Abstract
This qualitative study explores how adolescents understand and sustain psychological resilience through self-control and the satisfaction of basic psychological needs. Framed within a process-oriented view of resilience, the research examines how adolescents navigate challenges such as academic pressure, family difficulties, and social uncertainty. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with adolescents aged 16–18 who reported diverse experiences of coping and adaptation. Using thematic analysis, four major themes emerged: (1) self-regulatory strategies such as goal-setting, planning, and emotional regulation; (2) need satisfaction through autonomy, competence, and relatedness; (3) contextual resources including supportive family and peer relationships; and (4) meaning-making and personal growth following adversity. These findings illustrate resilience as a dynamic and relational process, shaped by both individual self-control capacities and the fulfilment of psychological needs within social contexts. The study concludes the importance of fostering autonomy-supportive environments and self-regulatory skills to strengthen adolescents’ adaptive capacity and well-being.
Introduction
In an era where children and adolescents face an array of global challenges—ranging from escalating violence and rapid technological shifts to natural disasters, climate changes, and pandemics—there's a palpable threat to their future well-being and development (Walsh, 2020). Recent systematic reviews confirm that resilience should be understood as a dynamic, multisystem process rather than a fixed trait (Mesman et al., 2021; Seko et al., 2020). These adversities are linked to an increased prevalence of mental and physical health issues among the youth, signaling a troubling decline in their overall well-being (Zolkoski & Bullock, 2012). Concerns are mounting that, without proper support, at-risk youth may struggle to realize their full potential, sustain themselves, or forge healthy relationships in adulthood (Rak & Patterson, 1996). Notably, amidst such adversities, certain adolescents exhibit remarkable resilience, effectively harnessing coping mechanisms to navigate through these challenges unscathed (Malhi et al., 2019). This resilience prompts a deeper inquiry into how some adolescents can adapt and flourish despite facing harsh, challenging conditions and risk factors. The literature reveals both the detrimental impacts of childhood adversities, neglect, and trauma, and the resilience of adolescents who, despite these odds, continue to lead functional lives (Burke et al., 2011; Shonkoff et al., 2009). This innate resilience—seemingly protecting them and enabling healthy coping mechanisms for positive outcomes—underscores the need for a deeper exploration into the pathways leading to psychological resilience in adolescents (Iwaniec, 2006). For example, Pinto et al. (2021) found that school-based resilience programmes produce moderate improvements in adolescent coping capacities, underscoring the practical relevance of process-oriented resilience research. Research in psychological resilience seeks to address how adolescents manage to maintain healthy development in the face of adversity (Prince-Embury & Saklofske, 2014), highlighting the critical importance of understanding resilience mechanisms for promoting health and preventing mental health challenges (Malhi et al., 2019).
Psychological resilience, as described by Masten (2014), represents the dynamic system's capacity to adapt successfully to significant disturbances that could potentially destabilize, threaten its viability, or halt its development. It’s not merely an internal strength but a process manifested through interactions with the environment, especially apparent during stress as a flexible structure, a bounce-back resource (Smith et al., 2010). The genesis of resilience research can be traced back to the 1950s, initiated by researchers in traumatology and developmental psychopathology aiming to understand how individuals at risk managed to emerge with minimal harm. These early investigations aimed at identifying the core personality traits that enabled positive adaptation among those exposed to risk factors. However, the focus gradually shifted, recognizing psychological resilience as a dynamic process, the outcome of the interplay between risk and protective factors, akin to skill acquisition (Leys et al., 2018). Meta-analyses have since validated this viewpoint, showing that multicomponent resilience-based interventions enhance adaptation in adolescents exposed to adversity (Llistosella et al., 2023).
In recent years, the spotlight has shifted from disease and psychopathology-centric perspectives to Positive Psychology, which focuses on the strengths that enable individuals to endure and thrive (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). This shift underscores the significance of considering processes that promote positive psychological functioning, adaptation, and growth beyond merely the context of risk and pathology (Rutter, 2012; Zolkoski & Bullock, 2012). Within this paradigm, "psychological resilience" emerges as a critical concept for understanding how individuals maintain their psychological integrity and robustness amidst adversity (Işık, 2016). Current discourse suggests that psychological resilience is shaped by both external (environmental) and internal (genetic and personality) factors, with a significant role played by the interaction between genetics and the environment (Malhi et al., 2019). Recent work highlights that resilience correlates strongly with mental-health indicators in adolescents (correlation r ≈ 0.50 for positive outcomes) (Luo et al., 2025). The consensus in resilience research delineates three core elements of psychological resilience: exposure to significant adverse risk factors, the presence of protective factors against such risks, and the achievement of positive outcomes and adaptation despite these risks (Breda, 2018).
Risk factors identified in this context range from low socioeconomic status, poverty, experiences of natural disasters or war, belonging to minority groups, living in disadvantaged neighborhoods, to having a parent with psychiatric illness. Conversely, protective factors include optimism, problem-solving skills, self-confidence, nurturing family relationships, self-control, positive parenting attitudes, and social support, all contributing to successful adaptation and positive outcomes following risk exposure (Buckner et al., 2003; Garmezy et al., 1984; Masten & Narayan, 2012; Sandin-Esteban & Sanches-Martin, 2015; Stepleman et al., 2009; Tiêt & Huizinga, 2002; Werner & Smith, 1982; Wright & Masten, 2015). Among these protective factors, self-control stands out for its capacity to enable individuals exposed to risk factors to maintain their psychological resilience (Swanson et al., 2011). Self-control, acting as a predictor of psychological resilience, promotes positive adaptation and a healthier lifestyle by managing emotional, cognitive, and impulsive behaviors. It embodies the ability to override or change internal responses, interrupt behavioral tendencies like impulses, and avoid acting on them, thus serving as an autonomous sense of self regulating systematic behaviors (Milyavskaya et al., 2019; Mischel, 2014; Shogren et al., 2015; Tangney et al., 2004). Longitudinal studies by Moffitt et al. (2011) have shown that self-control in childhood forecasts outcomes in adulthood such as well-being, health, wealth, and public safety, linking better self-control with numerous desirable life outcomes, stronger interpersonal relationships, higher academic success, higher subjective well-being, mental health, and lower levels of stress, depression, and anxiety (Baldwin et al., 2018; De Ridder et al., 2013, 2018; Hoffman et al., 2013; Mischel et al., 2010; Tangney et al., 2004). Further, stronger self-control skills have been associated with lower levels of developing Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), suggesting that self-control plays a pivotal role in the regulation of emotions, thoughts, and behaviors, including goal-directed skills, contributing significantly to psychological resilience (Rosenbaum & Ronen, 2013; Tangney et al., 2004).
Central to self-control is the concept of intrinsic motivation (Ampel et al., 2016). According to Self-Determination Theory (SDT), meeting basic psychological needs such as autonomy, competence, and relatedness sparks an individual’s intrinsic motivation, thereby enhancing psychological resilience (Vansteenkiste & Ryan, 2013). SDT emphasizes that fulfilling these needs is crucial for motivation, optimal development, effective functioning, and health, asserting that the satisfaction of psychological needs acts as a buffer during stress, facilitating stress appraisal and coping mechanisms (Milyavskaya & Koestner, 2011; Weinstein & Ryan, 2011). Research has shown that fulfilling these basic psychological needs boosts positive vitality, well-being, and reduces anxiety, depression, and stress, linking satisfaction of basic psychological needs with psychological resilience and improved adaptation and functionality (Abualkibash & Lera, 2017; Adie et al., 2012; Hadden & Smith, 2019; Rouse et al., 2019; Thein & Phyoe, 2017; Vansteenkiste et al., 2020). Despite abundant research on the direct connections between fulfilling basic psychological needs and positive outcomes, there’s less focus on the mediating role of these needs or the precursors to the satisfaction of basic psychological needs. Orkibi and Ronen (2017)’s research among high school students demonstrated that self-control enhances the satisfaction of basic psychological needs, which in turn increases positive emotions and adolescent well-being, positioning self-control as a potential determinant of the fulfillment of basic psychological needs. While the evidence linking these variables may not fully support a causal claim, it highlights the significance of understanding self-control as a critical condition.
The literature suggests that the satisfaction of basic psychological needs is correlated with levels of psychological resilience and predictive of resilience. However, discussions in the literature on the interconnected paths between self-control and the satisfaction of psychological needs leading to psychological resilience are limited, often not considering these variables collectively in the context of resilience. Many theoretical perspectives have concentrated on the effects of the relationship between psychological resilience and risk and protective factors, with insufficient emphasis on how adolescents’ levels of self-control contribute to their psychological resilience. Despite research exploring the relationship between self-control and both personal and interpersonal negative outcomes, there’s a dearth of studies on the pathways from self-control to psychological resilience and the underlying mechanisms of self-control’s contribution to positive outcomes. Self-control is linked to psychological resilience as it aids in repairing, renewing, and enhancing experiential functions, offering coping strategies for stress, enabling individuals to consciously alter negative moods into desired states, thus eliciting beneficial and adaptive responses, contributing to tolerance in dealing with disappointments, and reducing risks associated with dependencies. By encompassing the explicit ability to manage emotions, thoughts, and behaviors, self-control may be directly or indirectly connected to psychological resilience through higher cognition and motivation towards fulfilling basic psychological needs.
The primary aim of this study is to explore how adolescents experience and maintain psychological resilience through self-control and the satisfaction of basic psychological needs. Adopting a qualitative, process-oriented perspective, the research seeks to understand the ways in which adolescents describe, construct, and sustain resilience in the face of everyday challenges. The study focuses on uncovering adolescents’ lived experiences and the contextual factors that shape their adaptive processes. Through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, the research investigates how self-control strategies, need satisfaction, and social environments interact to support adolescents’ capacity to cope, recover, and grow following adversity. This qualitative approach aims to provide a nuanced understanding of resilience as a dynamic and relational process rather than a fixed personal trait. By focusing on adolescents’ subjective meaning-making of self-control and need-satisfaction as contributors to resilience, this qualitative study aligns with emerging calls to investigate how mechanisms of adaptation unfold in real-world contexts (Haşimi & Yalçınkaya Alkar, 2024).
Methods
Design
This qualitative study focused on understanding adolescents’ experiences of psychological resilience, self-control, and basic psychological needs through in-depth semi-structured interviews. Semi-structured interviews, a popular method in qualitative research for their effectiveness in revealing personal views and experiences, were conducted. This stage utilized a phenomenological approach to explore in-depth perspectives on certain phenomena (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2013). The research aimed to understand adolescents' psychological resilience in relation to specific risk factors, self-control, and basic psychological needs by conducting detailed interviews and analyzing their interpretations and evaluations of their experiences. The study followed an interpretative phenomenological approach (Smith et al., 2009), emphasizing participants’ subjective meaning-making rather than seeking objective descriptions.
Participants and Procedure
Participants for the qualitative phase were selected from adolescents who had completed the quantitative survey and indicated willingness to participate in follow-up interviews on the first page of the questionnaire. In the quantitative phase, adolescents completed two well-established measures of resilience: the Brief Resilience Scale (BRS; Doğan, 2015; Smith et al., 2008) and the Connor–Davidson Resilience Scale–Short Form (CD-RISC 10; Connor & Davidson, 2003; Kaya & Odacı, 2020). The BRS consists of six items (e.g., “I tend to bounce back quickly after hard times”), assessing the perceived capacity to recover from stress, while the CD-RISC 10 includes items such as “I can adapt to change” and reflects persistence and adaptability in the face of adversity. In this study, these scores were used only to identify adolescents with contrasting adaptive profiles—those reporting higher or lower self-perceived recovery tendencies—rather than to define resilience as a fixed personality trait.
Out of 751 respondents, 157 volunteered for the second phase. Their resilience scores, obtained from the quantitative scales administered in the first phase, were ranked from highest to lowest. Adolescents representing the top and bottom ends of this distribution were invited for interviews to ensure contrasting resilience profiles and capture diverse coping experiences.
Four could not be reached, and eight declined further participation, resulting in successful interviews with 26 adolescents (13 female, 13 male) aged between 16 and 18 years. This extreme-case purposeful sampling strategy (Patton, 2014) enabled the inclusion of adolescents who demonstrated both higher and lower levels of resilience, enriching the data through diverse experiences rather than aiming for representativeness (Büyüköztürk et al., 2014; Merriam, 2013).
The interviews were conducted between September 6 and September 20, 2021, focusing on how adolescents understand and sustain resilience in the face of everyday risks such as family conflict, financial hardship, academic stress, or parental illness (Ungar, 2019). Participants were identified by numeric codes (e.g., Y1, Y2 for high-resilience; D1, D2 for low-resilience) to ensure confidentiality.
Data collection continued until theoretical saturation was achieved—after 20 interviews, no new codes or themes emerged, consistent with qualitative research standards emphasizing depth over breadth (Guest et al., 2020). This approach aligns with Glaser (1965) and Strauss (1987), who emphasize that data collection may cease once categories are fully developed and additional data yield no new insights, signifying a comprehensive understanding of the research phenomenon.
Data Collection Tools and Process
The study received approval from the Üsküdar University Non-Interventional Research Ethics Committee. All participants and their parents provided informed consent, and participation was voluntary and confidential.
The study employed a semi-structured interview form to gather data. Aligning with the nature of qualitative studies, open-ended questions were utilized to facilitate independent thought among participants. One-on-one interviews provided flexibility to ask additional questions as needed. These interviews are a method in phenomenology that aids in describing and understanding phenomena and uncovering the truth or elements at the foundation of individuals’ experiences.
The semi-structured interview form, consisting of open-ended questions aimed at eliciting adolescents’ experiences and views on psychological resilience and self-control, was developed by the researcher. Such interviews use fixed questions that allow individuals to express themselves in their own words.
The questions for the interviews with adolescents in the qualitative part of the study were determined based on a review of the literature. The draft interview form was presented to the thesis advisor, committee members, and three academics experienced in qualitative research and working in the field of psychological counseling and guidance. Following feedback, pilot interviews were conducted with three students to finalize the questions. The finalized interview questions explored participants’ self-perceptions of psychological resilience, self-control, and happiness, and delved into what it means to be psychologically resilient, the characteristics expected for resilience, personal experiences of resilience during challenging situations, the meaning of self-regulation, and methods used to maintain self-control in the face of tempting or risky situations.
Data were collected through online video interviews on WhatsApp with students who volunteered for the study, after obtaining consents from them and their parents via text messages, ensuring ethical standards were met. The semi-structured interview form facilitated systematic data collection, asking open-ended questions to elicit detailed responses about psychological resilience experiences. Interviews, lasting about 25–30 minutes, were conducted by the researcher, focusing on extracting deep insights with prompts like "Why?" and "Can you tell me more?" From 26 interviews, 20 were selected based on their richness, with participants anonymized as "D1, D2" for lower resilience and "Y1, Y2" for higher resilience.
Data Analysis and Reliability
The analysis in this study was a flexible and iterative process, blending data collection and analysis (Dey, 1993; Patton, 2014). An inductive, semantic thematic analysis was applied to identify patterns directly emerging from participants’ narratives (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Transcriptions were analyzed using NVivo 10, facilitating coding and thematic analysis (Neuman, 2014; Tracy, 2013). Coding proceeded through iterative cycles of open, axial, and selective coding, enabling the development of higher-order categories that reflected both shared and unique experiences. Data were systematically categorized into themes based on the interview questions, with findings presented visually for clarity and comprehension (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2015; Tracy, 2013). Categories were developed to encapsulate common ideas, helping to address the research question and aim (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2015). The study employed content and descriptive analysis to elucidate concepts, relationships, and to interpret data in relation to established research themes (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2013), effectively summarizing and explaining qualitative data for insightful conclusions.
In qualitative research, ensuring data credibility and reliability involves establishing trustworthiness through methods such as credibility, authenticity, transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Lincoln & Guba, 1986). Peer debriefing sessions with two independent qualitative researchers were conducted to ensure interpretive consistency and enhance credibility (Lincoln & Guba, 1986). This study enhanced credibility by engaging directly with participants using open-ended questions and consulting experts during question development. Transferability was addressed by providing detailed descriptions of the research process and supporting findings with direct participant quotes, facilitating understanding (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Reliability was ensured by recording and transcribing interviews, with independent coders analyzing data to achieve a recommended 80% agreement rate (Miles & Huberman, 2019). Objectivity throughout the research process maintained confirmability, ensuring an unbiased approach from design to analysis (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2013).
In research, the investigator’s direct interaction with participants is pivotal, requiring empathetic neutrality and non-directiveness to ensure data integrity (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2013). The researcher's background in Guidance and Psychological Counselling, combined with 22 years of practice and previous qualitative research, enriches this study's qualitative analysis. Prior to undertaking this study, the researcher enhanced their qualitative methodology understanding through online training. Expert advice was sought from a qualitative research specialist during the analysis phase, ensuring objective and comprehensive evaluation of findings (Patton, 2014; Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2013). Reflexivity was maintained through ongoing memo-writing and researcher self-reflection to minimize potential bias and ensure that interpretations remained grounded in participants’ narratives. The researcher’s reflective notes during analysis documented assumptions, decisions, and insights, serving as an audit trail that enhanced transparency and confirmability.
Results
In the research, themes and categories emerged around the concept of psychological resilience and strategies for achieving it. Adolescents with varying levels of psychological resilience shared perceptions that encompassed a wide range of attributes and coping strategies, highlighting the complex nature of resilience.
These findings underscore the multifaceted nature of psychological resilience among adolescents, highlighting various strategies and attributes associated with resilience levels. The diversity in coping mechanisms and perceptions of resilience reflects the individualized approaches adolescents take towards navigating challenges and maintaining well-being.
Discussion
The data revealed themes centered around the concept of psychological resilience and ways to foster it. Adolescents' perceptions of psychological resilience, regardless of their resilience levels, include being courageous, grateful, coping with difficulties, self-reflection, self-confidence, self-improvement, having goals, trusting oneself, managing emotions, being solution-focused, logical, enjoying life, optimistic, strong, hopeful, successful, patient, having hobbies, being happy, and social. These findings align with contemporary perspectives framing resilience as a multidimensional construct involving emotional regulation, optimism, and social connectedness (Mesman et al., 2021; Pinto et al., 2021; Luo et al., 2025). Moreover, recent qualitative syntheses indicate that adolescents often define resilience through moral and relational terms—emphasizing gratitude, empathy, and purpose—as essential resources for adaptation (Theron, 2022; Ungar, 2021).
While perceptions of the concept of psychological resilience were similar among adolescents with high and low levels of resilience, differences were noted in the theme of ways to achieve psychological resilience. High-resilience adolescents frequently mentioned engaging in activities such as listening to music, sports, pursuing interests, reading books, praying, studying, and talking with friends as their strategies. The qualitative findings of this study mirror those in the limited body of literature on adolescents’ perceptions of resilience and methods for achieving it (Jenkins et al., 2017; Leak, 2003; Mohammadinia et al., 2018; Phillips et al., 2019). Masten and Reed (2002) discuss participation in age-appropriate activities, sports, and extracurricular activities as indicators of psychological resilience. A qualitative study conducted on 23 children following the Iran earthquake found that children with high resilience differed from those with low resilience in psychological, emotional, social, and behavioral characteristics. Participation in certain activities was highlighted as a component affecting the behavioral psychological resilience of children post-disaster. This diversity of coping strategies illustrates resilience as a process of active self-regulation rather than a fixed trait, emphasizing adaptive flexibility in adolescents’ behavioral repertoires (Llistosella et al., 2023; Masten, 2021). These findings also resonate with ecological models of resilience that stress the role of supportive peer and family relationships, school belonging, and community connectedness in sustaining adolescents’ adaptive functioning (Masten, 2021; Ungar & Theron, 2020).
This study’s findings regarding adolescents’ engagement in behavioral skills and interest areas align with those from the Iran study, particularly post-disaster, where resilient children were found to utilize social participation, spirituality, gratitude, and volunteering more extensively. When examining high-resilience adolescents’ methods for dealing with stressful experiences, a stronger capacity for reasoning and more proactive attitudes were notable. High-resilience adolescents displayed skills in problem-solving, engaging in daily activities, setting goals, and decision-making. Such findings suggest that resilience is expressed not only through coping actions but also through meta-cognitive awareness and self-regulatory insight, supporting the view that reflective processes play a crucial role in sustaining resilience (Southwick et al., 2021; Windle, 2023).
Taken together, these findings suggest that adolescents’ resilience operates through the interaction of self-control, need satisfaction, and contextual supports such as peer relationships and faith. Consistent with recent process-oriented frameworks (Haşimi & Yalçınkaya Alkar, 2024; Leys et al., 2018; Masten, 2018), resilience appears to be sustained by adaptive meaning-making and relational resources that promote coping, persistence, and psychological growth. These insights may also inform preventive and educational interventions.
Schools and counseling settings could integrate resilience-building programs that enhance self-reflection, problem-solving, and peer connectedness—strategies already demonstrated as effective in recent meta-analytic evidence (Llistosella et al., 2023; Pinto et al., 2021). Integrating these findings into preventive frameworks may also strengthen adolescents’ sense of agency and meaning, key dimensions identified in contemporary resilience models (Southwick et al., 2021; Theron, 2022). Beyond individual characteristics, adolescents’ narratives revealed the central role of social contexts—particularly family cohesion, peer support, and school belonging—in fostering resilience. These relational resources facilitated the satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and relatedness needs, which in turn strengthened adolescents’ self-regulatory capacity and adaptive coping. This finding resonates with ecological and multisystemic models emphasizing that resilience develops through reciprocal interactions between individuals and their environments (Theron, 2022; Ungar & Theron, 2020; Windle, 2023). Overall, adolescents’ resilience emerged as a socially embedded process, reflecting how familial, peer, and school contexts collectively contribute to their adaptive capacities and well-being.
Limitations and Future Directions
While this study provides valuable insights into adolescents’ experiences of psychological resilience, several limitations should be acknowledged. First, the sample was limited to adolescents from a specific cultural and educational context, which may affect transferability of the findings. However, qualitative inquiry aims for depth rather than generalizability, and the sample achieved sufficient variation to capture diverse experiences. Second, data were based on self-reported interviews, which may be subject to recall or social desirability biases. The use of open-ended questions, confidentiality, and rapport with participants helped mitigate these concerns. Third, while participants were selected from a larger quantitative pool, demographic factors such as socioeconomic status were not controlled. Nevertheless, the focus on adolescents lived experiences offers rich, contextually grounded insights. Future research could extend this work by including longitudinal designs, larger and more diverse samples, and triangulating interviews with observational or ecological data to better capture the dynamic and developmental nature of resilience.
Footnotes
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to confidentiality agreements with participants but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.