Beyond Good Hair : An Act of Resistance to Symbolic Annihilation

Researcher Reflexivity: An Autoethnographic Reflection

As Black women scholars whose personal hair journeys mirror the tensions explored in Good Hair, we approach this work not from a distance, but from within. Our bodies, strands, and lived experiences are intimately bound to the narratives this documentary unravels. This autoethnographic reflection serves not only as a methodological entry point but also as a reflexive act of witnessing—foregrounding the complexities, conflicts, and embodied knowledges that shape our engagement with the film and its cultural legacy (Ellis et al., 2011; Ortlipp, 2008).

One of us has worn locs since 2002, a decision catalyzed by the trauma of hair thinning sustained from years of relaxing her hair. This transformation was not only physical, but spiritual—affirmed by the rise of Lauryn Hill and Erykah Badu in the late 1990s. Their unapologetic embrace of natural hair was more than a style; it was a declaration of identity and freedom. At a time when “professionalism” demanded conformity to Eurocentric beauty standards, locs became a refuge—rooted in cultural pride and personal healing. Watching Good Hair reaffirmed resistance while also resurfacing long-standing tensions shaped by media commodification of natural styles, contested meanings of texture within Black communities, and the enduring influence of respectability politics. This path toward locs—anchored in cultural affirmation and resistance—parallels the narrative tensions that Good Hair surfaces, particularly in its treatment of natural-hair as both a political and esthetic choice.

The other author’s journey both diverges and converges. After 13 years of wearing her hair naturally, she recently made the decision to return to a relaxer. This transition was shaped by evolving lifestyle needs, professional demands, and a personal redefinition of beauty and care. Initially inspired by Good Hair to embark on her natural journey, she now views her return to relaxed hair as equally liberatory—a decision grounded in autonomy rather than cultural pressure. It reflects the tension the documentary evokes: the overlapping pressures of self-expression, societal judgment, and practicality. In revisiting Good Hair through the lens of this transition, the tension between autonomy and communal expectation is even more pronounced—revealing the emotional labor behind every styling choice.

Together, we write from two poles of Black hair experience, each informed by our own histories and shaped by the discourse Good Hair both reflects and critiques. Our reflections are not offered to resolve these contradictions but rather to name them: the tension between liberation and labor, between cultural pride and esthetic preference, between what is visible and what is deeply felt. In doing so, we align with Black feminist standpoint theory which affirms that the lived experiences of Black women are essential sources of knowledge—shaped by intersecting systems of power, representation, and resistance (Collins, 2000; Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016).

This reflexive posture not only strengthens the integrity of our multi-method approach but also honors the spirit of the study itself—affirming that Black hair is never just hair, but a site of memory, identity, resistance, and grace. To study it with honesty requires not only analysis, but heart, vulnerability, and lived witness. Grounded in this reflexive positioning, we now turn to the historical and scholarly conversations that situate Good Hair within longer genealogies of Black hair politics.

A Brief Hairstory

Hair has long functioned as a defining and contested marker of identity. The textural uniqueness of Black hair has been subject to global discrimination with deep roots in colonialism and slavery (Rowe, 2022). Our “hairstory” (Rowe, 2022) is intertwined with slavery, oppression, protest, identity, and social classification. During the Transatlantic, enslavement trade Africans were forcibly stripped of their hair—a dehumanizing act intentioned to sever cultural ties and spiritual heritage (T. A. Johnson & Bankhead, 2014). Yet Black hair retained cultural meaning, with coils and curls historically conveying social status, communal messages, and personal identity. While this study focuses primarily on Black women in the United States, references to African hair practices acknowledge diasporic continuities rather than collapsing distinct cultural contexts.

Across historical periods, Black women have navigated, negotiated, and strategically engaged dominant beauty norms—sometimes adopting, sometimes resisting, and often redefining hair practices shaped by survival, agency, and cultural self-determination (Rowe, 2022). At the same time, representations of Black hair as unruly, excessive, and in need of containment have shaped cultural discourse. Literary works have often exposed the violence embedded in these representations. In Tar Baby (1981), Toni Morrison employs charged imagery to dramatize how Black hair has historically been framed within Western esthetic hierarchies:

. . .hair looked overpowering—physically overpowering, like bundles of long whips or lashes that could grab her and beat her to jelly. And would. Wild, aggressive, vicious hair that needed to be put in jail. Uncivilized, reform-school hair. Mau Mau, Attica, chain gang hair (113).

As relaxers, lye, and straightening tame the curls and coils of our scalps, visuals of Angela Y. Davis and Pam Grier, in some cases, were popularized and promoted a new narrative of Black being beautiful and as an act of rebellion against dominant beauty standards. During civil rights protests, even Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., said, “I don’t care what anyone says, I have good hair!” (S. Banks, 2022). Black is beautiful and profitable (Gill, 2015) and whether categorized as good or allegedly “bad”, so is the hair. Historically, the negative spectrum of Black hair is defined as “good” or “bad.” Good hair is primarily associated with European textures of loose curls and waves, and bad hair is associated with African textures, coils and tight curls (Rowe, 2022). Hair type could be a marker for access to better economic, academic, and social standing. Texturism refers to discrimination against individuals with tightly coiled or coarse hair textures (Asare, 2022). Hair classification systems have historical roots in pseudoscientific racial hierarchies, first documented by eugenicist Eugen Fischer (Fischer, 1914) and later popularized through Andre Walker’s hair-typing system (Asare, 2022; Bryant, 2015). Because hair can significantly affect social and professional perception, many Black women remain acutely aware of how their hair is read within dominant cultural frameworks (T. A. Johnson & Bankhead, 2014). As Rowe (2022) notes, hair texture becomes a highly visible feature of identity, often requiring substantial labor, alteration, or expense to conform to dominant expectations.

Legacy of Black Hair Politics in Media

Black hair has historically been regulated within U.S. social institutions since the era of slavery (Pitts, 2021). Prior to enslavement, hairstyles functioned as markers of social status, ethnic identity, and spirituality across African societies (Mbilishaka et al., 2020; Smith, 2018). Under enslavement and colonial rule, however, these meanings were disrupted as Eurocentric beauty standards positioned Black hair as deviant and inferior.

In response, many Black women adopted hair straightening practices in the early 20th century as a strategy for social mobility within racially stratified institutions (Byrd & Tharps, 2014). At the same time, figures such as Madame C.J. Walker promoted hair care practices grounded in Black self-agency, emphasizing scalp health and grooming tailored to Black women’s needs. By the late 20th century, natural hairstyles reemerged as visible expressions of Black political identity, particularly through media representation and activism. Images of Angela Y. Davis’s afro, widely circulated in outlets such as Ebony, symbolized resistance to dominant beauty norms (Byrd & Tharps, 2014; Hazell & Clarke, 2008).

In the 21st century, natural hairstyles—including locs, braids, and afros—continue to function as expressions of identity, pride, and cultural affirmation (Versey, 2014). Yet discrimination persists within schools, workplaces, and other institutional settings. In response, advocacy groups and legislators introduced the CROWN Act (Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair), which prohibits discrimination against natural hairstyles such as locs, braids, and afros. Although widely celebrated as a symbolic milestone, the Act’s protections remain uneven. In many jurisdictions, its provisions apply primarily to public sector employees, and enforcement varies significantly across states and municipalities (CROWN Coalition, 2023).

Prior to the release of Rock’s Good Hair (2009), several cultural works had already explored the politics of Black hair. Chenzira’s Hairpiece: A Film for Nappy Headed People (1984) used animation and satire to critique media representations of Black women’s hair. Kimbell’s My Nappy Roots: A Journey through Black Hair-itage (Kimbell, 2006) documented the historical evolution of Black hair practices across, the enslavement era, and the natural hair movement. Similarly, Lee’s School Daze (1988) dramatized intracommunity tensions around colorism and hair texture in the musical number “Good and Bad Hair.”

Children’s literature has also played an important role in shaping cultural narratives about Black hair. Yarbrough’s Cornrows (1979) connects African hairstyles to ancestral heritage and storytelling traditions. Herron’s Nappy Hair (1997) celebrates natural textures through African American oral traditions, while Tarpley’s I Love My Hair! (1998) encourages young Black girls to embrace their natural beauty. Collectively, these works laid the groundwork for broader conversations about identity, beauty politics, and resistance to Eurocentric standards.

Rock’s Good Hair expanded this discourse by bringing these themes to a wider public audience. Chris Rock’s Good Hair belongs to a broader cultural archive that has long addressed the politics of Black hair through performance, satire, and visual storytelling. In Lee’s School Daze (1988), the musical number “Good and Bad Hair” stages a choreographed confrontation between straight haired and natural haired women, laying bare intracommunity tensions. Similarly, Wolfe’s The Colored Museum (1986) features the vignette “The Hairpiece,” in which wig heads argue over a woman’s identity and sense of self. Even earlier, Woodie King Jr.’s 1969 play in Growing into Blackness depicts a college student defiantly rejecting a relaxer, exposing generational rifts. These theatrical and cinematic treatments demonstrate that Good Hair was not a cultural anomaly but a continuation of a lineage of Black creative expression grappling with beauty, power, and politics.

Shaping the Natural Hair Market: Social Media, Black Entrepreneurship, and the CROWN Act Post Good Hair

The natural hair movement has expanded significantly in the years following Good Hair (2009), shaped by social media, Black entrepreneurship, and legal advocacy such as the CROWN Act. By exposing the cultural and economic implications of the Black hair care industry, the documentary helped intensify public discourse surrounding natural hair and contributed to increased consumer interest in products designed for textured hair. Together, these developments transformed the natural hair market from a niche segment into a mainstream multibillion-dollar industry.

Social Media as a Catalyst for Change

Social media platforms—including YouTube, Instagram, and TikTok—have played a central role in democratizing information about natural hair care. Influencers such as Naptural85, Natural Neiicey, and The Chic Natural produced tutorials and personal narratives that helped viewers transition from chemically treated hair to natural styles. These platforms enabled real-time product demonstrations, styling techniques, and shared hair journeys that fostered community while challenging Eurocentric beauty norms (Byrd & Tharps, 2014).

As natural hair content expanded online, consumer awareness grew. Randle (2015) notes that increased visibility of natural hair practices corresponded with declining chemical relaxer sales and rising demand for curl definers, natural oils, leave-in conditioners, and protective styling products. This shift also disrupted longstanding assumptions that natural hair was “unmanageable” or “unprofessional.” In addition, many consumers began calling for warning labels on chemical relaxers, drawing attention to potential health risks long associated with these products.

Black Entrepreneurship and Market Disruption

The growth of online discourse surrounding natural hair coincided with the emergence of Black-owned hair care brands addressing the needs of consumers historically underserved by mainstream beauty companies. Brands such as Shea Moisture, The Mane Choice, Camille Rose Naturals, and Alikay Naturals leveraged social media to build direct relationships with consumers while promoting culturally specific hair care solutions (I. Banks, 2020). Their success disrupted traditional beauty markets and increased representation within major retail spaces.

For example, Shea Moisture evolved from a small family-run company into a widely recognized brand later acquired by Unilever in 2017, demonstrating the commercial viability of products designed specifically for textured hair. As these brands expanded, retailers such as Target, Ulta, and Walmart broadened their product offerings to include more diverse hair care lines.

Legal Recognition: The Impact of the CROWN Act

Legal advocacy has further reinforced the cultural legitimacy of natural hairstyles. The CROWN Act (Create a Respectful and Open Workplace for Natural Hair), first passed in California in 2019, prohibits discrimination based on hair texture and protective styles such as locs, braids, and twists (CROWN Coalition, 2020). Although widely celebrated, its protections vary by jurisdiction and often apply primarily to public sector employees. Despite these limitations, the legislation represents an important symbolic shift, affirming natural hair as a protected expression of cultural identity. Together, the influence of social media, Black entrepreneurship, and legal advocacy has reshaped the natural hair care landscape in the years following Good Hair.

Mediated Counter-Narrative as a Theoretical Frame

Counter-narratives describe alternative stories that resist dominant cultural narratives and offer marginalized communities a means to reinterpret their histories and identities (Behm-Morawitz & Valerius, 2024; Mora, 2014; Valerius & Behm-Morawitz, 2026). These narratives empower marginalized groups by challenging harmful representations and offering alternative frameworks for understanding lived experiences (Andrews, 2004; Gabriel, 2017). As Andrews (2004, p. 1) explains, counter-narratives are “the stories which people tell and live which offer resistance, either implicitly or explicitly, to dominant cultural narratives.” In this sense, counter-narratives may also counteract the effects described by cultivation theory, which suggests that repeated media exposure shapes audience perceptions of social reality (West & Turner, 2010).

Media plays an important role in circulating such narratives to broad audiences. Mediated counter-narratives (MCN) refer to stories produced within media environments that amplify marginalized voices while challenging dominant frameworks of representation (Behm-Morawitz & Valerius, 2024). Within this framework, Good Hair (2009) functions as a mediated counter-narrative that interrogates prevailing discourses surrounding Black hair while contributing to a growing cultural movement toward acceptance and celebration of natural hair.

Directed by Jeff Stilson and narrated by comedian Chris Rock, Good Hair explores the cultural, social, and economic implications of Black hair across diverse African American experiences. Sparked by a personal question from his young daughter—“Daddy, how come I don’t have good hair?”—Rock uses humor and investigative journalism to examine the societal pressures that shape Black beauty standards (Rock & Stilson, 2009). The documentary investigates the billion-dollar Black hair care industry through visits to salons, laboratories, barbershops, and the Bronner Bros. Hair Show in Atlanta, while also highlighting the potential health risks associated with chemical relaxers.

One of the film’s most revealing segments follows Rock to India, where much of the human hair used in weaves is sourced through religious temple offerings. This sequence exposes a global supply chain in which Black consumers spend billions of dollars on products and services often controlled by non-Black businesses (I. Banks, 2000). Through interviews with stylists, scholars, celebrities—including Nia Long, Ice-T, and Maya Angelou—and everyday consumers, the documentary positions hair as a site where identity, cultural politics, and economic power intersect.

Although Rock serves as the film’s visible narrator, Good Hair is also shaped by the intellectual influence of co-producer and cultural critic Nelson George. Known for his work examining Black cultural production and commodification, George brings analytical depth to the documentary’s exploration of beauty politics. His earlier scholarship on the commercialization and appropriation of Black culture (George, 1988, 2004) echoes throughout the film’s examination of global hair markets and the dominance of non-Black ownership within beauty supply industries. Through this lens, the documentary translates complex critiques of Black cultural commodification into a form accessible to broader white mainstream media audiences while remaining legible to Black viewers.

Rock’s role in the documentary is also shaped by his positionality as a Black father raising two Black daughters. His investigation emerges from a deeply personal concern with how Eurocentric beauty standards influence the self-perception of Black girls and women. In this sense, the film reflects themes aligned with African womanist thought, which emphasizes family-centrality and collective responsibility within Africana communities (Aldridge & Wheeler, 2001; Hudson-Weems, 2000, 2024). From this perspective, Rock’s inquiry becomes not simply comedic commentary but part of a broader effort to understand how racialized beauty standards affect Black families and communities.

This study therefore positions Good Hair as a mediated counter-narrative that challenges dominant definitions of “good hair” while exposing the economic and cultural systems that sustain them. By bringing longstanding conversations about Black hair politics into wider white mainstream media spaces, the documentary contributed to renewed public discourse surrounding beauty standards, identity, and racialized esthetics.

This study argues that Good Hair impacted audience perceptions of “good hair” by exposing the detrimental effects of popular hair care practices and counteracting the harmful historical narratives that “good hair” is straight hair. The impact and cultural significance of Good Hair is examined through the lens of mediated counter-narrative (Behm-Morawitz & Valerius, 2024). Positioning mediated counter-narrative as the theoretical framework, this study maps and highlights the significance of Good Hair as both an intervention and disruption within dominant media narratives and historical discourses surrounding “good hair.” In doing so, it positions the film as a cultural catalyst that sparked broader conversations about identity, beauty norms, and racialized esthetics while contributing to the ongoing legacy of Black hair discourse. This study argues that while earlier works laid critical groundwork by examining Black hair through historical, cultural, and interpersonal lenses, their reach was largely confined to academic spaces, grassroots communities, and children’s literature audiences, limiting their circulation within white mainstream media audiences prior to Good Hair. Good Hair, as a mediated counter-narrative, brought these conversations to a wider white mainstream audience by leveraging Chris Rock’s celebrity status, comedic approach, and, perhaps most compellingly, his perspective as a Black father to Black daughters.

Education: Good Hair in the Age of Information

The textual analysis of Amazon.com customer reviews revealed two prominent themes: education and action. Reviews categorized as educational described the film as an effective tool for learning, highlighting how viewers gained new knowledge they did not possess prior to watching Good Hair. Those labeled under action described responses that extended beyond viewing—such as feeling empowered, recommending the film to others (“must see”), changing behaviors, or reinforcing existing commitments to natural hair (Table 1).

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Table 1.

Characteristics of Mediated Counter-Narratives (Behm-Morawitz & Valerius, 2024).

Characteristic of mediated counter-narrative	Defined	In relation to Good Hair
Are media content developed by marginalized producers and creators	“[MCNs] are created at least in part, by marginalized creators and present alternative narratives. . .a marginalized individual must be centrally involved in this process for it to be conceptualized as a counter-narrative.”	Good Hair is narrated by Chris Rock, produced by Kaylynn Jenkins, Lance Crouther, among others.
Prominently feature the representation and voices of marginalized individuals	“A diversity of social groups may be represented in the counter-narrative, but the media text must forefront a marginalized voice.”	The documentary incorporates content and feedback from many Black women and Black queer people, such as Raven-Symoné and Kerry Washington.
Are innovative and live alongside master media narratives	“. . .objectively demonstrate, at least in part, an alternative to mainstream media narratives about a marginalized group or a lack of media representation.”	Historical context and dominant discourses related to Black hair are illustrated; however, such is challenged with Black people’s contemporary experiences and expression of their hair.
Use media communication channels to resist or shift master narratives	“. . .carefully authored and curated content that challenges master narratives in mainstream media channels, digital, and social media environments.”	Originally published on DVD, the documentary highlights the perspectives and experiences of mostly marginalized Black women which disputes dominant narratives.
Mediated counter-narratives may cross genres and platforms	“. . .content is found across genres and media platforms, including but not limited to mainstream media, streaming services, and social media. . .”	Good Hair is viewable on many streaming platforms (i.e., Apple TV and Amazon Prime) and was originally published on DVD.

The in-depth interview with Dr. Kari Williams affirmed these themes. Williams identified three primary factors contributing to the natural hair movement: the age of information, increased educational access among the millennial generation, and the release of Good Hair. Her insights align with the demographic profile of this study’s participants and confirm that the film functioned not only as a catalyst for awareness but also as a touchstone for behavioral and cultural change. Likewise, the focus group of millennial Black women validated patterns observed in both the audience reviews and interview, with recurring themes of “validation and confirmation to go natural,” “education as protection from harmful industry practices,” and “liberation.”

Taken together, the triangulated findings across all three methods were synthesized into the following thematic categories: (1) Good Hair in the Age of Information and Education; (2) Good Hair as a Catalyst for Change in Behavior; (3) Freedom of Natural Hair as a Lifestyle to Stay. These categories provide deeper insight into how audiences perceived Good Hair and the extent to which it influenced their adoption of natural hair as a lifestyle. The final themes are visually represented in Table 2.

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Table 2.

Themes identified in Amazon.com customer reviews.

Theme	Definition	Example from data
Educational	The film was an effective educational tool that caused the viewer to “learn” or “receive new knowledge or information” they did not have prior to watching the film. Viewers also reported being “informed” of new knowledge that offered insight into the culture of the African American hair industry.	Williams, K. (2018, April 24). Interview “The “age of information” is one of the big reasons why a number of Black women have decided to wear their hair naturally; because of the Internet women started to educate themselves. They started to research the ingredients in their products because now they had something where they could easily just type in a key word instead of having to spend hours in the library. No one wanted to do that back in the nineties. But in the age of information, you can have access to anything that you want to know at your fingertips.”
Action	The film led the viewer to engage in some sort of “action” and/or “change in behavior” beyond merely watching the film.	(Amazon Review. January, 2014) “This movie was so brilliantly done, I began growing my hair natural after watching! It helped me with making a new life change.” (Emphasis added).
Freedom & liberation	The films served as a source of confirmation and reinforcement of adopting natural hair behavior as a lifestyle. Good Hair validated and reaffirmed decision to be natural.	(2019, March. Focus Group) “I had like this love hate relationship with my hair, with my identity, with myself during that time. And then the movie good hair came out. And I think it just sort of reaffirmed my decision, of cutting my hair and I guess in some point my identity and knowing like it’s okay.”

Note. Original table created by the authors based on thematic coding of Amazon.com customer reviews.

One of the recurring themes emerging from the textual analysis of Amazon customer reviews for Good Hair was the categorization of the documentary as “educational” or “informative.” Viewers frequently expressed that the film introduced them to new knowledge, particularly about the complexities of the African American hair care industry. These reviews revealed a sense of discovery—an awakening to deeper cultural dynamics previously unknown. For example, one Amazon viewer said,

October 8, 2015—A very well put together documentary on African women and their women. Very gentle way to expose the truth without being offensive or putting African sister down. . .just giving them knowledge on a deeper subject what they may not have known before.

This theme of learning is echoed in the expert interview with Williams, who underscored the critical role of education in the emergence of the natural hair movement. She attributed the shift to three key factors: the rise of the internet and access to information, the increasing education levels among millennial Black women, and the catalytic release of Good Hair itself.

The focus group discussion with Black women further reinforced this theme of education as empowerment. Participants described Good Hair as offering knowledge that served as both “armor” and “ammunition” against harmful beauty industry practices that often did more harm than good. Echoing the insights from the textual analysis, one participant noted how this collective knowledge was not only changing behavior, but also forcing the industry to evolve:

We’re forcing the industry to change in some instances as to what they say. Like we’re not just going to buy anything, the movement has definitely forced the industry to think differently about our needs as far as haircare. we’re able to educate and sit in spaces like this and educate one another and talk about Black haircare.

(2019, March. Focus Group)

Action: Good Hair as a Warning and Catalyst for Change

According to Williams, Good Hair vividly exposed the health risks of hair care practices long known in the medical community—particularly the dangers of sodium hydroxide, a primary chemical in hair relaxers. Viewer responses reflected this awareness, often paired with decisive behavioral shifts. One Amazon reviewer wrote: “I knew that the chemicals I’d used for years were bad for my hair, but I did not realize how very dangerous they are. I will never relax my hair again.”

Williams noted that Black women diagnosed with fibroid tumors frequently had a history of using relaxers. Medical research has since supported this concern, linking relaxer use to increased risks of uterine cancer and fibroids, particularly among post-menopausal Black women (Bertrand et al., 2023; Chang et al., 2022; Gaston et al., 2019). These health concerns, compounded by the documentary’s revelations, led many women to reembrace their natural hair. As Williams explained:

My business became a safe haven. . . Women in their 40s and 50s would come in saying they had never seen their natural curl pattern because their hair had been relaxed since childhood. Williams, K. (2018, April 24). Personal Interview.

Beyond health, Good Hair challenged Black women to interrogate the meanings behind their beauty choices. Williams emphasized the film’s psychological impact:

For Black women, it’s all about the hair and in this movie, what we see is what we already know, that a number of Black women choose to wear their hair in weave or to straighten their hair. But then we started to dive deeper into the psyche behind why those choices are being made. Then we start to peel away the layers as to why Black women are making these choices and it’s not just about lifestyle, it’s about a beauty standard. Then it makes us start to question and say, ‘OK, what is really the best choice for me? And if I’m going to make the best choice for me, why am I making this choice?’ It started to force women to really think about the choices that we’re making. Williams, K. (2018, April 24). Personal Interview.

This insight confirms the impact, Good Hair as a mediated counter-narrative that educates and informs its audience, raises awareness and enhances knowledge, encouraging the possible adoption of natural hair among Black women. The film served not only as a source of revelation but as a reaffirmation for those already on a natural hair journey. Focus group participants described Good Hair as validating and empowering. One participant shared:

I had like this love hate relationship with my hair, with my identity, with myself during that time. And then the movie good hair came out. And I think it just sort of reaffirmed my decision, um, of cutting my hair and, and, and I guess in some point my identity and knowing like it’s OK. (2019, March. Focus Group)

Together, the reviews, expert interview, and focus group data underscore Good Hair as more than a documentary—it is a mediated counter-narrative that educates, affirms, and catalyzes cultural and behavioral shifts. Equipped with new knowledge, many Black women began to reconsider not only their beauty routines but also the deeper societal forces shaping them.

Freedom of Natural Hair as a Lifestyle to Stay

Focus group discussions revealed that Good Hair was more than educational—it offered Black women affirmation in their natural hair journey. Echoing findings from the interview and textual analysis, participants consistently described the film as a catalyst for “freedom and liberation,” shifting natural hair from a trend to a lifestyle. One participant described the experience as therapeutic:

The conversation that Chris Rock had was so therapeutic. . . that I could turn to other individuals who look like me and we can share in the same sentiment. . . For me it was therapeutic. It was finding my identity, my true self. (2019, March. Focus Group)

While the film validated natural hair for many, participants acknowledged that natural hair also presents challenges. Some women reverted to relaxers or weaves for ease of manageability—a reality one of the authors personally experienced. One participant described this shift: “I feel like perm has been replaced by weave. It’s just a new identity that’s still not yourself. Like it’s not the perm anymore but it’s still something different. So, I feel like perm has been replaced by weave.”

Despite these complexities, the overwhelming consensus was that natural hair has evolved into a holistic lifestyle choice. It reflects broader shifts toward health, identity, and generational change. As one participant noted:

I think it’s a lifestyle and I think it’s here to stay. . . because of the health of it. There are more African Americans treating their whole lives better holistically, and haircare has become part of that experience. (2019, March. Focus Group)