Abstract

How can we create an effective public sociology, one that inspires social change?
In recent years, numerous academic disciplines have reinvented themselves by engaging with public audiences. From accessible popular science books to behavioral economics guides and practical philosophy manuals, academics across fields have turned outward with two essential aims: to make their research approachable for nonspecialist readers and to demonstrate their discipline’s relevance to contemporary challenges. This second objective has become particularly crucial in an era when scientific expertise and knowledge face increasing skepticism and outright hostility.
Sociology, however, has struggled to find its public voice in this landscape. When sociological insights reach broader audiences, they often arrive through journalists’ interpretations, weakening connections to rigorous sociological research. When sociologists write for general readers, their work typically falls into two categories: either detailed ethnographic accounts of specific communities or intellectual social critiques that diagnose problems without prescribing solutions. The discipline continues to search for a balanced approach that provides frameworks for social transformation without oversimplifying complex realities.
Michèle Lamont’s Seeing Others: How Recognition Works—and How It Can Heal a Divided World represents a valuable contribution to public sociology that addresses a significant need in the field: connecting rigorous scholarship with accessible guidance for social transformation. Drawing on nearly four decades of research examining cultural boundaries, conceptions of worth, and the dynamics of recognition, she has produced a work that functions as both evidence-based analysis and practical roadmap for change. The book demonstrates how sociological research can offer viable pathways toward more inclusive communities while maintaining the empirical foundation that gives sociology its distinctive analytical power.
At the heart of Lamont’s analysis is her insight that “Having one’s sense of worth affirmed is not a luxury but a universal need that is central to our identity as human beings and our quality of life” (p. 7). She argues that recognition, the act of “seeing others” and acknowledging their existence and positive worth, is crucial for societal well-being. This sociological narrative directly challenges two dominant perspectives that currently shape public discourse. The first is the economic narrative, which posits that money and financial success are the primary pathways to happiness. The second is the individualistic-psychological narrative, which frames well-being as an ethical project of the autonomous self, achievable through personal development and self-help strategies. In contrast, Lamont’s sociological narrative of recognition acknowledges our inherent interdependence and the profound impact of how others perceive us. This interdependence is not a weakness to overcome but rather a fundamental aspect of our humanity.
Lamont begins by analyzing how the American dream has failed most Americans, examining perspectives “from above” (the upper-middle class) and “from below” (working-class and marginalized groups). This analysis reveals a crucial insight: as traditional pathways to material success become increasingly inaccessible for many Americans, recognition emerges as an alternative source of dignity and worth. From this diagnosis, she then explores how change agents work to expand recognition through various strategies, how young people reimagine social inclusion beyond traditional metrics of success, and finally how ordinary citizens and institutions can contribute to creating a more inclusive society where worth is not contingent on achieving increasingly unrealistic financial benchmarks.
Firmly rooted in the sociology of culture, Lamont’s work focuses on transforming dominant narratives about worth, while simultaneously reframing how marginalized groups are perceived. Her analysis introduces the concept of “recognition chains”—interconnected networks of cultural producers, philanthropists, media platforms, and other institutions that collectively amplify messages of inclusion and dignity. These chains function as social infrastructure for cultural change, connecting “producers of new narratives with philanthropists and foundations, experts in strategic communication, new platforms, and other cultural institutions to magnify their combined impact” (p. 94).
Lamont grounds her analysis in interviews with those actively working to reshape cultural narratives. Her impressive roster of interviewees with over 180 “change agents” includes artists, comedians, Hollywood creatives, and social activists. From these interviews, Lamont identifies strategies that change agents employ to expand recognition. Hollywood creatives, for instance, use “reflecting reality” to present more nuanced depictions of marginalized groups, “emotional modulation” to generate empathy, and the “Trojan horse” approach to embed social messages in entertainment (pp. 101–102).
Equally illuminating are Lamont’s interviews with 80 Gen Z college students, which reveal how younger generations are developing alternative visions of worth. She notes that while these students embrace some neoliberal ideals like hard work, they “combine them with a focus on personal balance” and “a more collectivist vision of success” (p. 118). As one student explains, a person’s value should be measured in “how much they’re able to contribute their time and volunteer [and give] in other ways to a community” (p. 125). This perspective challenges metrics of success centered solely on individual achievement and material wealth.
Unlike many purely academic works, Lamont employs direct, mobilizing language throughout the book. Phrases like “we should” and “we need” appear frequently, creating a sense of shared purpose and possibility. Lamont offers practical suggestions that operate across multiple levels of social life, creating a comprehensive framework for action. At the individual level, she encourages people to diversify their social circles and choose more integrated neighborhoods; for educators, she advocates teaching multicultural values as fundamentally American values; and she challenges policymakers to design laws and institutions with recognition explicitly in mind, considering how their decisions affect the dignity of various groups.
While Seeing Others makes a compelling case for recognition as a path to healing social divisions, questions remain about its reach. The book is largely written from a progressive perspective on equality and may struggle to persuade those who do not already share these values. Although Lamont makes efforts to incorporate conservative viewpoints, noting that “white working-class people who support populist conservative politicians are also seeking recognition” (p. 159), these gestures remain somewhat peripheral to her central argument. This limitation reflects a broader challenge for public sociology: how to engage audiences across ideological divides, especially when addressing issues of recognition and inclusion, as these concepts have become increasingly politicized. While Lamont correctly identifies that many working-class Trump supporters are motivated by a desire for dignity and respect, her analysis offers limited engagement with how conservative value frameworks might provide their own pathways to recognition. This limitation does not diminish the value of Lamont’s contribution, but it does highlight the difficulty of creating bridge-building public sociology in an era of deep political polarization.
Lamont closes her book with a reminder that “we engineer our world together by mobilizing narratives that expand recognition about who is worthy” and that “a more inclusive society is within our reach” (p. 157). For sociologists committed to public engagement, Lamont provides a valuable model of how to translate decades of research into accessible prose without sacrificing complexity. Her work demonstrates that sociological insights can inspire social change when presented in ways that resonate beyond academia. As the discipline continues to search for its public voice, Seeing Others stands as an exemplar of sociology’s potential to contribute meaningfully to our collective future.
