Abstract
Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 is the 2005 follow-up of a 1985 general household survey conducted in Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh with an estimated 15 million inhabitants today. Accordingly, the book offers insights into how Dhaka’s society changed between 1985 and 2005 concerning their socio-economic background, the relations between urban and rural family members, the conditions of housing, income and expenditure, property ownership, leisure activities and ‘opinions’ (on family planning, problems of Dhaka and the economic system). Statistical data sets are at the heart of this analysis, supplemented by case studies of additional population groups and special urban areas. This comprehensive and unique analysis provides important insight into pressing issues of urban development and the constitution of its actors, especially as statistical data on the livelihoods of Dhaka’s inhabitants are scarce and longitudinal analyses of the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics data sets on Dhaka have not yet been conducted. The book’s presentation of results specifically underlines how over the years some population groups – comparatively small in size – were able to improve their livelihoods and benefit from the rapidly urbanising capital, while especially the urban poor still struggle to improve their livelihoods and to secure a permanent place in the city.
The authors analyse the society of Dhaka in 12 chapters. The first chapter identifies the aim of the publication, which is to provide a comprehensive examination of the social structure of Dhaka between 1985 and 2005 and the potential agents for change (p. 2). The remainder of the introductory chapter provides a brief overview of Dhaka’s historic emergence as well as basic characteristics, for example of land ownership patterns and governance challenges. The second chapter provides the methodological details of both the surveys as well as the case studies. Particularly for readers not familiar with Dhaka it is difficult to understand the categorisation of zones decided on in the household survey, and cartographical material might have supported this.
The results of the general household survey – a representative sample of households residing in dwellings with a municipal holding number – are analysed in Chapter 3. Especially the comparison of 100 households having participated in the survey in both 1985 and 2005 provides striking evidence for major trends within the city. For example, the findings confirm the concentration of property in the hands of long-term residents, as indicated by the increase of the occupation ‘house renting’ (p. 48) as well as the increase of land and house ownership over the years (p. 60) among the 100 selected households – while the overall trend is a decrease of property ownership. The conclusion the authors draw from the analysis is an overall improvement of material conditions, but also a trend in ‘peasantisation’ manifested in continuous in-migration and a pessimistic perspective concerning the initiation of change by the surveyed population groups. In the subsequent Chapter 4 the authors report the results of the survey among residents of government quarters. The trends suggest a decrease in land ownership, however the authors indicate that under-reporting may be a cause of these statistics. An outline of which groups of government service holders at which locations were included in the sample would have further strengthened the observations.
From Chapter 5 onwards, specific population groups are analysed following the authors’ ‘case study approach’. The ‘educated middle class’ (Chapter 5) has been divided into 22 segments of ‘intellectuals, opinion-makers and professionals’. This phrasing suggests a potential bias in favour of the middle class – of considerable tradition with the bhodrolok (educated gentleman/woman and intellectual) as its protagonist – whose assumed high level of culture and interests seem to have informed much of the survey questionnaires for this book. However, the final assessment highlights the middle classes’ self-interest in establishing themselves economically and educationally while lacking societal responsibility.
In Chapter 6, the authors have compiled data from 68 of the 75 richest people of Dhaka city, despite having experienced difficulties in getting access to this group. The findings explain this, given that common accumulation practices were found to centre around illegal activities as well as the use of political and statutory power and property relations went clearly in this groups’ favour. Contrary to the positive bias towards the ‘educated middle class’, the authors seem to have a negative bias towards the ‘richest people’, considerably emphasised by ‘selected respondents’ opinions, and one might question whether the middle classes’ accumulation practices do considerably differ except in scale and whether being rich automatically translates into being exploitive.
Chapters 7 and 8 focus on the urban poor, differentiated into the formal-sector poor – female garment workers, hospital workers, hotel workers, salespersons, private-sector security guards, government fourth-class employees and police – and the informal-sector poor – rickshaw-pullers, street children, hawkers, maidservants and poor female heads of households. This differentiation remains vague, as many allegedly ‘formal’ jobs especially in production industries do not guarantee the stability of social security. The results of the case studies point at considerable shortfalls compared with the livelihoods of the participants of the general household survey, including limited access to urban resources and public goods. The conclusion that ‘a very considerable percentage exhibited backward and perverse cultural traits and lifestyle and lacked discipline and work ethic’ (p. 239, on the ‘formal-sector poor’) needs a very critical scrutiny and indicates some of the preconceived perspectives and methodological shortcomings of the case studies (see below).
The remainder of the book addresses groups and areas according to characteristics other than their socio-economic situation. In Chapter 9, the authors summarise case studies with ‘beggars, prostitutes and criminals’ and this combination of groups seems to anticipate the results, which do little justice to especially the first two groups. While the compilation outlines common ascriptions and perceived dynamics, the structural components remain untouched and thus provide subjects for consecutive in-depth research. Chapter 10 acknowledges the developments in some special urban areas – among them the ‘gated’ and accordingly exclusive military cantonment, the prosperous diplomatic quarters and the Dhaka University campus as the centre of many protest movements. It also discusses minority population groups differentiated according to ethnicity, gender and religion. Again the findings remain general and can only be read as an entry into larger themes of ethnicity, citizenship and identity as well as socio-spatial exclusion and fragmentation.
Highly relevant and a distinct addition to the survey are the explorations the authors undertake in Chapter 11 on power structures and potential change agents in Dhaka. The authors assess which groups are the most and least politically powerful, as well as which groups are likely to bring about change. The analysis provides in-depth insights into the political culture and dominant structures influencing current governance arrangements and urban development decisions, as well as future directions. The book closes with a summary of the major findings.
In 12 chapters the authors have impressively undertaken the complex task to unravel the distinct features, contradictions, trends and dynamics defining Dhaka’s society today. However, a reservation towards the book concerns the way it contributes to dominant readings of Dhaka in terms of who its citizens are, who is ‘on the map’ and who is ‘off the map’. This has its roots in both the methodological approach as well as in the way the findings are discussed and presented.
Except for the general household survey (Chapter 3) and the government quarters survey (Chapter 4) the accounts of different population groups are compiled from case studies as well as additional opinions by ‘selected respondents’. The case studies compile data from approximately 50 respondents, however, the selection procedures are not further outlined and the compilation of percentage shares blurs the fact that these are not representative studies. Additionally, the opinion of ‘selected respondents’ does not necessarily present grounded material but potentially adds to stereotyping. For example, selected respondents ‘reported gambling, drinking alcohol […] and visiting prostitutes [as leisure activities] among a considerable portion of the formal sector poor’ (p. 237). Repeatedly, ‘selected respondents’ are quoted characterising both the urban poor and the richest people of Dhaka as drug-consumers and being promiscuous in their recreational behaviour in both 1985 and 2005 (e.g. p. 83), while the middle class fares comparatively well.
The distinction between groups surveyed and groups only approached by case studies also results in establishing differentiation between citizen groups. Sampling techniques beyond using municipal holding numbers might have eliminated these problems. As it is, the separate discussion of ‘formal-sector poor’ and ‘informal-sector poor’ manifests the continuation of the common view among government officials in Dhaka that the poor cannot be considered equal and urban citizens, but belong to a temporary category of ‘migrants’. Of similar nature are the repeated references to the ‘continuous peasantisation of Dhaka city’ in the general household survey (e.g. pp. 82–83) for which the assessment basis remains vague. At other times this contradicts with the findings of a ‘greater urbanity’ (p. 121) of for example government officials, whose characteristics do otherwise not significantly differ from the general household survey results. It is on the grounds of such differentiating practices that statutory institutions continue eviction drives in low-income areas and that resettlement schemes repeatedly fail to provide for their target groups who are denied an urban identity and future.
At other times the authors provide well-placed and open critique of the severe conditions and structures that prevent innovative urban governance in Dhaka. For example, they seriously question the often unchallenged army’s privilege on land use in Dhaka as representing ‘anachronism, privilege, power and increasing inconvenience for the rest of the city’ (p. 319). The authors furthermore reflect on the role of the state, assessing that ‘[t]he state can act like a tiger only when it is dealing with the poor, the women and other disadvantaged groups of people in the city but is generally given to surrender and cowardice when confronted by powerful groups, internal or external’ (p. 318). The outstanding chapter on power structure and change agents may be read as an addition to that statement. Here the authors demonstrate how the state cannot be understood as simply surrendering but rather how the state and government authorities make strategic choices in dealing with different population groups: ‘Consistent with the power structure, the governance arrangements in Dhaka city were noted for corruption, poor service delivery and inefficiency which ultimately benefited the rich and the powerful and worked against the poor and the disadvantaged’ (p. 332).
Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 is a recommended read especially for those conducting research on Dhaka and Bangladesh, but also for others setting out to portray cities which yet remain under-represented in urban studies. The authors’ merit is the provision of a kaleidoscopic image of this city, paving the ground for in-depth research on one or the other of the groups, areas and issues discussed. Yet readers and researchers are at all times invited to critically reflect on representations, and only awareness of representation will eventually lead to the long-overdue endeavour to establish cities of the Global South as ‘ordinary reference points’ in urban theory. Given that this book addresses themes especially relevant to urban planning practitioners as well as academics in urban planning and geography, I would welcome the 2025 study – relevant as it would be – to include an illustration of contents with the help of maps to underline the spatial patterns and dynamics of the investigated phenomena.