Abstract
Social Vulnerability in Europe highlights the emergence of a new social issue arising from the transition from the European social model founded on mid-century compromise to a new, largely unknown one which has to deal with the increasing insecurity and uncertainty created by the current transition. The book is divided into three sections. Part I presents the main theoretical concepts and the analytical tools that have been adopted by the authors. Part II describes the different dimensions of social vulnerability that have come under scrutiny. The major themes determining the structure of the material (Chapters Three to Seven) are the following: problems with reconciling work and care, housing conditions, difficulties in labor market entry, higher rates of temporary or low-paid jobs, loss of capacity to take care of oneself, and the weakening of family and social ties. Lastly, Part III provides a general interpretation of the different dimensions that have previously been addressed within a single analysis.
The point of departure is firmly established by the editor in the introduction: social vulnerability is a product of the decline of the male breadwinner model of economic and social organization which has characterized twentieth century systems of welfare capitalism. Its distinctive feature is weak or instable integration in the main mechanisms of social integration and economic redistribution: the labor market, kinship and informal social networks which can be activated in order to solve problems or compensate for them, and lastly the welfare systems. The authors demonstrate how the problem of social vulnerability has emerged as a new social issue due to a change not just in the risk profiles but also in the nature of the risks themselves. Far from being rare events, these risks have become widespread, almost unavoidable experiences (such as the invalidity associated with old age, particularly for the oldest cohort) which jeopardize people’s capacity for self-determination and their planning skills. According to Costanzo Ranci, social vulnerability “is characterized not only by a resources deficit, but also by an exposure to social disorganization which reaches such a critical level as to put the stability of everyday life in danger” (p. 18).
The analysis is carried out at a macro-regional level, recognizing local disparities in the functioning of the three main vectors of social integration identified in the study. As shown by the multidimensional analysis, the spread of social vulnerability does not reproduce the standard taxonomy of welfare regimes in Western Europe, based on three or four models. The existence of the Mediterranean model is questioned by the presence of striking differences within individual countries. For example, in Southern Europe, some macro-regions—notably North-West and Central-East Italy—are closer to Central Europe than to other Southern areas. It is also true that only in the countries included in this model—Spain, Greece and Portugal, as well as Italy—are the rates of social vulnerability over 40 percent. Interestingly, these same countries have some of the lowest levels of female participation in the labor market in Europe. As the authors themselves emphasize, “our data show that the transition from the classic male breadwinner family model to new dual-income based family models has significantly increased the protection of the population against the new social risks, while the persistence of the traditional male breadwinner model generated greater exposure to social vulnerability…In contrast, social vulnerability is greater in families where a work/childcare balance is not achieved and a gendered division persists between domestic work and employment in the labour market” ( pp. 271–272).
This book is detailed and clear, encouraging the reader to reflect on the issue. Equally, the wealth of sociological literature offers a potent resource for contributing to the debate. However, the concept of social vulnerability remains a slippery concept. What appears to remain unresolved in the volume is the relationship between social vulnerability and poverty in the strictest sense of the word. In some parts of the book, social vulnerability is presented as a new way of conceptualizing poverty, including, besides low incomes, other aspects such as housing conditions, employment, the management of care for children and dependent persons, models of family organization and the difficulties arising in the transition through different phases of life. In this case, the definition of social vulnerability seems to coincide with that of multidimensional poverty. In other parts of the book, social vulnerability seems to refer to the subtle difference between the poor and those living just above the standard poverty line, a population group that is not poor, but economically and socially fragile. Elsewhere, the difference between poverty and social vulnerability seems to lie mainly in the duration of the period of economic hardship, in the distinction between “persistent poor” and “vulnerable people,” where poverty is an occasional episode in the life course due to the emergence of new risks which are not sufficiently protected by welfare systems according to the male breadwinner model.
These conceptual difficulties occasionally emerge in this volume, and the exclusive focus on social vulnerability prevents a clear understanding of the specific nature of the experience of economic and social deprivation. On the one hand, there is a need for social indicators which go beyond economic deprivation in order to grasp not only poverty but also social vulnerability while, on the other hand, extending the scope of areas and items too far runs the risk of losing sight of “social vulnerability” itself. What we really need to know is where there are unacceptable differences in economic insecurity and social support, rather than expanding the concept to include all people who live in a condition of existential uncertainty.