Abstract
Even after seven decades of Christianity in Nepal, an Indigenous Nepali theology has yet to emerge. Although Christianity is rapidly growing, it is unclear how the Nepali church is meeting its theological needs. Nepali Christians have long composed Christian hymns. This article argues that Nepali Christian leaders were unintentionally using songwriting to fulfill their duty of doing theology. This article focuses primarily on two tasks related to this topic. First, it argues that singing songs is a form of expression used by the Nepali people that the church may view as a theological method. Songs are the primary Indigenous tools available to people for developing social consciousness, speaking out against oppressive systems and discrimination, and creating a space to combat societal divisions. As a result, it is argued that songs could be used as a theological tool by the Nepali church. Second, this study looks at specific Christian songs to see how they are used in Nepali churches and what theological content they contain. It will show how Nepali Christians use music to express their love for their country and its people, as well as their desire to use the gospel to change society. This article also asserts that for Nepali Christians, Christian songs have served as a means of expressing, teaching, and learning about their faith, and thus have become their theology in melody. The argument is that the Nepali hymnal is unquestionably a theology book for Nepali Christians because it is available for every life event, including marriage, baptism, birth, and death, and directs their action in their context.
Keywords
Introduction
When it comes to reflecting their faith in light of their experiences with history, suffering, and hope, the Nepali church lags behind the majority of churches worldwide (Quispe, 2010). Even though Nepali Christianity has undoubtedly displayed its true colors on cultural fronts, the so-called Nepali theology or theologies have not yet been fully established. Not foreign missionaries, but Nepali Christians (Barclay, 2009) have been responsible for the church’s exemplary growth in the 70 years since its arrival in Nepal. There were no Christian writings in Nepali at first because the Bible was still being translated. The Nepali Christian hymn book Khristiya Bhajan (or Christian Hymns) was the first piece of Christian literature that was widely accessible and used by Nepali Christians (Nepali Khristiya Bhajan, 1997). According to John Barclay (2009), a missionary who was born near the Nepali border to early missionary parents and served Nepal during its formative years, the use of Nepali Indigenous folk songs was a key factor in the country’s rapid evangelization. So far, the Nepali church has failed to offer a contextual theological reflection that can be identified as Nepali theology.
Songs are an appropriate hermeneutical tool because Nepali society uses songs to express and transmit their opinions for or against social issues, as well as their love and devotion for family, nation, and deity (or deities) (Widdess, 2006). This article contends that the basic theological need of the Nepali church is met by these songs, which Nepali Christians have been writing ever since they first received the gospel. Five hundred and seventy-two of the hymns’ total 752 hymns are original works of Nepali Christians (Dalzell, 2013).
This article is an unconventional theological discourse in that it seeks to discover the practice of theology in singing rather than making a critical academic study of theology (Wigg-Stevenson, 2014: 169). By not limiting theology to the intellectual realm, it seeks to incorporate the lived aspects of the Nepali church, making the Nepali church’s cultural practice the primary source for this work (Holman, 2016: 97). From the standpoint of academic theological study, the end result of this ethnographic theological study may be messy and unsystematic, but it represents the lived theology of Nepali Christian believers. This theological attempt may be more than just demonstrating traditional theological elements in Nepal’s church singing culture but may also point to its effectiveness and implication in the church (Fulkerson, 2016: 126–27). This study is not and cannot be limited to extracting theological elements from song lyrics because removing the songs from their context renders them as a characterless and setting-less plot of a narration (Linafelt, 2006: 295–97). When we use ethnography as a theological method, we are challenged to see our immersion in the cultures of our communities or congregations as a profound opportunity to identify the ways in which God is at work in the strange and varied context in which we find ourselves, as well as the places in which he may be calling us to change (Chitwood, 2021: 45). As an ethnographical theologian who was converted, discipled, and ordained within the Nepali church, I strive to provide a firsthand lived Nepali theological orientation. Do the Nepali Christian songs embody the Indigenous Nepali theology that we hope the Nepali church will promote? This article examines the function of songs in Nepali society as a whole and investigates the places and ways that Christian songs in Nepali churches carry out theology. This article will also serve as an illustration of the nature and content of Nepali “theology in melody.”
Song as a hermeneutical tool of Nepali people
Nepal is a geographically and culturally diverse country with a diverse topography ranging from the world’s highest mountains to the Terai (Nepal’s flat southern plain), and it is home to people of many different traditions, cultures, languages, and religions. Folk songs have been sung for centuries in the flat streets and high Himalayan mountains. The variety of folk music in Nepal reflects the diversity of Nepali culture (Gurung, 1993). Every stage of life, including celebration, mourning, rituals, marriage, and seasons, is marked by a variety of songs in Nepal. While many songs comment on current social issues, others are about love, romance, and devotion. Some ethnic groups have their own folk songs that they use to demonstrate their unique identity and values (Kaufmann, 1962: 94–95).
However, the social divisions caused by economic disparity and the long-standing Hindu caste system tarnish Nepal’s vivid cultural diversity. Even in the 21st century, Nepali society maintains the oppressive caste system of the Middle Ages, which constrains social, economic, and human progress (Bista, 2008: 1–2, 162). Recent political developments granted equality for low-caste and marginalized people in the form of written law, but we will not be able to witness persons of all castes, tribes, and status demonstrating respect for one another until and unless people are willing to adapt the change in their lives (Moisala, 2013: 13–14; Pandey, 2010: 60). During the political upheavals, various cultural tools, including that of songs, have been used to raise social consciousness. People in Nepal have been singing to protest and, in some cases, defy the oppressive social system. Although Nepali songs have always been a way of expressing devotion to one’s gods or God, they are also their own unique Indigenous tools for the people to raise social awareness, speak out against oppression and discrimination, and find a place to challenge social divisions.
Nepali songs as social and political commentaries
Among Nepal’s many singing traditions, Gaines’ singers are wandering musicians who use their music to transmit historical tales, myths, and histories, as well as news and events they have witnessed or heard. They were essential in a society without a reliable news distribution mechanism, and were often referred to as “living newspapers” or “singing newspapers” (Gurung, 1993: 10; Moisala, 2013: 17). These traveling singers, known as Gaine, provided political and critical commentary on political events during the autocratic Panchayat government. Jhyaure (lyrical folk songs), stuti (religious songs), and karkha (songs of significant historical events and heroes) are some of the vocal styles they use (Weisethaunet, 1997: 137). Because their songs frequently contained political satires or crime stories, they sounded more like those of political activists than singers (Gurung, 1993: 10). According to Norma Kehrberg, one of the first missionaries to work in the educational field in Nepal, the Gaines’ songs are the common people’s history books. Kehrberg (2000: 40) writes: The songs sung by the gaines are the common people’s history books. Their melodious but mournful sounds, that introduced me to Nepal’s past, continue to haunt as I recall calamitous earthquakes and landslides that wiped out entire villages in the Gorkha region. One such even took lives of the entire family of my school, student, losses unnoticed by the news media of the day but matching the patterns of history sung by the gaines.
Despite their contributions and significance to society, these storytellers have faced resentment because they belong to a lower caste in Nepal’s caste system (Darnal, 1993: 30; Moisala, 2013: 14).
In addition to such traveling storytellers providing news and commentary, progressive songs have been used to mobilize the public and raise awareness about current political injustices. These “progressive songs” inspire political messages and encourage people to participate in various political movements. According to Ingemar Grandin (1994: 187), who has conducted extensive research on the culture and politics of Nepal, a “dialectic between art and ideology” in political singing was an effective strategy during the time of direct King control of the panchayat. The following lyrics from a song by Shyam Tamot from 1978, as cited by Grandin (1994: 187), best describe the theme of these progressive songs: Rise from every village, rise from every settlement To change the face of this country, rise Those who have a pen in hand, bring the pen and rise. Those who can play an instrument bring the instrument and rise. Those who have a tool in hand, bring the tool and rise. Those who have nothing at all, bring the voice and rise.
These songs’ symbolism and rhythm are deeply rooted in Nepali culture, and they depict Nepalis from all social strata and economic backgrounds. Although some of these songs express patriotic sentiments, the vast majority advocate for the abolition of systemic oppressions that lead to things like poverty and discrimination (Grandin, 2016). Gaines’ individual work in Nepal was to relay news and ideas, while progressive singing bands were recruited for political purposes. When the government controlled the flow of information, their songs were the most effective means of communicating with the uneducated Nepali people.
Tij: The voice of women in songs
Tij is “a time when Nepali women let their hair down, dance their cares away, visit their maternal homes, and sing heartbreaking songs of longing and separation” in a predominantly patriarchal Hindu community (Bhattarai, 2018). In some ways, the Hindu festival of Tij, when women fast and pray for the longevity of their husbands, validates certain aspects of patriarchy. The festival’s singing, on the other hand, opposes dominant patriarchal hegemony (Uprety, 2016: 40). Over the years, the festival’s focus has shifted from religious rites to songs and their creation. Although there are a few songs that are specifically about deity, the Tij genre of songs serves as a reflection on dukkha (suffering, misery, and anguish), ghatana (current events), and rajnity (politics) (Skinner et al., 1994: 265–66). The following lines from a Tij song, as translated and reported by Skinner et al. (1994: 268), who closely observed Tij singing in a Nepali village, show a daughter speaking out against her parents’ preference for sons over daughters:
I rose in the morning to pick flowers,
But did not pick them because they were covered by dew.
Parents just keep the daughter to do work at home,
But not even a small piece of the courtyard [land] is given [to daughters]
the small piece of courtyard is needed to dry the paddy,
Go, daughter, to your husband’s house to get your property.
We have to go empty-handed [to our husband’s home],
The brothers fence in the property.
Brother’s clothes are so many that they rot away in a box
But when they have to give us a single cloth, tears come to their eyes.
Like in the song, women sing in the Tij songs about their parents’ prejudice and the mistreatment they receive from their husbands and in-laws. They also express their displeasure at being forced into a marriage against their will. Tij songs have become more politically charged in recent years, with singers addressing political issues and events. The following songs criticize a particular political party for, in their opinion, not taking a strong enough stance against India when negotiating a deal to use a river. In the following song, Congress is described as the party that only supports the wealthy: Sisters of Nepal, we need Congress.
1
We can say that rivers and countries are common [to India and Nepal]. You can cheat the people. If you want to be rich, you need Congress. Businessmen can sell goods at a high price, Therefore, Congress is needed in Nepal. (Skinner et al., 1994: 279)
Even if Nepali women lack a formal education, they can express their ferocity and raise their voices through song lyrics compiled by themselves.
Jhyaure and Dohori: Overcoming social divisions with songs
When social stigmas prevent public discourse across societal lines, Jhyaure (Stirr, 2009: 44), an Indigenous musical and poetic form of Nepal, serves as a vehicle for communication and union that defies the politics of difference and inequality. Although Jhyaure is a common form of writing in Nepali poetry, these lines come to life when performed by a group of people. The songs are more than just words and lyrics; they also include performances that deepen the meaning of the lyrics. The significance of the songs stems from their refusal to conform to the past and instead adapt to new challenges as society evolves (Stirr, 2015: 4–5).
One of the most common uses of the Jhyaure genre is when Nepali men and women converse in Dohori song in various parts of the Himalayan foothills. Dohori, a dialect word that means “back and forth,” refers to the lyrical discussion that occurs, particularly among Indigenous people groups, when people negotiate their love and marriage (Stirr, 2008: 30). Conversations between members of various castes take place on the stage of the Dohori singing. Existing social divisions are being challenged. It is possible for singers of different castes and racial origins to declare their love for one another and marry. People in the Dohori song discuss more than just love; they also discuss politics and sibling rivalry, sparking debate and offering potential solutions to the issues raised (Dalzell, 2018). The following lines from Anna Stirr’s (2009: 249–50) research, illustrate how Dohori songs can play vital roles in Nepali society:
I am a bird in a national park;
Don’t even hope hunter.
Democracy is budding;
I am a hunter who’s come to protect you.
Who will listen to the songs of this little bird, huh?
You’ll kill me and eat me, what kind of protection will there be?
. . .
That’s why we started this movement;
We picked up guns to protect you
Take care of the people of this nation;
Save them by throwing away your gun.
In the song, the man sings as a hunter who represents himself as the guardian of the bird, but the woman sings as a bird (weak public) who is suspicious of the gun and requests the hunter to throw away the rifle to protect the bird. This Dohori illustrates an ancient Nepali song-dialog technique for communicating and debating issues.
Bhajans: Songs of devotions
Bhajans are devotional songs sung by Nepali communities in praise of their gods and goddesses, sometimes including Buddha and retelling Hindu epic tales (Kaufmann, 1962: 95). Bhajans are devotional types of folk music that depict seasonal cycles seen in daily life and festivals. For the people of Nepal, Bhajans are a way of experiencing the divine (Henderson, 1996: 445). Bhajans are sung both in temples and in private homes, and they are performed as daily devotions or as part of festival parades (Anderson and Mitchell, 1978). Despite the fact that core singers and musicians direct the Bhajan singing, many voluntarily joining drummers and performers make it a community commitment. These Bhajan melodies are accompanied by dances that assist the audience in experiencing a spiritual transformation (Rana, 1990). David Henderson (1996: 446), who has conducted in-depth ethnomusicological research on Nepali Bhajan, has translated and transcribed a portion of a Nepali Bhajan: Bhagawan (means God), life is a boat. Come, arrange (a way) to the other side Whenever a crisis may fall (upon me), come and get (this boat) moving. Bhagawan, Without wisdom (I) become blind a sense-driven foolish buffoon. In the middle of this ocean of existence, I am a traveler with a long way (to go). The bedazzling light of knowledge—illuminate it and show (me) the path. Whenever bhagawan You are meek, merciful, generous; I am sinful, a beggar, confused, I am in dire need; Take me into (your) shelter. I am in a prison of (my own) senses: come and set (me) free.
In comparison with Bhagawan, God, from whom a rescue comes, the song reveals human self-understanding and the crisis-ridden reality of the world. The song uses dharma (responsibility) and emotion to convey its message. It represents the intended reunification of humanity with God.
The aforementioned four functions of songs in Nepali society demonstrate how Nepali citizens use songs as their own Indigenous hermeneutical tools to express their political unrest, raise awareness of current social issues, and rebel against caste- and gender-based oppression. In Nepali society, which is deeply rooted in song, there are songs for all situations and seasons of life. They can express their joy and sorrow through music. They perform religious rites, sing scripture recitations, and pray. Songs are the most effective tools available to Nepali Christians on the ground for developing Nepali Indigenous theology. A theology that is not founded on song is not a Nepali theology. For years, Nepali churches have used music to define themselves, both intentionally and unintentionally. The function of songs in Nepali churches and their musical representations of their doctrine will be discussed in the section that follows.
The songful life of the Nepali church and its theology in melody
Nepali churches, like the rest of the Nepali population, regard singing as an essential part of life. Songs can help people in spreading the gospel and growing in their faith. Songs are the means by which Nepali Christians preserve their Nepali identity, which has been tarnished by their conversion to a religion that is very different from what they have been practicing. Nepali churches avoid most Nepalese cultural practices because they are associated with Hinduism and Buddhism, but they have adopted Nepali musical culture for use in their devotional life. Singing is as important to Nepali Christian believers as it is to Nepali culture and society, taking center stage in their spirituality. For Nepali Christians, their hymnal, Khristiya Bhajan, is at least as important as the Bible: “Our hymn numbers are more sacred than Bible verses” (Dalzell, 2010: 41–65). These are the words of Lokanath Manaen, a prominent Nepali Christian leader and hymn writer. They illustrate how dear the hymnal is to Nepali Christians. Manaen claims that the literacy rate in Nepal is still relatively low, especially among the older generation, for whom songs are an essential part of learning about their religion and biblical stories. Because they can readily memorize and recite songs, such illiterate Nepali people have no other way to learn about their new faith (Dalzell, 2010: 41–65).
The society regards Christianity as a foreign religion, while Nepali Christians seek to distinguish themselves from Nepali culture. As a result, becoming a Christian in Nepal is a difficult decision that can lead to social isolation. While the church strives to separate itself from other religiously associated cultural elements, songs are the only Indigenous resources used by Christians to spread the gospel in Nepali society (Dalzell, 2015: 284). Although western musical instruments have a significant impact in Nepal, Nepali Christians heavily use their Indigenous rhythm and melody, such as Jhyaure, in their newly composed hymns and choruses. Even songs translated from English are frequently performed in Nepali rhythm and melody, giving their singing a stronger connection to the larger Nepali culture (Dalzell, 2010: 101–2).
Contextualization of Christianity occurs primarily on musical fronts in Nepal, and thus I argue in this article that Nepali Christian hymns represent the anticipated Nepali contextual theology. Selected songs from the Nepali hymnal the Khristiya Bhajan (Nepal’s official hymnal) will be evaluated for theological content and dimensions. The chosen songs have a traditional melody and rhythm and are original Nepali Christians songs. Because these songs are part of the lived theology of Nepali churches, they are not intended to be systematized.
Nepali Christian hymns: A connection to the land
Though Nepali society alludes to Christianity as a foreign religion in order to despise and reject it, Nepali Christians do not separate their faith from their homeland. Christianity is planted in Nepal through Nepali Christian songs. When Christians sing these hymns, they are not only speaking about the biblical land, but also about their own country within the framework of their faith. In this way, the localization of Christian faith occurs in Nepal through the process of writing and singing Christian hymns.
Khristiya Bhajan is a collection of songs that use the words Nepal, Nepali, Himal (the Himalaya Mountain range), and Gurkhali (the brave Gurkhas) to represent the emotion of nationalism held by Nepali Christians. When we think of hymns, especially those that we sing during church worship services and prayer meetings, we rarely anticipate them to promote patriotism. The songs’ subsequent verses express the pride and affection the Nepali people have for their country and people.
Hymn 269
The aforementioned part is repeated as the chorus of a relatively lengthy hymn after singing each stanza of the song. Christians in Nepal are proud of their beautiful country, but they believe the gospel has made it even more beautiful, and they sing it with pride in church.
Hymn 500
Hymn 255
These hymns demonstrate Nepali Christians’ love and pride for their country, as well as their desire to see the gospel spread throughout the country. These songs unmistakably convey the message that spreading the gospel would make Nepal a better place. They put their faith in the gospel for their country’s prosperity and growth, as well as for the resolution of social issues. Nepali Christians do not separate their Christian identity from their Nepaliness. Nepali and Christian identities are fused in Nepali songs.
Nepali Christian hymns: Reflection on social issues
Despite their national pride, Nepali Christians are acutely aware of the country’s socioeconomic problems. They believe that their Christian faith will bring an end to the country’s disparities between rich and poor, as well as the caste system. Their commitment to social issues has been expressed through singing. They recognize the division of people based on social status and caste system, and through song, Nepali Christians express their displeasure with it and desire for unity. They want and believe that there should be no divisions within the Christian community. Some songs declare that all Nepalis are one in Christ, while others pray to God to unite all Nepalis as one family. It demonstrates Nepali Christians’ belief in the abolition of socioeconomic divisions in society. For them, the gospel provides an answer to such problems.
Hymn 502 (in older version, Chorus 111)
Chorus 159:
The first song conveys the surprise of Nepali Christians at the common platform made possible by the Christian religion, where rich and poor, as well as people of many castes and colors, may sit together and thank the same God. This song may be viewed as a reflection on an ideal Christian community as well as a plea for such a community to exist in Nepal. God is pleaded with in chorus 159 to bring all Nepalis together and make them one. The fact that only God is capable of such unity shows that God, the Father, and Jesus Christ are acting as one. This trinitarian formula is used by Nepali Christians in their hymn to call for harmony among the scattered members of their church.
Nepali Christian songs: Representation of Nepali life
Theological construction in Nepali Christian songs uses native metaphor or allegory to convey their faith and places it at the heart of people’s life. Understanding major theological ideas such as incarnation and redemption is done not by intellectual discussion, but rather through making them relevant to Nepali life. Rather than constructing explicit theological conceptions, they interpret God via their own way of life. This is how Nepali living theology is constructed.
Most Nepalis identify as farmers and live in poverty, so they can relate to Jesus’ humble beginnings. For example, Nepali Christian hymns emphasize Jesus’ humble birth rather than the fact that he was born of a virgin while addressing his incarnation. The songs concerning Jesus’ birth are classified between hymns 20 and 52 in the Khristiya Bhajan; of these 32 songs, 23 relate to the cowshed or the manger as the location of Jesus’ birth. They sing about the cowshed instead, because just two out of 32 carols reference the virgin birth. The concept of a cowshed itself is Nepali improvisation of the manger, mentioned in the Bible.
In addition to this, there are songs that reference nature and God’s creation connecting their faith with their life. In Nepali Christian music, the lives of Christians are especially discussed, with a strong idea that a believer’s life is intended to be transformed.
Chorus 171
This song expresses a testimony of lifestyle transformation that occurred after one became a follower of Jesus. The activities listed here, such as eating, drinking alcohol, and traveling, are the undesirable ones in the society that a Christian ceased performing after coming face to face with Jesus. These are the moral standards that both the broader society and the Christian community expect. The virtues expected from a devout person in Nepali society include abstaining from bad (damaging) foods, alcohol, and bad places (brothels, gambling establishments, etc.). The song implies that encountering Jesus will enable one to accomplish such a goal.
Theology is covered in a variety of ways in Nepali Christian music. The ambiguities of human life are described in some songs. They sing of the attributes of God, the person of the Holy Spirit, and the life, suffering, death, and resurrection of Jesus. Songs exist for every life event, such as a wedding, baptism, birth, and death (Nepali Khristiya Bhajan, 1997). Unquestionably, the Nepali hymnal is a theology book for Nepalis, one that is used not only in academic settings but also in the daily lives of Christians. Despite not being conscious that they were composing a theology, the Nepali hymn writers nonetheless created one using their own singing methodology. However, seeking theological ideas just in the lyrics is a disservice to Nepali theology in melody because we are examining living theology manifested in the shape of Nepali church music, not theoretical abstraction. Theology is better understood in the context of singing in the Nepali church, not in theological conceptualizations of the songs.
Conclusion
Singing has been included in the daily lives of Nepali churches since it is the best accessible tool. Nepalis have developed a theology that, while not following the formal structure of western theology, serves Nepali Christians well as a consequence of their songwriting and singing in the Church. The Bible’s narrative and themes are interwoven into Nepali church life. Nepali Christians express their sense of solidarity with the use of community, the significance of their own life in it, and their optimism for the future in these songs. They also promise to live a life transformed by the gospel. Rather than attempting to develop an Indigenous theology through non-native liberation patterns and inculturation techniques, Nepali Christians should develop their theology in a way that meets all of society’s needs.
Any Indigenous theology of a given context can be judged for its suitability by examining the mode of expression it has chosen and the actions it has sparked. We have seen how the Nepali people’s distinct singing style expresses their “Nepali theology in melody” in this article. The accompanying action to the singing, on the other hand, has yet to be observed. In contrast to Tij songs in Nepali society, which provide a platform for women to express their dissatisfaction with society, Nepali Christian songs do not address women’s issues. As a result, Nepali Christian women have few other options for advocating for their independence and rights. Another example is the desire expressed in the songs for a unified Nepal in which the caste system has been abolished. Singing in church does not resolve this societal issue; rather, it should be done in a real social setting. Theology in the melody of the Nepali Church has made an excellent start by adapting Indigenous singing methodology. Let us hope that it comes to a happy ending with the fruits of Nepali Christians’ testimonies living in their social context.
Footnotes
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
