Abstract
Missing persons are a major part of everyday policing. However, some missing person cases can be highly emotive and challenging such as missing women and girls. Women who go missing have a greater risk of coming to harm. This study focused on 38 long-term missing women and girls from the Irish Republic from 1971 to 2023 of which 12 cases are now classified as homicides, and the whereabouts of the bodies remain unknown. The majority of cases are in Leinster with 25. Eight missing persons are under 18 years, and 22 are between the ages of 18 and 45 years. Domestic violence was a feature in five cases, involvement in a fight prior to disappearance in seven cases, and inconsistencies in statements by intimate partners and close family members regarding the victim's mental health were noted in seven cases. In nine cases, the personal belongings of the victim remained in the home. In seven cases, there was suggestive evidence that the victim entered water. These factors were seen in both the missing and classified homicide cases. The suicide narrative is heavily implied in many of these cases. A woman's mental health and stage of life such as pregnancy, childbirth and menopause can be exploited and used as an advantage to a potential killer. It is therefore paramount that missing women who are considered to have taken their own lives should be thoroughly investigated, with a special focus on cases where evidence suggests drowning and jumping from a height.
Introduction
Thousands of individuals are reported missing every day across the globe, with the majority returning home safely within hours or days. Current figures in the Republic of Ireland show as of 1st December 2023, there are 834 open missing person cases in the Irish state. Of the 4278 persons reported missing in 2023, 1731 were aged 0–17 years. In 2023, on average, 13 missing persons reports were filed every day in Ireland. 1 The Department of Justice revealed there are 27 unidentified sets of human remains dating back 70 years. Thirteen are reported to be whole remains and 14 partial remains, of which 7 are male and 3 female and the rest unidentified. 2
The term ‘missing person’ describes any person, adult or child that goes missing. There are many definitions of the term in use by different police forces. In the Republic of Ireland, the definition of a missing person by An Garda Síochána (Ireland's national police force) ‘one whose whereabouts are unknown and the circumstances of the disappearance presents a risk of harm to the missing person or any other person’. 3 Similarly in the UK, those missing are defined as ‘anyone whose whereabouts cannot be established and where the circumstances are out of character or the context suggests the person may be the subject of crime or at risk of harm to themselves or another’. 4 The simplicity of the language used to define a missing person does not convey the serious challenges faced by police in assessing and locating a missing person. The term is also employed to define both children and adults where factors for disappearance differ substantially. 5 At present in the Republic of Ireland when a missing person report is made to the police the person's disappearance is assigned a specific level of risk. There are currently three levels of risk: high, medium, and low risk. High risk indicates a person is in danger due to their vulnerability and or a victim of crime. However, in the more recent past when a person was reported missing, cases were assigned as Suspicious, Possible Suicide, Believed Drowned or Voluntary Leaving. 6
There is a growing body of research on missing persons both intentional and unintentional, particularly in Britain.7–14 Children and those under 18 years of age. 11 Individuals with dementia.15–17 Cold cases and the long-term missing. 18 Research exploring the typologies of adult missing persons includes works by Payne 19 who was the first to introduce a classification system using five categories: runaways who made an intentional decision to leave; throwaways person forced to leave their homes by family or partners or those experiencing domestic violence; pushaways, intentionally leave due to certain situations, that is domestic violence; fallaways individuals who have lost contact with family or friends; and takeaways persons forced away, that is, kidnapping. Henderson et al. 20 observed three categories: those who leave to gain independence or as a form of rebellion; those who leave to escape adverse consequences; and those who go missing unintentionally through miscommunication or accident. In a study by Biehal et al., 14 they advised a ‘missing continuum’ ranging from intentional to unintentional absences. Alternatively, Gibb & Woolnough 11 using UK police data based on the ages of children and mental health disorders recorded four scenarios to consider: (1) lost person somebody gone missing unintentionally; (2) voluntarily missing where someone has chosen to leave; (3) under the influence of a third party (i.e. abduction) and (4) missing due to an accident, illness or injury, therefore suggesting three potential themes of adult missing persons: dysfunction (i.e. mental health issues); escape (i.e. those who leave or forced to leave) and unintentional (i.e. lost, under the influence of a third party). 9 Chopin et al., 21 explored unsolved missing person cases suspected of being criminal from France, resulting in four different categories related to lifestyle and situational exposure: riskier lifestyle, riskier situation, safer situation and safer lifestyle. Studies in the UK have shown only 0.3% of missing person cases are eventually classed as homicides. 12 Although this varies greatly throughout the world, in Australia 14.8% of all long-term persons were homicides and in the United States up to 20% were found to be homicides. 22
Missing – femicide
Studies have shown that females who go missing have a greater risk of harm. Newiss found females both adults and children were at a greater risk of being a victim of homicide when reported missing. 13 The probability was higher for females in every age group compared to males. Adults aged between 19 and 24 years were the highest risk group and were twice as likely to be the victim of homicide. Adults aged 25–29 were the second highest risk group, followed by children aged 5–9. 13 In a further UK study by Newiss, 23 concerning only cases where a fatality was recorded rather than all missing persons of the 186 cases recorded, 22% involved females and 78% males with suicide the leading manner of death in 29% of cases, followed by accidents at 10.8% and homicide at 7.5%. In a recent study by Whibley et al., on 615 cases of fatal disappearances in England and Wales between 2018 and 2020 of which 573 were over 18 years of age. 7 It was found that 98 cases comprised females compared with 429 males. Within the female cohort, 47 cases were classed as suicide, 7 homicides, 6 accidents and 36 unknown manners of death. Homicide was the only cause of death posing a greater risk among females than males. 7 This reflects the types of homicides that are primarily reported initially as missing persons, that is, domestic homicides, sexually motivated attacks by strangers, predatory and the killing of sex workers.7,13 In the French study by Chopin et al., 21 of the 155 cases studied, 78 were female with an average age of 36 years at the time of disappearance. In a recent Irish study on 54 missing-femicides, over 50% of victims were killed by a person known to them compared with stranger killings. 24
It has been stated that between 1949 and 1977 up to forty women were reported missing in Ireland and the majority of cases were filed under ‘voluntary leaving’. 6 But the first case where a woman whose disappearance was classed as suspicious was in 1983. 6 It was during the next decade that the investigation into missing women would see the greatest change. Much attention has been given to what is commonly known as the ‘Vanishing Triangle’ when six young women went missing in the Leinster area in the east of Ireland between 1993 and 1998.25,26 In September 1998, a special garda operation called Operation Trace was set up to investigate the disappearance of the women and to establish a link between the cases. No links were ever found and in 2001 Operation Trace was closed down. 25
Methods
Due to the restrictive nature of Garda files and the difficulties in gaining access to such materials, it was decided to conduct a newspaper/media report analysis of missing women and no body femicide cases in the Republic of Ireland. Only those cases who are long-term missing, that is, those individuals missing for 1 year or more are included: firstly, a search of the Garda missing person website 3 which is frequently updated and lists the current missing persons in the State; the women's Aid Femicide watch website which includes missing women who are presumed dead. 27 The national and regional newspapers were consulted. An internet search was also conducted using terms such as ‘female murder’, ‘homicide’, ‘missing persons’, ‘femicide in Ireland’, ‘women and suicide’ and ‘no-body homicides’. The criteria for inclusion consisted of (1) female missing person/victim, (2) missing for 12 months of more, and (3) unknown whereabouts or/and no body recovered.
In total, 38 cases fitted the description of long-term missing women and girls from across the Republic spanning a period of 52 years from 1971 to 2023. Of which 12 cases are now considered homicides by Gardaí. Three cases are suspected to be suicides; however, one case is currently under review by serious crime detectives. Two cases are considered accidents, although in one case foul play has not been ruled out. There are 21 cases of long-term women and girls.
Results
The whereabouts of 38 women and girls remain unknown. Table 1 shows the descriptive analysis of the cases. Twenty-five cases are in Leinster, two cases in Connacht, eight in Munster and three in Ulster. They range in age from 6 years to 69 years (M = 30.08; Median = 26; SD = 14.59). There are 8 aged less than 18 years and 10 between 18 and 25 years. Twelve persons are aged between 26 and 45 years. Most are Irish born (28; 73.6%) and 10 (26.2%) are non-nationals. Marital status of the individuals ranged from married (n = 7; 18.4%), in a relationship (n = 8; 21.0%) and single (n = 11; 28.9%). With eight (21.0%) having children.
Most disappearances occurred during the decades 1990–1999 (n = 12; 31.5%) and 2010–2019 (n = 9; 23.6%). Most disappearances occurred in the afternoons (n = 17; 44.7%) and nighttime (n = 8; 21.0%).
Most women went missing in summer (n = 11; 28.9%) and winter (n = 10; 26.3%) followed by Spring with nine (22.2%) and eight (21%) in autumn. The time lapse between disappearance and reported missing varied with 10 individuals reported missing within 24 hours, others within 1–3 days (n = 12; 31.5%) and 1 week (n = 6;15.7%). One family took 1 year to file a report. Eighteen (47.3%) individuals were reported missing by their parents or siblings with three reported missing by intimate partners (Table 1). Most victims disappeared from their homes (n = 17; 44.7%) followed by other locations such as out walking in the town centre (n = 3; 7.8%) and in a car (n = 2; 5.2%) (Table 1).
Descriptive analysis of the long-term missing where a body has not been recovered/unknown whereabouts (n = 38).
A number of risk factors were noted such as history of domestic abuse (n = 5; 13.1%); engagement in a row before disappearance (n = 7;18.4%), two were going through a separation. Mental health was an issue in five (13.1%) cases. Other indicators of possible harm include associations with organised crime (n = 2; 5.2%) and inconsistencies in accounts given by partners and family members regarding a person's disappearance (n = 6; 15.7%). In nine (23.6%) cases, personal belongings were left in their homes. There was suggestive evidence in seven (18.4%) cases that the person may have entered water and in three cases jumped from a height (Table 1).
In three cases a suspect was charged with murder of a victim. Following a trial two suspects were acquitted, and one was found not guilty. Recently, the office of the director of public prosecutions (DPP) decided not to prosecute due to insufficient evidence in the case of a teenager who disappeared in 1998. The chief suspect boasted of killing her and burying her body, while he was serving a prison sentence for an attack on another woman. 28
Discussion
This study aimed to gain further insight into cases of long-term missing women and no body femicides in the Republic of Ireland and to examine the circumstances that surround their disappearance. Currently, there is little research on missing persons in Ireland and on missing women beyond journalistic interests and what focus there has been on missing women tends to concentrate on the ‘vanishing triangle’ cases which are now part of popular culture.25,29 Profound changes took place in Ireland over the period of this study, not least the investigation of homicide, from the 1960s to the 1990s homicide rates were recorded as low 26 but this contrasts sharply with the numbers of women who were reported missing during the decades and subsequently found dead. 24 It can be argued that a lack of concern shown by authorities towards women who had been reported missing may have directly hindered the investigations into their deaths but also the recovery of their remains. This appeared to change only in the mid-nineties when speculation arose regarding the possibility that the disappearance of six young women within the Leinster area was attributed to one offender. This was not the case. However, this theory is still thriving in certain investigatory circles. 30 There is a peak in missing women in the 1990s of which 8 are now homicides compared to the following decade the 2000s but a rise is seen again during 2010–2019 with nine long-term missing. This peak in cases is similar to those missing cases where a body was recovered, 24 and this is pronounced in 2000–2009 perhaps reflecting a change in attitudes within the police and how missing women cases were viewed and further coincides with advancements in forensic science and the use of electronics devices such as mobile phones and CCTV.
It is unsurprising that the province of Leinster records the majority of cases due to its population. The current population of Ireland is 5,123,536 a considerable increase of over two million since 1990. 31 Leinster is the largest province with 12 countries, it is the location of the capital Dublin, with an overall population of 2,858,501. There has been a steady increase in population over the decades from 1,860,949 in 1991 to 2,105,579 in 2006. It is the most populated area compared with Connacht (five counties) and population of 588,583, Munster (six counties) 1,364,098 and Ulster (including Northern Ireland) (nine counties) 1,910,000. 31
A recent study on missing femicides in Ireland highlighted the importance of victim–offender relationship, age of the victim, method of killing and concealment method. 24 The results were consistent with previous studies on missing persons with women more likely to come to harm as a result of domestic abuse, sexual violence and predatory behaviour. 24 A number of risk factors and indicators of harm were identified from the cases and similar findings were observed in this current study such as a history of domestic violence, (n = 5) involvement in a fight before disappearance (n = 7), mental health issues (n = 5), inconsistent accounts given by partners or family (n = 6), majority of victims were last seen at home (n = 15), and the leaving of personal belongings at home (n = 9) (Table 1). These factors are present in both long-term missing and homicide cases.
Major life stages which are unique to women such as pregnancy, childbirth and the transition to menopause are also the times when women are at their most vulnerable, more likely to experience violence or an escalation in violence, increased strain or breakdown in relationships and it is also a time when psychiatric disorders may emerge or deteriorate, such as, postpartum depression. Mental illness and domestic violence can frequently co-exist. Episodes of poor mental health can stem from a myriad of conditions and factors (such as eating disorders, loneliness and social isolation, history of childhood abuse, unwanted/wanted pregnancies, menstrual health, fertility problems, depression, breakdown in relationships, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), substance abuse, menopause, chronic illnesses and old age) and violence can frequently result in volume and severity. Pregnancy is known as a dangerous time for women as studies show increases in violence and death. 32 Also suicide is a leading cause of maternal death during pregnancy and up to a year after birth. There are strong associations between suicidal ideation, attempted suicides and suicide deaths and domestic violence and childhood abuse. 33 Thus, a vulnerable woman is at greater risk of going missing, committing suicide or being a victim of femicide. Menstrual health can also have a negative impact on well-being and mental health due to the sensitivity to hormonal changes. A recent study found as a result of fluctuating hormones some women may be more likely to die by suicide during certain phases of their menstrual cycle. 34 Premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD) and endometriosis are two common conditions that affect various aspects of life, that is, menstruation, sexual relationships, fertility and employment. Those with PMDD are at a higher risk of suicidality compared with women who do not have the condition. 35 Studies show that women who experience violence can greatly impact the severity of endometriosis. 36 Women who experience domestic violence show a higher prevalence of chronic disease if physical and sexual violence occurs during childhood and adolescence. 36
Intimate partner violence is strongly associated with self-harm and suicidality in women of all ages. 37 A UK study found that those aged 45–54 years have the highest rate of suicide among women owing to menopause. 38 However, victims of domestic violence who are going through menopause report a significant increase in physical and sexual abuse. This is also a time when relationships may come under strain. During perimenopause/menopausal transition significant changes can occur in mental health which can quickly cause a deterioration in quality of life and in some cases result in suicide if not adequately treated. 39 Domestic abuse-related suicides are an area that is only now receiving attention. In 2023, 93 victims of domestic abuse took their own lives in the UK showing the extent that such violence, coercive and controlling behaviour have on a victim. 40 Women's Aid Ireland found that 44% of young women subjected to domestic abuse experience suicidal thoughts and 19% of victims have attempted suicide. 41 However, a woman's mental health, reproductive health and stage of life can also be used as an advantage to a potential killer, allowing concealment of a crime and in certain cases an evasion of justice. This was a frequent finding in a previous study on missing femicides, where there was an overemphasis on mental health issues, drugs, and alcohol at the time of their disappearance by their partners and family. 24 It was subsequently found they were killed by partners and persons known to them. In this current study, seven long-term missing cases show strong indicators that the women may have come to harm as a result of domestic violence, involvement in a fight, and association with a sex offender. These include the supposed suicide cases. These cases have not yet been re-classified and remain missing persons. Also, much anger has been directed towards Gardaí for the lack of concern, delays in investigation thus resulting in loss of potential evidence, and lack of media attention in drawing awareness to some victims when compared to the ‘vanishing triangle’ cases. 42
The suicide narrative features heavily in many of the cases under study. With 7/21 (33.3%) of long-term missing initially assigned as suicide resulting from ‘depression’. Nearly one-third of all cases were initially considered as suicide. Self-harm by hanging and drowning is increasingly presented at hospitals in Ireland and is highest in adolescents and young adults. 43 The leading methods of suicide in women in Ireland from 1980 to 2009 were drowning, hanging and overdose. 44 With hanging becoming the dominant method from the mid-2000s. 44 More older women took their own lives by hanging compared with younger women. 44 More recent statistics covering the period 2015–2019 reveal 575 women committed suicide, further confirming hanging, strangulation and suffocation with 390 deaths as the leading method followed by drowning and submersion with 75 deaths and poisoning at 73. 45 Other methods recorded include fire =5, firearm = 1, sharp object = 9, jumping from a height = 11 and lying in front of object = 8. The majority of suicides occurred between 25–44 years with 217 deaths and 45–64 years with 207. Ninety-nine victims were under 25 years of age. 45
Drowning as a method of suicide has become more prominent in recent years with a number of high-profile cases reported in the British media.46–49 There was also a number of Black women who were reported missing and were later found dead in or near bodies of water.50,51 These cases were considered not suspicious by the police. Similar cases have occurred in Northern Ireland. 52 The case of a young woman recovered from a canal in Co Monaghan in March 2024 after going missing, the postmortem revealed drowning as the cause of death, but she also suffered other injuries such as broken ribs. This case has raised questions over how the investigation was conducted. 53 In Ireland femicide victims are frequently disposed of/concealed in water. 54 The aims of such are to hide the body underwater and with the expectation that the body will travel away from the scene of the crime, get lost at sea; spending long periods in water can lead to difficulties in the identification and assessment of injuries and cause of death (i.e. strangulation) and to make a death look like an accident or suicide. 55 Death by drowning is far from straightforward and unless witnessed much information can be missed regarding the circumstances in which the victim ended up in the water and what the exact manner of death should be, that is, suicide, accident and homicide. 56 This is not easily resolved at postmortem. An Australian study on suicidal drowning deaths found that males outnumbered females, females that did commit suicide by drowning in both fresh water and salt water were older with an average age of 60 years and young women rarely committed suicide using this method. 56 Similar findings in Sweden where the average age of women who drown (suicide) was 60 years. 57 Also drugs and alcohol were significant contributors to suicidal drowning. Homicide by drowning was more prevalent in children and adolescents with an average age of 16 years. 57 Over all women tended to favour the sea and bath compared to men who chose rivers and lakes as the site of suicide. An Italian study found suicide by drowning was more prevalent in older men. 58 A more recent study on 500 drowning deaths in the US found that drowning was more frequently an accident involving men with only a slight difference between the sexes regarding suicide. 59
The recovering of bodies from aquatic environments can be challenging. However, new research has observed in the period up to 24 hours after entry to water the older the individual the more buoyant the body is, and this is more obvious in suicidal drownings than accidental. 60 This is possibly due to a decrease in bone density and muscle mass, the amount of clothing and footwear. 60 This is important with regard to women who are suspected of having entered water particularly those aged 40 years plus due to the reduction in bone density and muscle mass with increasing age. Although the data collected related to bodies recovered inland or in a marine setting within 50 m of land. 60 Decomposition and the time of the year/season will also influence the buoyance of a body and the likelihood of aiding discovery.
In cases of supposed suicide, there is often an overemphasis placed on the poor mental health of the victim or on addictions such as alcohol by intimate partners. This may be at odds with the accounts of family members, close friends, or work colleagues. Unfortunately, misinterpretation and misdirection of a case can prevent certain avenues of investigation from being conducted at the time of the disappearance, therefore, resulting in considerable time delays, and loss of evidence which can hinder the recovery of the victim. In some instances, this is what the offender had intended. In this study, seven cases had suggestive evidence that the individual may have entered water, and three further cases outlined below demonstrate the difficulties in distinguishing between accident, suicide, and/or homicide when no body is discovered. In February 2011, a husband reported that his wife went missing after leaving their home at 7:20 am to head to the shops before he needed to go to work and needed the car. She had a two-year-old son. A neighbour reported seeing her next to the car. The car was noticed on CCTV 30–40 minutes later at a roundabout near their home. The journey would normally take 3–5 minutes. Her husband only raised the alarm later that evening some 12 hours after he had last seen his wife. He rang her sister in London to tell her she had gone missing, she subsequently told him to ring the police and give them the car details. At 11 pm, her car was located by police in a car park in Bray Co. Wicklow. Her purse was found in the boot. It was initially thought to be suicide as Bray Head is known as a suicide spot. Her car was picked up on CCTV driving erratically before entering the car park. A set of car keys were found in a takeaway near their home that both husband and wife visited some months later. Subsequently, her husband and young son left Ireland in the months following her disappearance. This case is currently being reviewed by serious crime detectives.
In December 2011, a 36-year-old went missing after leaving her place of work in Dublin city shortly after receiving a call from her partner. She was picked up on CCTV later in day, appearing uncoordinated in her movements. She appears to walk up and down the same streets for hours and all within easy reach of her workplace. Her partner claimed she did not answer any of his calls during the rest of the day. She is thought to have lost her phone at 3:30 pm, which is the time of the last call. She rang Gardaí five times initially stating she was suicidal. Her mobile phone was found near the Grand Canal at 5:30 pm and handed into Gardaí. Her last sighting on CCTV was at 7 pm on Sir John Rogerson's Quay. She was never seen again. Her handbag and bank cards were recovered a few days later by Garda divers from the river Liffey but no signs of a body. Her partner only raised the alarm the next evening. At the inquest, her partner claimed she had an alcohol problem and went on a ‘bender’. The coroner recorded an open verdict.
In January 2009, a 46-year-old GP went missing from her holiday home. She was last seen the evening before by her husband and children. Husband said he noticed she was not in bed during the night and in the morning when he awoke at 9 am. This was not unusual. He noticed her car was missing and presumed she had gone for a walk. Later in the morning, her car was found on the beach near their home. Keys in the ignition and a pair of sandals in the footwell of the driver's side. Her doctor's bag was in the boot. No body was recovered from the water or the surrounding area. Three letters were later recovered in the house addressed to her children along with her mobile phone, wedding and engagement rings. From the outset, it was taken for granted that this woman had committed suicide due to her having suffered from depression and taken medication in the past. Three years later, she was declared dead using the presumption of Death Act 2009, an application submitted by her husband. Interestingly, it was the first case to apply the new legislation in Northern Ireland in reducing the period of seven years to three years in declaring the death of an individual. In the words of Mr Justice Deeny, ‘There is not the slightest suggestion of any foul play in connection with the disappearance of this lady as will appear from the circumstances I will describe’. 61 Her family admitted that they had unanswered questions and clearly appeared shocked by her taking her own life. Ten years later in 2019, the Gardaí received an anonymous letter informing them of where her body was located. They carried out excavations, but nothing was recovered. 62
‘No-body’ femicides
Corpus delicti (body of the crime) dictates that a crime must be proven to have been committed before a suspect is charged. The United States leads the way in prosecuting no body homicide cases where there have been over 576 such cases in the last 200 years. With more than half since 2000. 63 This is due to the advances in technology and forensics, DNA, and electronic data evidence. And the close relationships between victims and offenders. In Britain, at least 46 successful prosecutions have resulted from cases of women who disappeared, later established to have been murdered and where no body has been recovered to date or in several cases the body was recovered after the trial. The majority were killed by a person known to them (31 = intimate partner, 8 = family members, 4= strangers, 2= sex workers, 1= honour killing). 64 In a further case, a man has been charged with the murder of a woman who disappeared in 2022; her body has not yet been found. In studies by Ferguson and Pooley on 25 solved no body homicides from Australia where there were successful prosecutions in all cases despite no part of the victims’ bodies ever being recovered.65,66 The three main types included: organised crime, serial sex offenders and domestic violence. They noted concealment and disposal were common features of sexual offenders, and all the victims were likely to be transported elsewhere. Sexual offenders tended to prepare for the killing in advance but rarely afterwards. In domestic violence cases, the perpetrator commonly reported the victim missing and told stories about where they had gone. Many of the victims were trying to separate or end a relationship at the time of disappearance but also unwanted pregnancies and extramarital affairs featured. The organised crime cases tended to have multiple offenders and mostly male victims. These cases also have the shortest time delays due to the fact many of the persons were known to the police.65,66 Despite the increase in successful convictions with no body homicides this is still a controversial area of criminal law. No body, no parole states that a convicted killer should not be considered for parole if they do not disclose the whereabouts of their victim (s) bodies. 67 In 2015, it was first enacted in Australia (Lyn's law) and followed in 2019 by Helen's Law (The Prisoners (Disclosure of Information About Victims) Act 2020) in the UK. 67 There are now calls for a Helen's 2 law in cases where a body has been completely destroyed. 68 In 2021, the state of Utah in the United States became the first state to use similar legislation. 67 However, legal scholars are rightly wary of the impact such legislation has on those wrongly convicted and miscarriages of justice.
One of Ireland's earliest cases involving the death of a woman in which no body was recovered was committed in Dublin in 1936 by 19-year-old Edward Ball who killed his mother and later disposed of her body. 69 Her bloodstained car was found near the sea. He said his mother had committed suicide, and he was hiding the body in the sea. He was arrested and charged. He was found guilty but insane. 69 In more recent times, several cases have been brought to trial involving the disappearance of a woman. A man went on trial for the murder of a pregnant 28 year old woman who disappeared in 2000. The whereabouts of her body remain unknown. A jacket was discovered by the pier which initially gave rise to suspicions of suicide. The evidence at the trial appeared to rely on witness statements and confessions. The accused was acquitted of her murder. In 1994, a 15-year-old disappeared on her way to/from a disco. Police established she was killed by friend's 50-year-old father who had previous convictions for violent sexual offences. The jury was not told of his past convictions, and he was subsequently acquitted of the killing. He died in 2001 and never revealed where her body was located. In 1993, a 23-year-old disappeared while on holiday with her partner and baby. It was stated a row erupted between them and the victim tried to leave. The accused is alleged to have hit her hard, and consequently, she later became unwell and died. He did not seek help or call the ambulance but instead set about concealing her body. Her body was said to have been disposed of in a river in Co. Cork, thrown from Kinsale bridge. The prosecution case mainly relied on his confessions to Gardaí and some forensic evidence. In 2002, he was charged with her manslaughter under the seven-year rule in which she was officially declared dead. The 45-year-old also faced the charge of preventing lawful burial of the victim. It was the first time that a charge had been brought under the common law. The judge directed the jury to return a not guilty verdict. He walked free from court. In other classified homicides, two victims were connected with organised crime; four are believed to have been killed by the person (s) known to them; they were last seen at their homes and evidence of domestic abuse and controlling behaviour. No body femicides primarily involves those in romantic or familial relationships. Important markers for the long-term missing or no body cases, include: the relationship between the victim and the offender, location of last known sighting and by whom, how the location may influence the method of killing, potential disposal site and the offender's history of criminality.
Missing women warrant special attention not least due to the increasing level of violence against women but also to the trends in the causes and manners of their deaths noted in recent years. Over the last decade or so the ‘rough sex’ or ‘sex game gone wrong’ has become widely used as a defence in an increasing number of cases involving the deaths of young women with many resulting in derisory sentences of the accused or acquittal. 70 This is very prevalent among adolescents and young adults. Over the past two years, there have been increasing reports of women going missing and later ‘recovered in and around bodies of water’. Often with belongings found nearby. Many such cases are deemed suicides and accidents therefore not suspicious. But homicides can and do occur by drowning by pushing or throwing someone into water and such cases do not show evidence of foul play and no specific injuries consistent with a fight or altercation. 55 Another area where increasing cases have been highlighted is ‘falls from a height’. Until recently, an overlooked and often unrecognised aspect of femicide. To date, there are very few studies on falls from a height within forensic medicine. 71 A UK investigative journalist report uncovered 27 cases which were suspicious: in 17 cases, the victim died. 72 This is important regarding missing women particularly those who were reported in and around cliff tops/mountainous areas after their disappearance or personal belongings recovered. Initially, cases are considered as suicides or accidents and can be difficult to dispute in the absence of a body. There could be up to 130 hidden homicides a year in England and Wales, frequently disguised as accidents or suicide. 73 The suicide narrative has become a powerful argument and one that police and coroners should question rigorously.
Conclusions
Missing persons form a large proportion of police work. It is vital that the disappearances of women are treated with urgency regardless of the person's age, class, race and other socio-economic factors. Unfortunately, this has not always been the case in the Republic of Ireland where cases were frequently seen as suicide or the victim voluntarily walking out. This review focused on 38 cases of which 12 are now homicides, 2 possible accidents, 3 possible suicides and 21 long-term missing, depending on further case reviews and new evidence the status of these cases may change in the future. There is no bar in bringing a case in a ‘no-body’ homicide but there must be very strong evidence against the accused. The most compelling forms of evidence that are currently used are DNA and blood pattern analysis, electronic data – CCTV, mobile phone tracing but also the construction and language of text messages and witness confessions. 64 The frequency in which suicide and drowning are implied in Irish cases of missing women is worrying. Drowning may be the second leading method of suicide in women, but it is not yet a leading cause of death in homicides, however, it is often employed as a means to dispose of or conceal a body or body parts. The locating of vehicles and belongings near areas known as suicide spots often at great heights is also concerning particularly when no body is recovered. This regularly occurs alongside bad weather, and during the winter months when darkness and poor visibility can hamper search and recovery efforts. It can also aid in concealing a crime. Known risk factors and indicators of harm which are commonly encountered in femicides should be considered strong markers of harm in missing women. (1) Going missing suddenly from home and the last person to see her alive is an intimate partner, family member or acquaintance. (2) History of domestic violence, control, and non-fatal strangulation. (3) Overemphasis on the suicide narrative due to poor mental health, addiction issues, and life stages such as pregnancy and menopause. (4) Waiting days/weeks before reporting a person missing. (5) Leaving behind young children, elderly parents, pets. (6) Leaving behind items such as mobile phones, money, passports, medication, handbags, etc.
The vanishing triangle disappearances have long dominated the Irish media and in doing so have cast aside the other women and girls that remain missing with many stretching back decades. All police work encounters difficulties and challenges and missing persons and no body homicides can be the most challenging of all. But a disappearance should not be readily dismissed as a suicide in the immediate absence of evidence of foul play or a body. The disentangling of a suicide or accident from a femicide is not always straightforward with many coexisting factors. The consideration of early indicators of potential harm may help steer an investigation. Ideally, all cases/scenes should be treated as suspicious in the initial period and especially if the person reporting the woman missing is the only person to have seen them before the disappearance or the recovery of a body.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
