Academic Success for Students of Color . . . At What Cost? The Importance of School Context at Birch High School

Abstract

Kiara, an African American rising freshman, has aspirations to become a medical doctor. She enrolls at Birch High School because of the reputation of the principal, Mr. Brown, whose vision for academic excellence permeates every corner of the school. Kiara graduates from high school with top honors, but realizes her success may have come at a steep price. By using “snapshots” of five critical aspects of the school culture at Birch, this case study invites readers to consider the ways schools may foster academic success for some students of color, but at what cost?

Keywords

academically successful students of color racial opportunity cost social and cultural context

Case Narrative

Background

Ever since she could remember, Kiara wanted to be a doctor. Although she could not remember the exact moment when her interest was sparked, it probably started when, as a young girl, she would spend summers with her grandparents in North Carolina. Her grandfather spent hours with her weaving vibrant tales of his early days working on the railroad, listening to jazz in some hole in the wall club, and, for better or worse, explaining what life was like for him in the Jim Crow South. The only thing that interrupted those stories was the insulin shots he needed for his diabetes. He hated those shots, but Kiara’s grandmother made sure he took his medicine on time. Kiara vowed to become a doctor when she grew up so she could ensure that her grandfather never had to take another shot.

When complications from the disease took his life, Kiara became even more committed to her career path. In junior high, she and her best friend Jasmine—another African American girl in her grade from whom she was inseparable—even started a premed club with some of their friends where they organized fundraisers and volunteered for their local diabetes clinic.

As Kiara prepared to enter high school, she chose to attend Birch High School (BHS). This was largely based on word of mouth regarding the school’s strong leadership, the reputation of its science program, and the school’s solid history of students being accepted to top-ranked colleges and universities across the nation. As she prepared for her first day of school, she couldn’t help but be excited to take the next step in her path to becoming a doctor.

Case Study

Birch High School

BHS was located in a large, suburban district and included a student population that was approximately 50% White, 20% African American, 20% Latina/o students, and 10% Asian. Nearly 25% of the school’s 1,500 students qualified for free or reduced lunch.

Mr. Brown

Mr. Brown had more than 20 years of experience in the district. The last 10 years he served as principal of Birch High. Although he lived outside of the community, he knew many of the families and community members that supported school extracurricular activities and volunteered at the school. As a Birch High alumnus himself, Mr. Brown prided himself on knowing “what works” in preparing students for college. This confidence stemmed from his academic and professional success that he felt compelled to pay forward. As such, Mr. Brown felt strongly that part of his responsibility was to share his reputable business acumen to prepare his students for the corporate culture they were likely to encounter on graduation. As the school’s instructional leader, he felt it was his duty to enhance the school’s capacity to educate students the right way.

Mr. Brown’s Vision

Mr. Brown’s vision for Birch High was to promote student excellence by doing whatever it took to ensure all graduates left properly trained to matriculate in a college or university. His strategy was most obvious in his belief in “impression management,” where students were encouraged to be cognizant about their public image and the way they presented themselves to the world—specifically including their dress, behavior, and speech. He believed that by fostering these values in every Birch High student they were preparing their students not only for a successful career but also a full, productive life. In this vein, the school culture was one of high expectations through the implementation of a rigorous curriculum for the most promising students. Mr. Brown believed Birch High’s clear leadership, rigorous curriculum, and their unimpeachable student character would define their success. His vision was further illustrated in the school’s motto, “Creating Tomorrow’s Leaders.” Students and staff members were also challenged to engage themselves in practices that were consistent with this vision.

As a result, the principal’s formula for success encouraged students to take at least three of the advanced placement (AP) courses the school offered and to participate in extracurricular activities like golf, student government, and debate. Essentially, all of Mr. Brown’s efforts focused on molding students to stay on the narrow path of expectations he felt best aligned with the expectations they would face in college and beyond. Indeed, more than 90% of students were admitted to a college from Birch, which solidified the school’s positive reputation in the community. After years of seeing his process work, Mr. Brown could tell almost immediately whether a student would “fit” his successful profile and thus encouraged his teachers to look for students who had promise of meeting these expectations.

Although Birch High had a diverse school enrollment, Mr. Brown made it a goal to address the underrepresentation of African American and Latina/o students in upper level classes. This was prompted as a result of recent feedback from parents, involved community members, and a small number of teachers who were troubled by the lack of students of color in upper level courses, especially because it seemed that many of these students had the academic capability to succeed in these courses. Toward this end, he lifted the mandate for prerequisite courses and allowed all students to have the opportunity to enroll in upper level courses pending their previous record of study and teacher recommendation.

To assist with teacher decision-making, he along with the dean of instruction outlined and made public the expectations of these classes to strategically guide the identification of top performing, college bound students. He communicated with teachers what characteristics these top-performing students, including students of color targeted by his new initiative, should possess. Teachers knew that students most likely to fit Mr. Brown’s model included those who were intelligent, but just as important (and in some cases, more so) was that they aligned with his “clean cut” vision. However, African American and Latina/o students, even the large numbers who had done well in previous coursework, had not historically fit with this vision, possibly accounting for their disparate selection for enrollment in upper level courses.

Because of Kiara’s exemplary previous school performance, she was identified for the new initiative and was subsequently encouraged to enroll in the upper level courses at BHS. Initially, she was nervous about the expectations but after the first few days she realized that even though it would be challenging, she could handle the workload. Instead, she was much more nervous about the lack of other students of color in her courses. She knew there would likely be a small number, but she was not expecting it to be only herself and a Latino student named Jorge. She tried to convince her friend Jasmine to take the courses with her, but she heard from other Black students that the upper level courses were not “for” them. However, the girls vowed to continue to sit together at lunch and study and hang out together after school, just as they always had.

School Expectations and Community Values at BHS

The vision Mr. Brown had for the school permeated the BHS culture at all levels, especially in the school’s motto, “Creating Tomorrow’s Leaders.” This occurred explicitly, as he took the time to highlight the importance of one’s public image whenever he addressed students at assemblies, his morning address, his weekly e-newsletter to parents, and when he talked to students in his office or individual teachers’ classrooms. However, this culture had also become embedded implicitly, as students had become accustomed to the long list of expectations, including refraining from the use of slang; adhering to the strict dress code; and utilizing proper manners, such as addressing adults as ma’am and sir. In fact, no one could remember the last time that the valedictorian of the senior class was not a picture perfect model of Mr. Brown’s expectations for success.

Although Mr. Brown realized a need for increased enrollment in AP courses for students of color, he was concerned that many of these students did not seem motivated to do what it took to be successful in them, despite clearly articulated expectations. His belief was that many of these students would rather not push themselves in more advanced classes, preferring to take on-level or resource courses with their friends. This anecdotal evidence was supported by some books he had read that explained the lower performance of students of color and lower-income students as being rooted in the family or individual student (Coleman et al., 1966; McWhorter, 2001; Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 2003).

The expectation to adhere to the implicit expectations for behavior remained great for all students in upper level classes and had become such a routine part of daily school life that students rarely noticed them, although newcomers to the school often did. Kiara had also become well aware of these implicit expectations, having run into them in various ways in her first few weeks at BHS. For example, in her biology class one day the teacher introduced a lesson on the body’s circulatory system. Because of her experience working in the diabetes clinic, Kiara made several contributions to the discussion that day that demonstrated her advanced understanding of the topic. She also mentioned her aspiration to become a doctor. After class, one of her classmates commented that he did not expect Kiara to say that her goal was to become a doctor. Kiara was taken aback by his comments, but managed to reply that she’d had aspirations to become a doctor since elementary school. She was confused by his statement, but did not have a chance to process his statement before he continued, saying,

You know, most of the Black and Latina/o kids here, they don’t seem to want to do anything productive with their lives. All I see them do is mess around in the hallways, prank on each other, and play sports. A lot of them have their hopes set on being the next Lebron James, Jared Borgetti, or Serena Williams, but they’ll likely end up with jobs in construction or cosmetology, or something. It’s like Mr. Brown says: If you don’t start thinking now about your career path and creating the right mind-set to get you there, you will not be as successful. I can tell you’re not like the rest of them. At least you want something for your life.

Kiara did not respond to his comments, but the words stuck with her for the next few days as she tried to process the exchange. She even talked to her parents about the underlying meaning of her classmate’s comments.

Conversations and expectations such as this were not solely found in the classroom, but extended to the larger school environment at BHS, as well. For example, Mr. Brown did not condone lingering or socializing in the hallways. Administrators and teachers were encouraged to clear the hallways between class periods and document those students who congregated during passing periods. As the Latina/o and African American students were more likely to socialize between periods, these groups most often faced scrutiny from the school’s staff. This rule made it difficult for Kiara to see Jasmine and her other friends who were not in her classes during school hours. Because of the class scheduling, she had a different lunch period from them, as well. Thus, the only time for Kiara to spend time with her old friends was after school and on the weekends. As a result, Kiara could not help but feel the challenges of being in AP courses, which, ironically, had little to do with the content. Instead, the challenges included not only upholding the BHS expectations that were to be modeled by the AP student community, but also brokering relationships with her white classmates while at the same time maintaining a meaningful connection with her friends who were not identified or chose not to enroll in the AP courses.

Community Identity and Belonging at BHS

Mr. Brown encouraged extra- and co-curricular activities, as he believed it was a great investment tool for students and culture builder for the school at large. As a result, there were a plethora of clubs and organizations for students to join. Students with an idea for a new club or activity were encouraged to submit an application for a new group. The process was relatively simple. The application had to address three criteria: (a) discuss how the group aligns with the school’s mission (Creating Tomorrow’s Leaders), (b) identify a teacher or other staff person who has agreed to serve as the group’s advisor, and (c) provide a list of five students who want to join the group.

When Kiara heard about the policy, she was excited because it was an opportunity to create a group with her old friends and they would have an opportunity to see each other during school. She and Jasmine easily recruited a few friends and decided to start a jazz appreciation club, to continue the lessons her grandfather began with her when she was younger. They quickly met two of the requirements, finding enough interested participants and getting a teacher to serve as advisor. However, addressing the connection to the school’s motto of creating future leaders seemed a little tougher. Together with their advisor they were able to come up with a compelling rationale. Mr. Brown rejected the application, however, because he did not believe this new club forwarded the mission of the school. However, it did reconfirm his belief that these students were largely uninterested in academic success and would rather listen to music.

In her classes, Kiara also began to notice a pattern in the relationships her peers had with one another. They seemed to have known each other for many years; had participated in the same sports, music, and character-building activities; and had interacted extensively with one another’s families. From the stories the students shared in class, she picked up that many of their parents were in the kinds of jobs Mr. Brown intended “successful” BHS students to pursue. They took the same classes together, participated in the same popular after-school activities, and often attended the same religious organizations. As time went on, Kiara realized that much of her difficulty making friends in her classes was in part because she did not share their same social circle at school or in the community.

Difficult Conversations About Race and Racism at BHS

At the surface level, BHS seemed to embrace diversity and conversations about race. There were diverse signs and pictures hanging around the school. In promotional materials (video and brochures) primarily used for orientation nights, BHS administrators made sure to prominently feature successful students of color. They also recruited students of color to be office assistants and guest tour guides. In fact, Mr. Brown often asked Kiara to greet important school visitors and would eagerly share her success with all who would listen. However, these efforts were the extent of the school’s attempts at promoting diversity, beyond a few speeches during Black History Month. Any further efforts were initiated by individual teachers in particular classrooms or were the focus of after school clubs.

To be sure, the school saw its share of racially motivated incidents. Kiara heard of one such incident the previous year where a Latina student who enrolled in upper level courses was called racial epithets by a White student and subsequently found a series of inappropriate pictures and letters in her locker. It was actually this incident that caught the attention of a community organization that resulted in the initiative to increase the enrollment of students of color in upper level courses. As a rule, Mr. Brown or one of the assistant principals handled these incidents individually, with appropriate sanctions applied to offending students; however, these efforts rarely involved a conversation with the entire staff, let alone included the student population. From Mr. Brown’s perspective, these were isolated incidents involving individual, poorly behaved students. Kiara only heard about that particular incident because her friend Jorge knew the victim.

Course Enrollment Patterns at BHS

At BHS, tracking was seen as a way to enrich the curriculum and meet the needs of every student. It was not seen as segregation although the class composition indicated otherwise. BHS had a tiered classroom structure: resource, on-level (79%-89% or lower in content area), and Level 1/AP courses (90% and above in content). Students were strategically placed in the leveled course that matched their content grade the previous semester. However, it was not uncommon for qualified students to be excluded from Level 1 classes due to capacity issues. Although on-level classes overflowed, Level 1 classes were kept relatively small. Many students did not know how to advocate for themselves if they felt they qualified for admission into Level 1 courses. Many students only pursued these classes if a teacher, administrator, or parent encouraged their application. In turn, the adults in the school very rarely recommended students for Level 1 classes if they did not explicitly align with Mr. Brown’s vision.

Teachers and Other School Personnel at BHS

Students of color perceived there to be two camps of teachers at BHS. The resource and on-level teachers seemed more open and caring toward African American and Latina/o students in the school. They sincerely got to know the students and their family situations. Of course, there were still occasional problems between some teachers and students in these courses, but for the most part these relationships were positive. Students of color did not have favorable opinions of the Level 1 and AP teachers, however. They always seemed to look down on them. When students of color took Level 1 or AP courses, they always seemed to be singled out by the teacher. After just a few weeks, many students of color who enrolled in Level 1 or AP courses elected to return to on-level courses.

It was not unusual for students to ask why more resource and on-level teachers did not teach the upper level courses. While the teachers did not fully share the reasons with the students, it was generally known that the Level 1 courses were the domain of certain teachers in the school. Other staff and administrators saw these teachers as an elite group; Mr. Brown, in particular, lauded the Level 1 teachers for their contribution to the school’s overall positive reputation in the community. These were the students that left BHS to attend the most elite colleges and universities in the country. Mr. Brown made sure that these teachers had the financial and tangible resources (technology, books, supplies) they needed for their students first as he felt they would best utilize and appreciate these resources.

As a result of their preferential treatment and pressures of BHS’ implicit expectations, it was not uncommon to hear stories of Level 1 teachers making inappropriate comments to on-level students who enrolled in Level 1 courses. Kiara was on the receiving end of one such comment midway through her first semester at BHS. One day in her Level 1 American Literature class the teacher asked to see Kiara’s class schedule and subsequently asked what college she was planning to attend. Kiara had not given much thought to what school she would attend, but in that moment she uttered the first college that came to her mind, a prestigious, ivy league university. Kiara had never felt so humiliated as when the teacher laughed at her and said she should pick a school closer to home, possibly the local branch of the state university. Kiara was devastated. She had once been so confident about going to college and becoming a medical doctor. The longer she spent in these upper level courses, the more she began to question whether she had what it took to be successful at BHS and ultimately in college.

Four Years Later

In the closing weeks of her senior year at BHS, Kiara was ecstatic to be graduating and going to college. Not just any college, but her top choice college—with a scholarship! She had no doubt that Mr. Brown’s vision had a significant impact on her success. Her stellar grades in difficult classes, participation in numerous extra-curricular activities, and strong performance on the SAT made her an outstanding applicant. However, her excitement to be going off to college was for another reason, too. During her overnight campus visit, Kiara had the opportunity to meet and talk with several African American students at the college, and even sat in on an American Literature course. They had been reading a book by Maya Angelou. She was familiar with it because her mother had given it to her one summer and she had been able to put it down until she completed it in one long stretch.

Sitting in the classroom that day on her college visit, she had an epiphany. It was inconceivable to her that she would be reading novels by African American authors in an “American” literature course. In her high school, although they had read a couple novels by Black authors, it felt obligatory—that those novels were subpar. Why? She decided to talk about her experiences with the Black students who were hosting her, and it turned into an emotional discussion that several other students joined and that continued deep into the night.

So many students shared stories that sounded similar to her own: attending predominantly White schools where expectations for academic performance were very narrow. Students talked about losing a connection to their Black friends when they enrolled in upper level classes, like Kiara and Jasmine did. Some even talked about feeling compelled to dress and talk differently to fit in better with their White classmates, but how this created more distance from their Black peers and family and made them feel uncomfortable. Just when Kiara started feeling completely hopeless, the students began to talk about how things had changed for them in college. One of the students was in the class Kiara visited, and talked about how diverse authors were represented in many of the English courses she had taken. Furthermore, there was a strong Black student organization that promoted discussions on campus and brought dynamic speakers on a variety of topics. The university led some of these efforts, too, creating a culture in the school that was supportive of diversity in all aspects of the campus community and worked hard to create a culture where all students felt supported and affirmed without needing to change who they were. Some students Kiara considered particularly lucky because they were fortunate to attend high schools that were like this, too. Still, Kiara was excited about the opportunity to take an African American History course in college that some of these students were exposed to in high school. Furthermore, despite her assumptions that these students probably attended diverse schools in the city, some of them actually attended suburban schools with similar demographics to hers.

Kiara returned home from her campus visit a completely different person. She knew there was only so much change she could incorporate in the remaining months she had before the end of her senior year, but she resolved to do what she could in that time. Furthermore, she knew that she would try and continue to effect change at BHS even after she graduated. Although she had been highly successful academically, she could see now the terrible price that her success had cost. Were he alive today, her grandfather would be sad to see how little of the Black culture that had played such a prominent role in her early years remained a part of her daily life. And, what about the cost to her Black peers at Birch? She was determined that the culture at BHS would change for students of color and set up an appointment with Mr. Brown to talk about her concerns. She knew it would not be easy, but she was determined to make a change.

Teaching Notes

To support her dreams of becoming a medical doctor, Kiara, an African American eighth grader set to enter high school in the fall, chose to attend BHS, which she found to have very restrictive norms around dress, speech, and behavior that she found difficult to appropriately mirror.

This case study is largely based on research that examines the role of restrictive school norms in fostering or curtailing academic achievement for African American and Latina/o students. Research has taken up the role of school cultures in mediating school success for students of color (e.g. Barajas & Pierce, 2001; Barajas & Ronnkvist, 2007; D. Carter, 2008; P. L. Carter, 2005, 2006; Griffin, 2006; Horvat & Antonio, 1999; Lewis, 2003; Smalls, White, Chavous, & Sellers, 2007; Tyson, Darity, & Castellino, 2005; Valenzuela, 1999; Venzant Chambers, Huggins, Locke, & Fowler, in press; Venzant Chambers & Huggins, 2014), denoting a marked shift from student- and family-oriented explanations for the underperformance of students of color to school-level analyses that implicate the role of the education system.

Traditional deficit explanations for the underperformance of students of color are rooted in arguments that identify family background as a significant deficiency (Coleman et al., 1966), paint African American students as anti-intellectual (McWhorter, 2001), suggest African American students are afraid of being seen as “acting white” (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986), contend that students of color come from a culture of poverty (Payne, 1996, 2005), or argue that they have cultural deficiencies that interfere with their ability to be academically successful (Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 2003). Rather than focus on these student- and family-level issues, researchers looking at the role of the school context examine the role of restrictive school norms in thwarting or facilitating academic achievement.

Early scholarship in this area arguably came out of a social reproduction perspective that contends that schools cater to dominant culture norms—meaning largely middle class and White—as a means of reproducing social hierarchies (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990; Giroux, 1983; Nash, 1990). However, more contemporary scholarship has honed this argument even further, painting this underperformance as a reaction to the way in which “academically-successful” is constructed (P. L. Carter, 2005) or as a rejection of White-normed expectations (Kohl, 1995), although some research has outlined ways in which Latinas/os have been able to achieve academic success without giving up their racial identity (Barajas & Pierce, 2001; Barajas & Ronnkvist, 2007). Presenting a similar argument from a different perspective, Valenzuela (1999) argues that by dismissing important cultural attributes with which Latina/o students come to school, schools are actually subtracting, rather than adding, value.

Looking specifically at the costs of achievement for academically successful students of color, Venzant Chambers et al, in press forward the idea of “racial opportunity cost,” which articulates the costs high-achieving students of color pay as a result of navigating racialized, White-normed expectations for academic success in their schools (Venzant Chambers, 2011; Venzant Chambers & Huggins, 2014; Venzant Chambers, Locke, & Medina, in press)

In the field of educational leadership specifically, research in a subfield of organizational culture (Hofstede, Neuijen, Ohayv, & Sanders, 1990; Schein, 2010) examines the importance of school norms with respect to academic achievement for students of color (e.g., Battistich, Solomon, Kim, Watson, & Schaps, 1995; Deal & Peterson, 1990, 2009; Madsen & Mabokela, 2005; Riehl, 2000; Theoharis, 2009; Trice & Beyer, 1984).

Questions and Activities

After reading the case narrative as well as the literature reviewed in the teaching notes, use these questions to prompt a discussion regarding the role of the school culture in the academic performance of students of color. Have students discuss these questions and then, in small groups, participate in the activities.

Discussion Questions

At the end of the narrative, Kiara noted that her academic success at BHS had come at a high price. What did she mean by this? Identify some of the “costs” that she and some of the college students she met on her campus visit may have been talking about.

As Kiara planned to meet with Mr. Brown, what should she have planned to discuss with him? What would be her most persuasive argument with him?

What factors facilitated Kiara’s academic success at Birch?

Although this case study focused on the ways narrow school culture affects the academic success of students of color, African American and Latina/o students specifically, what other groups of students may be negatively affected by such restrictive school norms?

What was the point of inviting Kiara to meet visitors and talking about her success?

Was Mr. Brown’s formula of “what works” successful in terms of determining what students would become successful? What were the positive aspects of this policy? The negative?

In creating a more open and welcoming school at Birch who or what will be the biggest obstacles? Who will welcome the change most enthusiastically?

How do you think the school culture at Birch affects lower-performing students of color?

What characteristics do you think the resource and on-level teachers possess that foster a welcoming and supportive environment for their students?

What might account for the resistance to open enrollment into upper level and AP courses at BHS? How could teachers overcome this resistance? Mr. Brown? Parents?

The reader is not told Mr. Brown’s race. What was your belief about Mr. Brown’s race? What evidence in this case study or experiential knowledge led you to your conclusion? Does the case study change if the character’s ethnicity was opposite your initial assumption? How?

Giving thoughtful consideration to the various nuances of this case as written, what would need to change at Birch to continue the tradition of academic success, but where that success was not limited to a subset of the student population and did not require students to adhere to restrictive expectations? Is there a “win-win” outcome possible?

Activities

Identify the degree to which classes, activities, and/or other aspects of your school are segregated? Student may consider conducting an equity audit (Skrla, Scheurich, Garcia, & Nolly, 2004) to assess their school’s performance. In what ways is your school supporting or thwarting the potential success of students of color?

In groups of two to three students, design an intervention program for BHS that targets increasing the engagement of students of African American and Latino/a students. What should Mr. Brown do to facilitate a more welcoming environment for these students? What should Mr. Brown identify as his immediate (0-3 months), short term (3-5 years), and long term (5+ years) targets for change?

Chart Talk: Walk it Out.

Post large chart paper on the walls spread out across the room, respectively titled, “Mr. Brown, Kiara, BHS staff, BHS community.” On the first walk, encourage students to gallery walk around and post any bias and assumptions made or questions inspired by reading the case study. On the second walk, allow students to respond to each other’s posts only in writing. On the third walk, allow students to write any “aha” moments about the post of their choice. All of the walks should be done in complete silence. Conclude the activity in a large group by asking the participants to share what they learned about themselves and others from the walks. The focus of this activity should be on recognizing and addressing bias.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded in part with a Planning Grant from the Race and Ethnic Studies Institute (RESI) and a Faculty Stipendiary Fellowship from the Melbern G. Glasscock Center for Humanities Research, both at Texas A&M University.

Author Biographies

Terah T. Venzant Chambers (PhD, Educational Policy Studies, University of Illinois) is an associate professor in the Department of Educational Administration at Michigan State University. Her research interests include post-Brown K-12 education policy and urban education/urban education leadership. Specifically, she is interested in the ways school-tracking policies affect African American students’ academic achievement and school engagement, as well as the price of school success for high-achieving students of color (racial opportunity cost). She has published in such journals as the Journal of Negro Education, International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, and Urban Education.

Lolita A. Tabron is a doctoral student in the Department of Educational Administration and Human Resource Development at Texas A&M University. Her research interests include post-Brown K-12 education policy and leadership development, urban education, charter schools, and critical race theory. Specifically, she is interested in issues of school reform, K-12 administrator and teacher quality, and educational equity at the federal, state, and local levels.

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