Toward missional living in diasporic habitus : Implications of cultural reconfiguration in international Christian workers

Self-understanding: Reconfiguring values and cultural identity

One of the significant changes the research participants observed in themselves while living in NAC and working with colleagues on multicultural teams was in their self-understanding. More specifically, many participants articulated changes in personal values, self-awareness, and cultural identity, which can be seen as the reconfiguration of self-understanding.

First of all, some participants recognized that their values had changed during their time in NAC. John and Amy provided a good example. ⁶ They said that when they visited their home country in Europe for Christmas after living and working in NAC for a few years, they were somewhat taken aback by what they saw back home. They were appalled by the scene of a materialistic, commercialized Christmas holiday on full display wherever they went and found it “unbearable.” They realized that their values and priorities had changed to the point where things they used to enjoy and take for granted in the past were no longer appreciated or considered necessary. They realized that they now preferred the quiet, less busy, and intimate Christmas season that they had become accustomed to in NAC compared to the frenzies of a hectic, loud, and consumerist holiday season of Western Europe, even though in the past, they had participated in these busy holiday festivities without thinking twice about them.

Donna and James also shared a similar sentiment about their home country to that of John and Amy. They were an American couple who had lived in NAC for over a decade while working with a multicultural team. They said that many things their family members in the United States valued, mostly material things, were no longer important to them.

Another participant who shared about a noticeable change in her values was Julia, a German worker. The values with which she grew up in Germany would normally prompt her to make a binary judgment, frequently trying to distinguish between what was true and false, and right and wrong. However, having lived in NAC for over a decade, she noticed that things were not as straightforward or clear for her as they had been before she came to NAC. Whereas she had previously preferred everything in life to be clearly defined, she now saw the need to allow grey areas in life, especially in her relationships with the local people in NAC. She concluded that her values were no longer “that German anymore.” Some of the values she had adopted while living in NAC differed from those she had held before coming to NAC and living an intercultural life.

Secondly, some participants noticed a significant development of what one might call “reflexivity.” They demonstrated an awareness of their social location and cultural conditioning, as well as how these factors impacted their relationships and ministry. Sociologist Margaret Archer (2007: 4) defines reflexivity as “the regular exercise of the mental ability . . . to consider themselves in relation to their (social) contexts and vice versa.” Reflexivity is a type of contemplative “internal conversation” (Sayer, 2010), or an “inner dialogue” (Archer, 2010: 5), that takes place in people and helps them adjust their awareness and practices.

Some of my participants exhibited signs of developing this reflexive capacity, becoming more aware of themselves and their impact on those around them. Again, Julia provides a good example. Having worked for many years with team members from diverse cultural backgrounds, as well as numerous local NAC individuals, she became aware of her own culturally conditioned preferences in life, which she had not previously recognized, and how they played out in her everyday life in NAC. Claudia, another German worker, displayed increased cultural self-awareness when she self-reflectively mentioned that she knew her way was not the only way to get certain things done. For these two participants, having been exposed to many people with diverse cultural backgrounds over the years and living a life as an ICW seemed to have led them to a more profound self-examination and self-awareness.

Thirdly, some participants described a shift in their cultural identity, particularly a loss of characteristics associated with their cultural heritage, and the emergence of a new, transcultural identity. These participants would state that they were no longer English, or were much less Korean or less German. A British woman, Linda, said that people like her would lose some cultural distinctions by living abroad for a long time. Mila, an Asian Canadian woman, explained that a part of the reason for losing one’s cultural identity had to do with the fact that the ICWs’ own cultural “identity is shaken” by powerful intercultural experiences in NAC as they immersed themselves deeply in the local living.

However, this loss or weakening of their prior national or cultural identity would be supplemented by the development of a new, multicultural and transnational identity. Linda emphasized that she considered herself “an international person.” She said:

When I go home, my people around me may think, ‘She's not very English’ . . . . But then maybe something about my behavior, something about the way . . . I think about things, which may not be very so-called English, you know, because I like to think of myself as an international person. I've been abroad mixing with other nationalities so long, you know.

Julia also shared a similar perspective to Linda’s. She seemed conflicted when thinking about whether she was more German-like or NAC-like. After going back and forth between the two, she concluded, “Yeah, I’m international,” and laughed out loud, perhaps realizing that she was neither German nor North African but someone new and different from both.

Social practice: Reconfiguring social interactions

The majority of my participants noticed changes in their social behaviors, including the incorporation of various cultural elements from multiple cultures, their style of interaction and communication with others, and increased flexibility with time and structures.

Getting used to and enjoying food from other countries and NAC was a change that was easy to notice. The participants often blended words and phrases from different languages, such as Arabic, French, and English. This was most noticeable in Youngcheol, a Korean worker who lived in NAC for over two decades. During my interview, he used words and phrases in five languages—Korean, English, Arabic, French, and Spanish—to describe his experiences in multiple cultural settings. He did so naturally and without thinking. Mixing newly learned social and cultural practices with what they previously practiced became a norm for many participants. Linda, the British woman mentioned earlier, said she created her own culture, developing a unique daily morning routine that no one in England or NAC would practice.

Some participants who used to communicate more directly in the past spoke more indirectly and even ambiguously to others. This experience was most amplified in Johannes and Noa, a Dutch married couple. Their communication style changed to the point that when friends and family members in the Netherlands spoke to them matter-of-factly and straight to the point, they would almost feel offended and wonder why the other person was so angry with them. However, they would also realize at that moment that they used to communicate in that manner in the past, which was a typical style of communication for many people in their home country.

Johannes and Noa also experienced changes in how they interacted with people of the other gender. When he visited his home country, Johannes felt awkward and even shocked when a woman he did not know very well spoke to him in public. Noa felt uncomfortable when a male family friend visited and greeted her by kissing her on the cheek. While they lived in NAC, they made an enormous effort to honor the conservative, traditional local customs of the neighborhood in their city, where they worked hard to integrate into the local community. As a result, for several years, they had not interacted with persons of the opposite sex in what used to be a normal way for them in the past.

Another notable change was the increased tolerance for flexibility in life. Many participants noted their increased capacity to accommodate lifestyle patterns, styles of relating to people, and life structures. It showed in how Myungsook, a Korean female participant, learned to co-exist peacefully with other people who did many things in life differently from her. Several participants who previously viewed punctuality as very important began to be more relaxed with people who did not keep appointments or meeting times. Moreover, these ICWs not only demonstrated a more flexible lifestyle but also a flexible mindset. They seemed more relaxed about rules and structures that they previously deemed non-negotiable. These changes extended to their attitude toward ministry and church, often departing from the typical customs of their denominational or theological tradition. Camila and Franco, a couple from a conservative church background in Latin America, exemplified such change when they said, “Now, we can see that probably the church is a little bigger than your denomination.”

Belonging: Reconfiguring the meaning of “home”

As briefly mentioned in the previous section, many participants developed a cultural identity rooted more in their international, transcultural, and multiethnic relationships and communities in which they were involved than in their country of origin. When I asked the participants where they felt most at home, they provided three types of answers. Some respondents indicated that they believed NAC was their home. Nine participants reported feeling comfortable living in NAC and considered it their home. Some of them said they felt more comfortable living in NAC than in their country of origin. A large part of having this sense that NAC was their home was due to the relationships they developed locally with the people of NAC and their multicultural team members.

A dozen participants indicated a sense of multiple belongings. One participant pointed out, “Home is a flexible term.” Several others noted that both NAC and their country of origin were home to them, explaining that they had multiple “homes.” The most striking answer was given by some participants who said international, multicultural settings were their most naturally comfortable “home.” Several said they were most comfortable when they were among other ICWs. Some of these ICWs developed deep friendships that transcended cultures, whether with local NAC people or their teammates.

Some participants, however, seemed to have experienced what some psychologists call “cultural homelessness” (Hoersting and Jenkins, 2011; Navarrete and Jenkins, 2011; Vivero and Jenkins, 1999). It is “a framework. . . that describes individuals who feel a lack of cultural or ethnic group membership, emotional detachment from any cultural group, and a need for a cultural home” (Hoersting and Jenkins, 2011: 19). Although the concept of cultural homelessness primarily addresses immigrant children who have difficulty with acculturation in their newly adopted country, it can also be applied to adult ICWs who live and work in another culture for an extended time.

For example, William experienced an acute sense of loss, confusion, and disorientation when he visited his home country in Europe. He felt like a stranger in his home country and said, “I kind of feel . . . I am homeless.” Other ICWs also reported disorientation and social awkwardness when returning to visit their home country. One significant factor in developing this sense of loss was their challenging situation in NAC, a predominantly-Muslim nation with limited religious freedom. ICWs had to spend a considerable amount of time and effort maintaining their visa status and sustaining their ministry platforms. Their evangelistic ministries were often slow and lacked immediate, visible results, such as the conversion of new believers. They lived under a constant threat of forced deportation or rejection of their residency applications. Although many felt that NAC was their home and were comfortable living there, their long-term future in NAC was always uncertain. However, the changes they experienced in their self-understanding and social practice meant they would feel awkward and uncomfortable in their countries of origin. It created a sense of cultural homelessness, not being able to feel entirely at home or have a strong sense of belonging in either NAC or their home countries.

Living in the diasporic habitus

The particular cultural reconfigurations observed in the ICWs stem from their intense intercultural social experiences within their multicultural teams and in the context of NAC. The cultural reconfiguration process reshapes their self-understanding, which revolves around their internal conversation, values, and cultural identity. It alters their social practice by encouraging them to incorporate various contingent cultural elements, adjust their style of communication and interaction, and increase their flexibility. It also leads to their multiple belongings and a perception of cultural homelessness. In a sense, intercultural social living influences this reconfiguration process, but the reverse may also be true; the cultural reconfiguration process would affect their intercultural social life.

This mutual, circular influence is well explained by habitus, a concept proposed by Bourdieu (1977, 1984, 1990a, 1990b). In his writings, Bourdieu (1990a) explained habitus as “a system of acquired dispositions functioning on the practical level as categories of perception and assessment or as classificatory principles as well as being the organizing principles of action” (p. 13). He also referred to it as “history turned into nature” (Bourdieu, 1977: 78), and defined it as “practical hypotheses based on past experience” (Bourdieu, 1990b: 54). He emphasized its systemic, acquired, and generative nature. Bourdieu attempted to bridge the irreconcilable gap between social structure and human agency by amalgamating them in the notion of habitus. What he envisioned with the concept was a type of social ecosystem involving human actions, reactions, and resulting products, strategies, and structures that both incite, guide, and restrain further human actions. The seemingly contradictory and yet integrative nature led Sociologist Rogers Brubaker (1993: 217) to deem habitus an ingenious way to describe the complexity of the social world.

Considering the experiences of the ICWs with the concept of habitus, the agency aspect of their cultural reconfiguration becomes prominent. The changes in ICWs described above were heavily influenced by intercultural contacts, social interactions, and deep relationships with cultural others, which involved agency. There is also a structural aspect to the cultural reconfiguration in the participants. The actions and words of the reconfigured—and reconfiguring—self are reflected back in those everyday social interactions, further influencing those interactions. This dynamic intercultural relationship-building process shapes the cultural reconfiguration of these individuals, couples, families, and, potentially, their immediate communities, including their multicultural teams (Lee, 2022b: 238). However, these ICWs have shown that they are not robots pre-programmed to behave and act in certain ways; they are not strictly bound by the social structure in place. Instead, they constantly observe and learn, accept and reject, blend and mix, and adopt and adapt various contingent cultural elements as they come in contact with various parties (Rynkiewich, 2002). ⁸ In other words, they exercise agency.

In light of Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and the transnational, intercultural feature of cultural reconfiguration observed among the ICWs, the phrase ‘diasporic habitus’ may be an appropriate way to describe the phenomenon experienced by these ICWs. Cultural Studies scholar Ien Ang (2018) uses this term to characterize the significance of the life and work of Stuart Hall (2017), the late diasporic intellectual who lived “a life between two islands”. ⁹ Along similar lines, I have defined diasporic habitus elsewhere as “a system of internalized dispositions and schemes acquired through repeated practices by those who live meaningfully in a country or culture different from their own”(Lee, 2022a: 209, 2022b: 238). ¹⁰ It is a term that can be used to refer to the unique cultural reconfigurations observed in the ICWs. This phenomenon influences their social practices and self-understanding, and continues to shape and reshape their dispositions and social interactions.

The experiences of the ICWs who participated in my field research shed light on the cultural reconfiguration in those who actively inhabit diasporic habitus where various cultural flows intersect. The changes experienced by these ICWs were mediated by the level and intensity of their intercultural social engagements in everyday life. Despite the diversity of the ICWs’ experiences, recognizable patterns of transformation were commonly observed among them. Drawing on Bourdieu’s notion of habitus, I argue that these broad yet unmistakable patterns, unique to them, function as an intercultural social guide for these ICWs.

Transcultural mediation: Revisiting Paul G. Hiebert

In a world of transnational cultural flows intertwined with local idiosyncrasies, where the interactive blending of these local and global influences creates new socialities and aesthetics everywhere, Christian communities must recognize diasporic habitus as a reality in which they choose to reside. Intentional missional living in and of diasporic habitus should be considered integral to Christian discipleship and ministerial formation.

The United States, where I currently live, has undergone rapid social and cultural changes over the past few decades. Fueled by the trio of globalization, urbanization, and migration, the demographic shift in the US, along with its ensuing social, cultural, and political ramifications, has been quite drastic. It is not surprising to see the social and political reactions in the larger society that we have seen in recent years, such as anti-immigrant sentiments. Divisions along racial, ethnic, and political lines appear to be becoming more visible than in recent years.

At this juncture, revisiting the late missiologist Paul G. Hiebert’s insights on transcultural mediation provides a helpful launching point for further reflections and actions for Christians. Theologian Tiénou (n.d.), a long-time friend and colleague of Hiebert’s, states:

For [Hiebert], in this “era of post-colonial missions,” international Christian workers could function as mediators of global theologizing because they are “inbetweeners, standing between different worlds.” Paul G. Hiebert personified “inbetweenness” in all aspects of his life, especially in his academic teaching, research, and writing.

In an era in which many different cultural worlds co-exist not just in the same countries and cities but also in adjacent office cubicles, neighboring houses, and bleachers at kids’ soccer games, there is a greater demand for these “in-betweeners” who could mediate and build bridges between those from different cultures; there is a growing need for every Christian community to challenge and equip their members to be these in-betweeners.

Hiebert’s thinking on transcultural mediation can be traced back to his work on the bicultural bridge (Hiebert, 1985: 227–253, 1994: 147–158). His initial concern was for the creation of vibrant bicultural mission communities overseas in which both international workers and national believers would develop theologically sound and culturally relevant expressions of Christianity. Hiebert recognized that bicultural individuals involved in such communities would serve as bridge builders, bringing two worlds together while inadvertently struggling with their own sense of belonging, identity, and feelings of alienation (Hiebert, 1985: 235–246, 1994: 152–158). Hiebert saw a unique role that such bicultural figures and in-betweeners could play in transcultural mediation. ¹¹

Hiebert’s latter missiological thinking highlighted an urgent and critical need for those in-betweeners not only “over there” in other cultures, but also “right here” in North America. Hiebert (2006: 297) saw ICWs as “mediators between the gospel and the world in which they live.” He argued, “missionaries and global leaders must increasingly be transcultural mediators—people who live between cultures and deal with issues arising among different communities” (Hiebert, 2009: 188). However, it raises the question of whether these qualities are to be reserved only for ICWs and global Christian leaders. It is not a coincidence that the kind of cultural reconfiguration found in my research participants overlaps with the qualities desperately needed in those disciples and communities of Christ who could serve as mediators of peoples and cultures in today’s world.

These reconfigured characteristics, such as changed self-understanding with transcultural identities and broadened values, revised social practices that blend various contingent cultural elements, interactive styles, and relational flexibility, and expanded personal comfort zones that adopt multiple cultural belongings while being able to empathize with those experiencing cultural homelessness, are the qualities needed not only in ICWs but all disciples of Christ who are called to deny themselves, take up their cross daily, and follow him in today’s culturally diversifying, economically globalizing, and increasingly interconnecting and yet fragmenting world. Hiebert (2006: 301) affirms these qualities as necessary in such a world when he writes:

Global mediators must be bicultural or transcultural people who are able to live in different worlds and are not fully at home in any one of them. Transcultural mediators need to know both communities well and speak to each for the other. Being insiders, they build trust in each community. Being outsiders enables them to bridge the groups. They must also live with the fact that both communities are sometimes suspicious of them because the communities do not know what they are doing when they are with the others.

What does it mean for Christian communities and disciples of Jesus to follow him in the US and the world today? Christian disciples are unquestionably the ones who would stand between divisions and walls of hostility, serving as mediators who bridge the gap. Hiebert called on ICWs and global Christian leaders to take on this role. However, in this polarized era of cultural and political extremes, they must go further; they must attempt to disciple every believer and build up every Christian community in the US and beyond to serve in transcultural mediation and embrace a life lived at the intersection of multiple cultural flows. This missional vision of intentional living as in-betweeners and insider-outsiders in diasporic habitus is perhaps what has been missing in many Christian communities and churches.