationship between social media exposure to police violence and mental health is complex. Social media may expose students to racial trauma, but it may also provide opportunities for awareness, connection, and community support. These findings highlight the importance of understanding how online exposure to racial violence affects the well-being of Black college students.
Introduction
High-profile deaths such as those of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor have underscored the persistent issue of police violence against Black Americans (Chaney & Roberston, 2013; English et al., 2020; Feldman et al., 2017; Lee & Park, 2017; Moody-Ramirez et al., 2021; Stinson, 2017; Swaine et al., 2015). These incidents, widely circulated on social media, underscore a historical reality of police violence against Black individuals (Blackmon, 2009; Bradford, 2011; Ekins, 2016; Foner, 2015), shaping a perception of vulnerability and racism among Black communities. The frequency and visibility of such events, often referred to as police brutality, are associated with adverse psychological outcomes not only for those directly involved but also for observers, including young adults (Ang, 2020; Bor et al., 2018; Tynes et al., 2019).
Exposure to police violence is linked to mental health consequences, including increased rates of PTSD, depression, and anxiety (Alang et al., 2017; Curtis et al., 2021; Galovski et al., 2016; Geller et al., 2014; Jee-Lyn Garcia & Sharif, 2015; McFarland et al., 2019; Sugie & Turney, 2017; Turney, 2021; Tynes et al., 2019; Yimgang et al., 2017). Both direct and vicarious exposures to police violence contribute to traumatic and chronic stress in Black youth’s lives (Brunson, 2007; R. K. Brunson & Miller, 2006; Harris & Jones, 2020). For Black college students in particular, such content may serve as both a reminder of collective vulnerability and a trigger for race-based traumatic stress, characterized as a psychological response to racism-related experiences (Carter et al., 2013; Landers et al., 2011). Race-based traumatic stress involves emotional and physiological reactions to racial discrimination or witnessing racial violence, and is particularly relevant in understanding the psychological toll of social media exposure to police brutality (Motley et al., 2023). For many Black youth, these virtual encounters are not abstract but deeply personal, reinforcing their own experiences with systemic injustice (Campbell & Valera, 2020; A. M. McLeroy & Wang, 2024; Motley et al., 2023).
To mitigate stress, Black parents can employ racial socialization messages—verbal and nonverbal communications that prepare children to understand, navigate, and respond to race-related experiences while instilling cultural pride and awareness of potential bias (Hughes et al., 2006; Stevenson, 1994; McLoyd et al., 2005). These socialization processes ultimately help children develop a positive racial identity, defined as the degree to which individuals identify with, feel pride in, and derive meaning from their racial group membership (Phinney, 1992; Sellers et al., 1998; Martin, 2008). Racial identity, an additional protective factor against stress, fosters a positive self-concept and effective coping with racism (Hughes et al., 2006). The moderating effects of racial socialization and racial identity on race-based stress are supported by research (Bynum et al., 2007; Neblett et al., 2009). Given the current social and political environment involving police brutality and the Black community, further research is needed in this area to determine whether racial socialization and racial identity, together, can mitigate the impact of racial stress as a result of direct and indirect encounters of police brutality. The following section reviews the emerging literature on social media exposure to police brutality and its psychological implications for Black college students.
Social Media, Police Brutality, and the Mental Health of Black College Students
In recent years, widespread access to social media has transformed the way Black communities encounter and process racialized violence (Auxier & Anderson, 2021; Cookingham & Ryan, 2015; O’Keeffe & Clarke-Pearson, 2011). Platforms like Twitter, Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook have become conduits for unfiltered, real-time exposure to incidents of police brutality (Clark et al., 2017). These platforms have democratized information-sharing, but also introduced new pathways for psychological harm through vicarious exposure to racially traumatic content (Campbell & Valera, 2020; Tynes et al., 2014; Tynes et al., 2019).
Vicarious exposure to police violence, defined as witnessing or learning about violent incidents without direct involvement, has been shown to negatively impact mental health, particularly among Black youth and young adults. Studies have linked this form of exposure to heightened symptoms of depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress, and emotional numbing (Bor et al., 2018; Galovski et al., 2016; Tao & Fisher, 2022). Importantly, these symptoms can be just as severe as those resulting from direct racial discrimination or police encounters (Curtis et al., 2021; Sewell & Jefferson, 2016).
A recent study by A. M. McLeroy and Wang (2024) provides critical insight into how these dynamics unfold for Black college freshmen. Through qualitative interviews, the authors found that students exposed to police brutality on social media often experienced disrupted sleep, anger, sadness, and pervasive fear of law enforcement. The study also revealed that such exposure influenced participants’ behaviors (e.g., avoiding certain public spaces) and their perceptions of safety and justice in the U.S. These findings underscore the profound psychological consequences of repeatedly viewing racially violent content online, even in the absence of direct police contact. Additional qualitative work further illustrates these dynamics, documenting how Black college students report grief, trauma, and anticipatory fear following repeated exposure to police killings of Black Americans (Auxier & Anderson, 2021; M. G. Harris & O’Brien, 2024; Tanksley, 2024; Wilson et al., 2024).
At the same time, social media is not a monolith. For many Black youth, it also functions as a space for empowerment, resistance, and identity affirmation (Sihvonen, 2015). As noted by Tynes et al. (2019), exposure to race-related traumatic events online is uniquely potent because of its chronic, pervasive, and unfiltered nature. Unlike traditional media, social media fosters interactive engagement with racially charged content through comments, shares, and algorithms that amplify similar posts, which lead to cumulative exposure that may intensify emotional responses (Barlett et al., 2016; Bartlett et al., 2014; Lim & Alrasheed, 2021; Motley et al., 2020; Tao & Fisher, 2022; Tynes & Markoe, 2010). Hashtag movements such as #BlackLivesMatter and #SayHerName have allowed users to engage in collective mourning, political activism, and cultural pride (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015). These dual roles, as both a source of racial trauma and racial resilience, make social media a complex psychological environment, particularly for Black students processing repeated imagery of police brutality.
Despite these dynamics, few studies have directly examined how racial identity and racial socialization may protect Black college students from the psychological harm of this specific form of vicarious trauma. Understanding this buffering process is critical in today’s media landscape.
The Buffering Role of Racial Socialization and Racial Identity
Racial socialization is the process through which parents and community members transmit messages about race, racism, coping strategies, and cultural heritage to college students (Hughes et al., 2006; McLoyd et al., 2005). It includes messages about cultural pride, preparation for bias, and awareness of systemic injustice. These messages are particularly salient for Black youth, who often encounter racism at both individual and systemic levels.
Empirical studies suggest that racial socialization may serve as a protective factor in the context of racial stress. For example, Bynum et al. (2007) found that racial socialization buffered the psychological effects of racism among African American college students. Similarly, Neblett et al. (2009) showed that Black adolescents who received frequent messages about racial pride and preparation for bias were more resilient in the face of discrimination.
Parallel to this, racial identity, defined as the significance and meaning attached to one’s racial group membership, has been associated with mental health outcomes among Black youth. High levels of racial centrality, affirmation, and group belonging have been linked to increased self-esteem, better coping with racism, and lower depressive symptoms (Brittian, 2012; Phinney, 1992; Scott & Seal, 2019; Sellers et al., 1998).
Importantly, both racial socialization and racial identity may function as moderators. That is, they may influence how Black youth interpret and emotionally respond to vicarious exposure to police brutality. For instance, students with strong racial identity or prior racial socialization may be better equipped to contextualize racial trauma as systemic rather than personal, thereby reducing internalized harm (Anderson et al., 2020; Hughes et al., 2006). Few studies have empirically tested these moderating effects in the specific context of police brutality exposure via social media despite this theoretical promise. As noted in the study conducted by Motley et al. (2020), more research is needed to validate how constructs like racial identity and socialization operate when exposure occurs in digital spaces rather than in-person environments. To better understand how Black college students interpret and respond to this form of racialized media exposure, the current study draws on two complementary theoretical perspectives: Critical Race Theory and Social Identity Theory.
Theoretical Framework
This study is grounded in two intersecting frameworks, Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Social Identity Theory (SIT), to examine how Black college students interpret and respond to vicarious exposure to police brutality on social media. These theories provide essential tools for understanding the structural roots of racial trauma and the personal identity processes that may buffer against its effects.
Critical Race Theory (CRT)
Critical Race Theory emerged in the legal scholarship of Bell (1992), who argued that racism is not aberrational but rather a permanent, deeply embedded feature of American society (Jefferies & Jefferies, 2017). CRT emphasizes that racism is systemic, sustained by institutions such as law enforcement, education, and media. Building on Bell, Crenshaw (1995) advanced the concept of intersectionality, demonstrating how overlapping social identities, such as race, gender, and class, shape individuals’ lived experiences of oppression. Crenshaw’s work is particularly relevant here, as Black college students navigating early adulthood may experience exposure to police brutality not only as racial trauma but also through intersecting identities that compound vulnerability.
Delgado and Stefancic (2017) further articulated CRT’s key principles, including the centrality of experiential knowledge, the permanence of racism, and the importance of counter-storytelling to resist dominant narratives. Applied to this study, CRT highlights how viral imagery of police brutality on social media is not just an individual stressor but a structural reinforcement of systemic racism that communicates the disposability of Black lives. At the same time, CRT reminds us that social media can also serve as a platform for counter-narratives—hashtags such as #BlackLivesMatter or #SayHerName allow Black students to collectively resist racial oppression and contextualize their stress responses as part of a broader struggle for justice.
Through a CRT lens, we anticipate that exposure to police brutality on social media will be associated with race-based stress among Black college students. However, the degree of stress may vary depending on whether students interpret exposure as evidence of personal vulnerability or as a reflection of systemic oppression, which is an interpretive process shaped by prior experiences of racial socialization and the strength of racial identity.
Social Identity Theory (SIT)
Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1986) posits that individuals derive part of their self-concept from membership in social groups, and that the meaning attached to these group identities influences coping and behavior. For Black college students, racial identity is a central component of self-concept, shaping how they process racialized experiences. Students with high levels of racial affirmation, belonging, and centrality may be more likely to interpret exposure to police brutality through a collective lens, attributing it to systemic racism rather than personal deficiency, thereby buffering psychological distress.
In the context of this study, SIT provides insight into how Black students’ sense of racial identity may shape the way they interpret and emotionally respond to racially traumatic content online. For instance, students with high levels of racial affirmation, cultural pride, or group belonging may experience exposure to police brutality differently than peers with a weaker or more conflicted sense of racial identity (Oldmeadow & Fiske, 2010). Rather than internalizing such violence as a personal threat or source of shame, they may view it as evidence of broader systemic injustice that requires collective resistance. SIT also explains the potential moderating role of racial socialization. Students who were socialized to understand racism, embrace cultural heritage, and prepare for bias may engage with racially traumatic content from a more empowered lens, ultimately reducing the psychological harm associated with that exposure (Neblett et al., 2009).
The Current Study
The publicization of Black individuals brutally murdered at the hands of the police is a cause for concern, especially among Black youth who are consistently exposed to these events through social media. There is a notable paucity of literature, however, concerned with the mental health implications and perceptions of witnessing police violence on social media networks, specifically among Black college students. While there were a few studies that investigated the psychological consequences associated with Black college students’ exposure to police brutality through social media outlets (Campbell & Valera, 2020; A. M. McLeroy & Wang, 2024; Tanksley, 2024), additional research is needed to identify if this exposure contributes to mental health outcomes such as race-based stress. Further, it is critical to understand the impact of racial socialization and racial identity on experiences associated with vicarious exposure to police violence and their implications for mental health. The purpose of the current study is to determine if racial socialization messages and racial identity alleviate the symptoms of race-based stress among Black college-aged freshmen exposed to police brutality on social media platforms. The following research questions were addressed in this study:
Is exposure to police brutality on social media associated with increased race-based stress among Black college freshmen?
Does racial socialization moderate the relationship between exposure and race-based stress?
Does racial identity moderate the relationship between exposure and race-based stress?
Method
Participants
The study sample comprised Black college freshmen who self-identified as users of social media platforms. A homogenous sampling approach was employed, purposefully narrowing the participant pool to a subgroup with shared characteristics for information-rich content (Patton, 2002). This strategy aims to create a homogeneous sample, characterized by shared traits or characteristics (Patton, 2002). The advantage of homogenous samples lies in their capacity to “provide a more accurate and encompassing account of sociodemographic difference generalizability” (Jager et al., 2017, p. 9). However, it is suitable only for sociodemographic subgroups well-represented in developmental research and the target population. Given the study’s focus on the perceptions of Black youth, individuals who did not identify as Black were excluded. Furthermore, the study sought to investigate the adverse effects of exposure to police brutality among college freshmen; hence, those who were neither active users of social media platforms (e.g., Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, TikTok) nor college freshmen were excluded.
Procedure
After securing approval from the institutional review board at North Carolina A&T State University and informed consent from study participants, survey links were disseminated via email. In Qualtrics, they encountered two inclusionary questions to confirm eligibility: “Do you identify as Black or African American?” and “Are you a college freshman?” A “yes” response redirected participants to the survey, while a “no” response led to a disqualification message.
The Qualtrics survey presented measures in the specified order below, ensuring participants could not skip questions for compensation. Responding to all questions was mandatory, though participants had the option to select “not applicable” (N/A). Participants could withdraw at any point, particularly if the questions caused discomfort. Upon survey completion, participants received a confirmation number, which they submitted via email for potential compensation. The confirmation code was changed daily to prevent duplicates. Subsequently, participants entered a random selection pool for a chance to receive a $10, $50, or $100 Amazon gift card.
Materials
Participants completed an online survey that measured five categories of variables: (a) demographic characteristics, (b) police brutality exposure on social media, (c) race-based stress, (d) racial socialization, and (e) racial identity.
Demographic Characteristics
A demographic questionnaire was disseminated to participants, consisting of 7 items to measure relevant sociodemographic characteristics. Items included questions about participants’ age (e.g., 0–100), gender (e.g., Male, Female), sexual orientation (e.g., Heterosexual or Straight, Homosexual, Bisexual, Queer, Prefer not to say, Not Listed), college type (e.g., Historically Black Colleges and Universities [HBCU], Predominantly White Institutions [PWI], private, etc.), employment status (e.g., Full-time, Part-time, Student, Unemployed), and most frequent social media platform used (e.g., Instagram, Twitter, TikTok, YouTube, Reddit, Facebook, LinkedIn, Snapchat, Not Listed)
Police Brutality Exposure on Social Media
Participants’ exposure to police brutality through social media networks will be measured using the Police Brutality Exposure on Social Media (PBE-SM) Scale (A. McLeroy et al., 2024). PBE-SM is a 50-item self-report measurement tool that assesses the frequency of exposure to police brutality-related content on social media, specifically from adolescents’ perspectives. The PBE-SM consists of subcategories: (1) incident-based content; (2) educational/awareness-based content; (3) opinion-based content. Sample items included: “In the past six months, how often have you seen live streams or video recordings of police officers harassing, killing, or beating Black individuals?” (incident-based content); “In the past six months, how often have you seen petitions in support of the Black Lives Matter movement or against police violence?” (educational/awareness-based content); and “In the past six months, how often have you seen rants about police brutality, the Black Lives Matter movement, or Blue Lives Matter?” (opinion-based content). The items were scored using a 5-point Likert scale (1 = Never to 5 = Always). Summary scores were created by adding up the responses in each category, respectively, with high numbers representing more exposure. The PBE-SM demonstrated excellent internal consistency (α = .75 for the past 6-month subscale) and has shown strong content validity in prior research linking police brutality exposure to race-based traumatic symptoms among Black college students (A. M. McLeroy & Wang, 2024). Preliminary factor analyses in previous validation work confirmed the three-subscale structure, supporting the measure’s construct validity.
Race-Based Stress
Race-based stress will be measured using the Race-Based Traumatic Stress Symptom Scale (RBTSSS; Carter et al., 2013). RBTSSS is a 52-item questionnaire with an open-ended format and three distinct sections. It is designed to measure the impact of racism or racial discrimination on a person’s life. In the first section, participants are prompted to identify, in their own words, three unforgettable incidents of racism or racial discrimination that they experienced and choose the event they believe is the most significant. After selecting the most significant event, the participants indicate (yes/no) if the incident was emotionally painful (i.e., negative), uncontrollable, and abrupt in its occurrence. Using a 5-point Likert-Scale (0—not my reaction to 4—would not go away), participants conclude the second section of the RBTSSS by selecting the number that most aligns with their reactions or emotions after the incident (within a month) and recently (now while you’re thinking about the event). These reactions and emotions stem from 7 sub-categories related to post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms (i.e., depression, intrusion, anger, hypervigilance, physical symptoms, self-esteem, and avoidance). Summary scores were created by summing the items of the symptoms experienced recently, with higher scores reflecting higher levels of racial distress.
Racial Socialization
Participants’ perceived racial socialization messages from parents was measured with the Scale of Racial Socialization for Adolescence (SORS-A; Stevenson, 1994). SORS-A is a 45-item questionnaire employed to measure adolescents’ perspectives on the appropriateness of the racial socialization process in educational, personal, and social venues. The SORS-A has five subscales: (1) racism awareness teaching; (2) extended family caring; (3) cultural pride reinforcement; (4) spiritual and religious coping and (5) life achievement and struggling. With regards to the current study, only the racism awareness teaching subscale and the cultural pride reinforcement subscale will be employed, as the goal is to examine the protective factor racial socialization messages related to race-based encounters. The racism awareness teaching subscale consists of 10 items related to the future racist societal behaviors that Black children are likely to encounter (e.g., “Black parents should not teach their children to speak their mind because they could be attacked by others in society”). The cultural pride reinforcement scale consists of 9 items related to parents’ teachings of Black culture and History (e.g., “Schools should be required to teach all children about Black history”). All items were scored using a 5-point Likert scale (e.g., 1—Disagree a lot; 2—Disagree a little; 3—Not sure; 4—Agree a little; 5—Agree a lot with the statement). The SORS-A has a fair reliability of .75 for the total scale, and a lower reliability ranging from .45 to .74 for each of the subscales. Summary scores for the racism awareness teaching subscale and cultural pride reinforcement subscale were created by averaging the scores of all items together to construct one scale and adjusting them so they can be used to indicate the level at which adolescents’ sense of racial and cultural consciousness affects their response to race-based experiences.
Racial Identity
The degree to which the participants identified with their racial group was measured using the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Phinney, 1992). MEIM is a 12-item self-report measurement of adolescents’ ethnic identity. It comprises two sub-categories: (1) ethnic identity search and (2) affirmation, belonging, and commitment. The first sub-category, ethnic identity search, consists of 5 items and is considered a developmental and cognitive component. Sample items include: “I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership” and “I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music, or customs.” The second subcategory, Affirmation, Belonging, and Commitment, consists of 7 items and is an effective component of measurement. Sample items include: “I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group” and “I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.” For the present study, only five items from the affirmation, belonging, and commitment subscale (Items 5, 6, 9, 11, and 12) were used to align more closely with the conceptualization of racial identity as a stable sense of belonging and pride in one’s racial group rather than exploratory processes.
This decision was both theoretical and empirical. Previous studies have shown that the affirmation/belonging subscale captures the affective and attitudinal dimensions of racial identity most relevant to coping with racism and racial trauma (Brittian, 2012; Sellers et al., 1998). Items were rated on a 4-point Likert scale (1 = Strongly agree to 4 = Strongly disagree), with higher scores reflecting stronger racial identity. Internal consistency for the five-item version was good (α = .76), comparable to the full scale’s reliability (α = .80; Phinney, 1992).
Data Analysis
Preliminary analyses were performed to assess the univariate characteristics of variables, identify patterns of missing data, and evaluate the reliability of measures. Additionally, correlations among study variables were examined to ensure the suitability of regression assumptions.
The primary dependent variable in this study was race-based stress, measured using the RBTSSS symptom ratings. Independent variables included exposure to police brutality on social media (PBE-SM), racial identity (MEIM), and racial socialization (SORS-A), with age and gender entered as covariates. To test moderation, interaction terms were created (Exposure × Racial Identity; Exposure × Racial Socialization) using mean-centered predictors (Aiken & West, 1991; Cohen et al., 2003). Analyses were conducted with ordinary least squares (OLS) regression, following a hierarchical strategy: Model 1 tested main effects, and Model 2 added interaction terms. Model fit was evaluated by examining overall R2 and R2 change across steps.
All analyses were conducted using SPSS 26.
Results
Descriptive Statistics
Of the 300 students who began the survey, 292 (97%) completed all required measures. The final sample included 151 females (51.7%) and 141 males (48.3%), with an average age of 18.7 years (SD = 0.5). Most participants identified as heterosexual (87.4%), with smaller percentages identifying as bisexual (11.3%) or other orientations (1.3%).
Regarding school type, 31.8% attended a Historically Black College or University (HBCU), and 67.8% attended a Predominantly White Institution (PWI). A majority (80.8%) were employed part-time or full-time. Social media use was reported across multiple platforms, with Twitter most used by males and Instagram by females. Figure 1 displays social media use by gender.
Most used social media platforms daily by gender.
Exploratory analyses were conducted to examine whether students attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) differed from those attending Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) on key study variables. No statistically significant differences were observed in exposure to police brutality, race-based stress, racial identity, or racial socialization, suggesting that the observed patterns were consistent across institutional contexts.
Exposure to Police Brutality on Social Media
Participants reported consistent exposure to police brutality content across all time frames assessed by the PBE-SM. Average scores indicated relatively high exposure during the pandemic period and moderate exposure within the past 6 months and in the 30 days following major police-related events. The past 6-month subscale demonstrated the highest reliability (α = .88) and was therefore used in subsequent analyses. These findings suggest that Black college freshmen regularly engage with police brutality content on social media, reflecting both ongoing exposure and temporal stability in their online experiences.
Race-Based Stress
Race-based stress was assessed using the Race-Based Traumatic Stress Symptom Scale (RBTSSS), focusing solely on the symptom rating portion (Part 2) to capture current race-related distress rather than event-specific reactions. The originally reported Cronbach’s α values for several subscales (ranging from .01 to .17) indicate poor internal consistency, suggesting that the subscales did not function reliably as independent constructs within this adapted, vicarious trauma context. Because of this lack of reliability and the absence of evidence supporting symptom independence, subscale-level analyses were not emphasized. Instead, an overall composite score was computed by averaging all RBTSSS symptom ratings to reflect general race-based stress. Given the absence of established clinical cutoffs for the RBTSSS, symptom severity was not categorized (e.g., “low,” “moderate,” “high”) and should be interpreted as relative, not diagnostic.
Racial Identity and Racial Socialization
Scores from the modified MEIM spanned from 18 to 48 (see Table 1), with a mean score of 24.41 (SD = 3.83, Cronbach’s α = .76), indicating low levels of group affirmation and identification. Modified SORS-A scores ranged from 31 to 67, with a mean of 47.68 (SD = 5.52, Cronbach’s α = .52), indicating relatively low levels of racial socialization messages.
Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables.
Bivariate Correlations Among Variables
Correlations among primary variables are presented in Table 2. Exposure to police brutality on social media was negatively correlated with race-based stress (r = −0.38, p < .01) but positively correlated with both racial identity (r = .59, p < .01) and racial socialization (r = .31, p < .01). Race-based stress was also negatively correlated with racial identity (r = −0.28, p < .05) and racial socialization (r = −0.14, p < .05). These patterns indicate that higher exposure was linked to stronger racial identity and socialization, whereas higher race-based stress was associated with lower scores on these constructs.
Correlations Among Study Variables.
Note. PBE-SM = Police Brutality Exposure on Social Media Scale; RBTSSS = Race-Based Traumatic Stress Symptom Scale; MEIM = Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure; SORS-A = Scale of Racial Socialization for Adolescence.
Correlation is significant at the .01 level (two-tailed); *Correlation is significant at the .05 level (two-tailed).
Relationship Between Race-Based Stress and Exposure to Police Brutality on Social Media
The study investigated whether exposure to police brutality on social media predicted racial stress, while considering gender and age as covariates. The regression analyses, detailed in Table 3, revealed that even after controlling for demographic factors like age and gender, exposure to police brutality did not significantly predict racial stress (β = .57, p = .34). Age and gender also did not show statistically significant effects on the level of racial stress experienced. In essence, Black college freshmen exposed to police brutality on social media did not exhibit a significant increase in racial stress.
Main Effects Only Model Predicting Racial Stress.
Note. B = unstandardized regression coefficient; β = standardized regression coefficient.
Impact of Race-Based Stress, Racial Socialization, and Racial Identity
Results for the main effects model are displayed in Table 3. None of the predictors significantly predicted race-based stress in the multivariate model. Although exposure to police brutality was negatively correlated with stress in bivariate analyses, this association was not significant when considered alongside racial identity, racial socialization, and covariates. When interaction terms were introduced, neither racial identity nor racial socialization significantly moderated the relationship between exposure and stress, and model fit did not improve (ΔR2 < .01). Taken together, these findings suggest that while racial identity and racial socialization were inversely correlated with stress at the bivariate level, they did not operate as moderators in regression models, and the predictors explained little variance in race-based stress.
Discussion
This study, using social media platforms as a lens, delves into the complex relationship between law enforcement and the Black community. These platforms showcase incidents of police violence against unarmed Black individuals, influencing thoughts, beliefs, and behaviors, especially among Black youth (Mastro, 2015). The research focuses on the consequences of vicarious exposure to police brutality on social media among Black college freshmen, revealing consistent exposure to such content, heightened during events like George Floyd’s protests and police-related killings (Heaney, 2020). While past studies link knowledge of police brutality to psychological disorders among Black youth, particularly traumatic and chronic stress (R. K. Brunson & Miller, 2006), this study goes further. It explores the impact of vicarious experiences of negative or fatal police encounters via social media, specifically unveiling racial stress among this population. This quantitative study aims to identify protective factors, examining both racial identity and racial socialization.
Contrary to expectations, the main regression model revealed no significant predictive effects of exposure, racial identity, or racial socialization on race-based stress. Moreover, neither racial identity nor racial socialization moderated the relationship between exposure and stress. These findings suggest that, in this sample, race-based stress symptoms were not directly shaped by social media exposure to police brutality or by the hypothesized protective constructs when considered simultaneously in multivariate analyses. Despite these null findings, several patterns warrant attention. First, bivariate analyses showed a negative correlation between exposure to police brutality and race-based stress, suggesting that greater exposure was associated with fewer reported symptoms. One possible explanation is that social media exposure may not always function as a purely traumatic trigger; from a CRT and SIT perspective, repeated exposure may also contribute to the development of critical racial consciousness and strengthened group identification, both of which may influence how Black students cognitively frame and emotionally process racialized violence. Therefore, these individuals may successfully reduce their racial-related stress through social media use. Second, exposure to police brutality on social media could be an important pathway for Black college freshmen to get to know their community information and stay connected with their communities, especially when people were physically or mentally isolated during the pandemic and other stressful crises. Knowing updated important information and stay connected with the social community could help with race-related traumatic stress. Third, some online resources against police brutality (e.g., the website “Mapping Police Violence”) could be some of the main sources of exposure to police brutality on social media. At the same time, these could also help Black people seek pride and self-esteem in the process of acknowledging and criticizing social injustice and inequity, considering SIT and CRT, which could lighten their race-related stress.
The study acknowledges the diversity of social media use among Black youth and calls for further research to untangle the impact of images and videos of police violence on mental health. While existing studies lay the groundwork, more evidence is needed to understand the mixed impacts of encounters with race-related material on social media on the psychological well-being of Black college students. The study also emphasizes the importance of racial socialization and racial identity, suggesting that these factors can serve as mitigating elements for racial stress, especially for those consistently exposed to police brutality on social media platforms. Results highlight the need for more research on the buffering effects of racial socialization messages and racial identity when Black youth experience racial stress, particularly in the context of exposure to police brutality on social media.
This study offers a preliminary examination of the link between social media exposure to police brutality and race-based stress, as well as the protective impacts of racial identity and racial socialization. However, key limitations need addressing. First, the reliability of instruments measuring racial stress, racial identity, and racial socialization was inadequate, posing a threat to statistical validity. The survey’s length, with over 100 items, might have led to rushed or random responses. Self-reporting introduces accuracy concerns, as responses could not be independently verified, potentially skewing results. The sample’s homogeneity (292 Black college freshmen) limits generalizability, emphasizing the need for a more diverse participant pool.
Although the full Race-Based Traumatic Stress Symptom Scale (RBTSSS) includes two components—(a) a qualitative description of a racism-related event and (b) quantitative ratings of emotional/psychological symptoms tied to that event—only the symptom rating portion (Part 2) was administered and analyzed in this study. Participants were not asked to describe or recall a specific racism event; instead, they rated the extent to which they had experienced each listed symptom in general. This adaptation was intended to capture race-based stress symptoms more broadly, acknowledging that for many participants, stress responses may arise from vicarious exposure to police brutality on social media, not solely from personal direct experiences. However, this represents a methodological limitation, as the RBTSSS was originally validated for use in relation to a specific, self-identified racism event (Carter et al., 2013). As such, scores should be interpreted with caution in the context of vicarious trauma.
Recommendations stem from addressing study limitations. Future research should use established tools like Patient Depression Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9), Beck Depression Inventory-Second Edition (BDI-II), and General Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7) for mental health outcomes, along with the Ethnic Identity Scale (EIS) and Racial Socialization Competency Scale (RaSCS) for better measurement of racial identity and socialization. Expanding psychological impact studies to include additional minority groups, diverse subgroups within the Black community, and exploring variables like socio-emotional support and religious participation could provide more nuanced insights. Longitudinal studies can explore short-term and long-term effects of social media exposure to police brutality, considering developmental stages. Objective measures of stress using biological markers and qualitative studies delving into users’ feelings can enhance understanding.
The findings may serve as a valuable resource for informing the protective impacts of racial identity and racial socialization. This study, particularly the PBE-SM, can be utilized by researchers, educators, and counselors to gain insights into the mixed impact of social media use among Black college students on their psychological well-being. College counselors, armed with this information, need to be mindful of the consistent exposure to police brutality experienced by Black college students and need to identify periods when students may experience increased exposure and understand how vicarious experiences of police brutality evolve over time in response to major social events. Counselors can pose targeted questions to help Black adolescents navigate their social media use and the impact of varying exposure levels on their emotions, thoughts, and behaviors. They can also provide guidance on managing stress or anxiety by helping Black college students improve levels of racial affirmation and identification and racial socialization. Additionally, this information may assist educators in devising effective strategies to encourage positive social media use in the future. For instance, opting for a social media platform instead of a traditional learning management system, such as Blackboard, could facilitate class discussions by posting questions on a course-specific social media account and inviting student contributions, thereby engaging remote learners and non-traditional students (Lu et al., 2021). Importantly, these insights are relevant not only for college counselors and educators, but also for other professionals working within interdisciplinary campus support systems, including social workers, psychologists, and medical providers who often collaborate to address students’ mental health and well-being.
Social media plays a crucial role in shaping the worldview and psychological well-being of Black college students, particularly regarding police brutality. This study delved into the understudied issue of how social media exposure to police brutality affects the psychological functioning of Black first-year college students, focusing on racial stress. The study found statistical significance among social media exposure to police brutality, racial stress, racial socialization, and racial identity. The complex topic of racial relations, spanning over 400 years, demands further exploration in future research to understand its ramifications and inform interventions. Future research should also continue examining the role of parents and families, whose racial socialization messages may shape how Black youth interpret and cope with exposure to racialized violence long before they enter college.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We would like to acknowledge and thank the students for their participation in our study. We would also like to acknowledge all the Black lives lost at the hands of police officers. Their lives mattered. All Black lives matter.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.