Abstract
In this ethnographic examination of the rise of a new community of Saudi women—educated, affluent, and studying, working, and socializing in gender-segregated spaces—French sociologist Amélie Le Renard rejects modernization theory and Middle East exceptionalism (two frameworks historically seen in Western writing on the Middle East), instead developing a theory of a “spatial economy of gender” to understand women’s interactions and power. Saudi women are in a unique position: they are a minority with very circumscribed legal and normative rights relative to men, but they are privileged in comparison to the large class of non-nationals who make up a third of the population in Saudi Arabia’s largest cities. Dynamic processes—global capitalism, a growing private sector, and tension between Islamic and liberal models of femininity—influence women’s status and freedom of movement. And, in a new environment of reform that promotes women’s employment and public participation in society, the position of women is rapidly changing in Saudi Arabia’s urban centers. A Society of Young Women is a deep ethnography drawing on interviews Le Renard conducted in Riyadh with over one hundred young “mobile” women from a variety of economic and social classes between 2005 and 2009.
The first chapter of the book, “Riyadh, a City of Closed Spaces,” explains the “socio-spatial organization” of Riyadh in terms of the personal characteristics (most importantly, gender, nationality, and class) that allow or prohibit an individual’s entrance to gender-mixed areas and have inspired the building of a “parallel city” of women-only spaces. Le Renard discusses the impact of two competing discourses of femininity: Saudi National Distinction and Reform. The National Distinction discourse (favored by Islamists) views gender segregation as a key component of Saudi national identity, even though it was not legally established until the 1960s, with the Islamic Awakening. The competing discourse of Reform promotes women’s paid employment, including in the developing private sector, as well as a greater social role for women. In the mid-2000s, the Saudi government initiated a “national dialogue” on women’s role. Interestingly, this push for women’s increased participation in the public sphere has led to more women-only spaces that are heavily securitized and where physical boundaries (high walls and police forces) separate women from men. As women’s roles within society expand, this “archipelago of women-only spaces” grows larger and more complex.
The second chapter, “Getting Around,” examines both the practicalities of women’s movement and the familial negotiations it involves. Women are legally prohibited from driving in a city designed for cars, with a “vast checkerboard of unwalkable streets,” and the very limited bus system is used mainly by male non-nationals. Social norms require women to dress in a way that shows they are not forced to walk, which requires high heels and stylish clothing. Affluent women use their families’ second car and driver for transportation, but most Saudi families cannot afford this luxury. While taxis are technically an option for women, most families consider them too dangerous or humble. Male youths and the religious police also inhibit women’s movement, since both groups harass women over their dress and report behavior they consider inappropriate to their families.
Chapter Three, “Coming Together,” explores how women’s spaces allow for the development of women’s homosociality as they work, study, shop, and talk together. Le Renard notes that in Western media, these women-only spaces are treated with ridicule or with sympathy for Saudi Arabia’s oppressed women. However, this Western view discounts the knowledge, ideas, and potential power developing in these communities of educated, professional women in Riyadh. Despite the clear differences (Saudi women experience a much more extensive separation from mixed society, and it is enforced by the state), Le Renard’s description of these young women in Riyadh called to mind some of the United States’ top-tier women’s colleges, such as Smith. Another section of this chapter discussed how the internet provides another space for women to freely socialize. Some of the interviewees participated in online political forums, while for others the internet simply allowed for gender mixing that these women did not experience in daily life.
Chapter Four, “Breaking the Rules,” is perhaps the most interesting of the book, providing insight into women’s views on authority and obedience. However, this reader was slightly disappointed to find (though by no fault of the author) that transgressions among interviewees tended to be quiet and non-confrontational and were not done with the expressed intent of changing women’s social status. Le Renard found (in accordance with previous literature) that “Young Saudi women neither organize collective action nor make common claims,” but she also found that “transgressions in spaces of mutual visibility are widespread and relatively accepted among them” (p. 114). The transgressions noted included dressing in ways that violated Islamic femininity, such as by wearing tight and short skirts and t-shirts with provocative slogans on their all-female campus. Outside of campus, women sometimes ignored the demands of the religious police that they cover their eyes, since the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice did not officially have authority to arrest women for such infractions. While such transgressions are minor, Le Renard points out that they gradually change cultural norms and thus can have very significant effects on the organization of a society.
In Chapter Five, “Consuming Femininities,” Le Renard explores conspicuous consumption among young Saudi women and the multiple roles of self-presentation. She finds a new norm of “consumerist femininity” emerging among women, which consists of a stylized image and the conspicuous consumption of luxury Western goods. Consumerism also allows women to portray themselves in ways that subvert the dominant model of femininity. “Buyat” is a term used to designate women who dress in a masculine way, which may range from t-shirts and short hair to chest binding. Some interviewees said that they dressed as buyat to challenge the hegemonic model of femininity; others said that they would have liked to be men to experience greater freedom: “I want to drive, not wear an abaya, to breathe” (p. 148).
The book concludes with the idea that women are changing Saudi culture and power relations without full awareness of their potential power or intent to reform. Transgressions of authority allow young modern women to develop a collective identity, but there is little evidence that women are intentionally working for social reform. However, as they live their lives—working and studying together, consuming and displaying modern, Western products—they model a woman for others in their society to aspire to: employed, tech-savvy, highly educated and English speaking, and identifying as socially tolerant. In this way, they are changing cultural norms, and in their homosociality they are developing a collective identity and trust that can be used toward intentional social reforms.
This ethnography provides an inside look at one of the world’s most invisible and anonymous communities. With its focus on the interaction between gender relations and spatial layout, this book will be valuable to sociologists, urban planners, and geographers.