Abstract
Although violent entertainment has existed for centuries, the media have made it more accessible than ever before. In modern societies, people are immersed in media, like fish in water. Using hand-held devices, people can consume media just about anywhere they want, anytime they want. Moreover, violence is a common theme in the media, and research has consistently shown that violent media can have harmful effects on consumers, such as making them more aggressive and more numb to the pain and suffering of others. Teaching students about the harmful effects of violent media is challenging because many students love to consume violent media, and believe they are somehow immune to any harmful effects. This article reviews the scientific evidence on violent media effects, discusses some reasons why people deny violent media effects, and offers suggestions for how to teach students about violent media effects.
Throughout history, violent entertainment has been tremendously popular. Humans probably have been entertaining themselves with violent spectacles since the beginning of time. Consider just a few historical examples. Between 2000 BCE and 44 CE, the ancient Egyptians entertained themselves with plays reenacting the murder of their god, Osiris (Takuri, 2017). Seth hated his brother Osiris and devised a plan to kill him. After secretly obtaining the exact body measurements of Osiris, Seth made a beautiful box (like a coffin) that fit him perfectly. Seth invited his brother and 72 conspirators to a feast and said he would give this box to the person it fit perfectly. Several conspirators tried to get inside the box, but it did not fit them. Then Osiris got inside. “I fit exactly, and the box is mine!” said Osiris. “It is yours, indeed, and shall be so forever!” replied Seth.
Another popular form of violent entertainment was the gladiator games, which were most common in ancient Rome (Epplett, 2017). Gladiator games were introduced to Rome in 264 BCE when the sons of Junius Brutus honored their father by having three pairs of gladiators fight each other to the death. Julius Caesar similarly honored his father in 65 BCE by having 320 pairs of gladiators fight one another. The gladiators were typically prisoners of war, slaves, criminals, or Christians who refused to worship the Roman gods. The Colosseum, which could hold about 50,000 spectators, was built between 75 and 80 CE to house the gladiator games. In the dedication of the Colosseum, up to 10,000 animals died. In the celebration of Trajan’s conquest of Dacia, 11,000 animals and 5,000 pairs of gladiators died. Saint Augustine made the following comment about gladiator games in 380 BCE: “The society has become addicted to gladiator games and is drunk with the fascination of bloodshed.”
Spectators of Olympic Games dating to 648 BCE saw competitors engage in a dangerous sport called “pankration,” which literally means “all force” (Arvanitis, 2003). Opponents could do almost anything to each other (e.g., wrestling, hitting, kicking, throwing, and choking) except biting, gouging the eyes, and attacking the genitals. Pankration was part of the Olympic Games for about 1,000 years.
Public executions have also been very popular throughout history. The first recorded burning for heresy occurred in Britain in 1222. In the 16th century, Mary Tudor (Bloody Mary), daughter of King Henry VIII, burned 274 people to death during her 5-year reign. Burning was not the only form of public execution in Britain either. Executions at the permanent gallows at Tyburn (west of London) drew large crowds of spectators. Public executions were brought to America from Britain. For example, in the Salem witch trials, which occurred in colonial Massachusetts between 1692 and 1693, more than 200 people were accused of practicing witchcraft (the “Devil’s magic”), and 20 were publicly executed (Blumberg, 2007). The last public execution in the United States (U.S.) occurred in 1936 in Owensboro, Kentucky, where a Black man named Rainey Bethea was hanged before a crowd of 20,000 for raping and killing a 70-year-old woman. Newspapers described vendors selling hot dogs, popcorn, and drinks at the hanging. An article in Time magazine (“Party,” August 24, 1936) reported, “Every bar was packed to the doors. Down the main street tipsy merrymakers rollicked all night. ‘Hanging parties’ were held in many a home” (p. 5).
Definitions
Before I go further, it is important to define three key terms: (a) aggression, (b) violence, and (c) media violence. Aggression refers any behavior intended to harm another person who does not want to be harmed (Baron & Richardson, 1994). Violence is any behavior intended to cause extreme physical harm (e.g., injury or death) to another person who does not want to be harmed (Bushman & Huesmann, 2010). For example, one person intentionally hitting, kicking, shooting, or stabbing another person is an act of violence. But, by this definition, a husband who calls his wife every name in the book would not be committing an act of violence. Thus, all violent acts are aggressive, but only acts intended to cause extreme physical harm are classified as violent. This definition of violence can also be applied to media violence, which is any behavior intended to cause extreme physical harm to another media character who does not want to be harmed (Bushman, 2017). Media characters can be actual people, animals, realistic characters, fictitious characters, or cartoon characters.
Media Violence
Although violent entertainment is ancient, because of mass media, it is more accessible now than ever before. Television (TV) was introduced to the U.S. at the 1939 World’s Fair in New York. Two years later, the Federal Communications Commission licensed and approved the first commercially available TV stations. Since then, TV ownership has increased both in the U.S. and in other developed countries. Worldwide, more than 1.4 billion households now own at least one TV set, representing 79% of total households (Butts, 2013). Virtually all households in the developed world now own a TV set, as do about 69% of households in developing countries (Butts, 2013). The percentage of TV owners is lowest in some African countries due to limited access to electricity. People today can also consume media on computers, tablets, and handheld devices. On these different media platforms, people can play video games; listen to music; read books; and watch TV programs, movies, and videos.
Apparently, the thirst for violent entertainment has not changed much from the ancient past. Violence is a common theme in TV programs (e.g., Hetsroni, 2007), films (e.g., Bushman, Jamieson, Weitz, & Romer, 2013), video games (e.g., Hartmann, Krakowiak, & Tsay-Vogel, 2014), music videos (e.g., Martin & Collins, 2002), and even advertisements (e.g. Jones, Cunningham, & Gallagher, 2014). Indeed, violence is a common theme even in media rated as appropriate for children, such as G-rated films for general audiences (Yokota & Thompson, 2000). The amount of violent content in the media also appears to be increasing over time. For example, the number of acts of gun violence in PG-13 films (for ages 13+) has more than doubled since the rating was introduced in 1985 (Bushman et al., 2013).
Violent Media Effects
Social scientists have conducted hundreds of studies on the link between exposure to violent media and aggression and violence (for meta-analytic reviews, see Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson et al., 2010; Bushman & Huesmann, 2006; Greitemeyer & Mügge, 2014; Paik & Comstock, 1994).
Experimental studies have shown that exposure to media violence causes people to behave more aggressively immediately afterward. In one experiment (Konijn, Nije Bijvank, & Bushman, 2007), for example, 112 teenage boys were randomly assigned to play a violent or nonviolent video game for 20 min and then rated how much they identified with the video game character. After gameplay, the boys competed with an ostensible partner to see who could press a button faster when a light turned green. (In reality, the boys competed against a computer.) The “winner” got to blast the “loser” with loud noise through headphones. The results showed that violent game players were more aggressive than nonviolent game players, especially if they identified with the game character. These boys were even willing to deliver noise levels loud enough to supposedly cause permanent hearing damage.
Although laboratory experiments have been criticized for being conducted in unnatural settings with “artificial” measures of aggression (e.g., painful electric shocks, loud noise blasts, or spicy hot sauce given to a partner), field experiments have produced similar effects in natural settings with realistic measures of aggression. The main concern, however, is about the long-term cumulative effects of exposure to violent media. Numerous longitudinal studies have shown that exposure to violent media as a child predicts aggressive and violent behavior many years later as an adult. For example, in one longitudinal study, children exposed to violent media at ages 8–10 were nearly twice as likely to have assaulted their spouses 15 years later as young adults (Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003).
Exposure to violent media can also have other harmful effects, such as increasing aggressive thoughts, angry feelings, and physiological arousal (e.g., heart rate, blood pressure; Anderson et al., 2010). Exposure to violent media can make people more fearful of becoming victims of violence themselves (Gerbener & Gross, 1976). Exposure to violent media can also increase hostile appraisals and biases, so that people view the world as a hostile place (Bushman, 2016). Exposure to violent media can decrease helping and feelings of empathy Anderson et al., 2010). In one field experiment (Bushman & Anderson, 2009; Study 2), for example, 162 violent and nonviolent moviegoers witnessed a young woman with an injured ankle (actually an accomplice to the experimenter) drop her crutches outside a movie theater and struggle to pick them up. By random assignment, the woman either dropped her crutches just before the movie, as people were entering the theater, or just after the movie, as people were exiting the theater. An observer used a stopwatch to determine how long it took people to help her. People who had just seen a violent movie took 26% longer to help the woman than those who had seen a nonviolent movie. In contrast, there was no difference in the amount of time it took moviegoers to help the woman before the movie, which ruled out the possibility that less helpful people were more likely to attend the violent movies.
In 1972, the U.S. Surgeon General issued a statement on the link between exposure to violent media and antisocial behavior, which includes aggression and violence: It is clear to me that the causal relationship between televised violence and antisocial behavior is sufficient to warrant appropriate and immediate remedial action…There comes a time when the data are sufficient to justify action. That time has come. (Steinfeld, 1972)
The Surgeon General warning was about violent TV programs and films. But what about violent video games? There are at least three reasons to believe that violent video games might be even more harmful than violent TV programs and films.
First, whereas TV watching is passive, video game play is active, and people tend to learn better when they are actively involved. Suppose, for example, you want to learn how to fly an airplane. What would be the best method to use: reading a book, watching a TV program, or using a video game flight simulator?
Second, players of violent video games are more likely to identify with violent characters. For example, if a video game requires a player to be a first-person shooter, players have the same visual perspective as the killer. If the game takes a third-person perspective, the player controls the actions of the violent character from a more distant visual perspective. In a violent TV program, viewers might or might not identify with a violent character. Research has shown that people are more likely to behave aggressively when they identify with a violent character (e.g., Konijn et al., 2007).
Third, violent games directly reward violent behavior, for example, by awarding points or by allowing players to advance to the next game level. In some games, players are rewarded through verbal praise, such as hearing the words “Nice shot!” after killing an enemy. It is well known that rewarding behavior increases its frequency. In TV programs, reward is not directly tied to the viewer’s behavior.
There are also empirical data supporting these assertions. In one study (Polman, Orobio de Castro, & Van Aken, 2008), for example, children were randomly assigned to play a violent video game, watch someone else play the violent game, or play a nonviolent video game (i.e., control). Aggression was measured through peer nominations of real-life aggressive incidents during a free-play session at school (e.g., hitting, kicking, and pushing another child). The results showed that boys who played the violent video game were more aggressive than boys who observed someone else play the game, even though they saw the same images.
Why Do People Deny Media Effects?
Given the overwhelming scientific evidence indicating that violent media can make people more aggressive, one might wonder why people would deny these effects. There are several reasons why (e.g., Huesmann & Taylor, 2003; Strasburger, Donnerstein, & Bushman, 2014). Below, I briefly describe seven of these reasons.
Third-Person Effect
Researchers have consistently found that people believe the media have a much stronger effect on others than on themselves—this is called the third-person effect (Davison, 1983). In one illustrative study (McLeod, Eveland, & Nathanson, 1997), 202 University of Delaware students were randomly assigned to read either violent rap music lyrics or misogynistic rap music lyrics. Participants then estimated the effects of such lyrics on them personally, on other students who attended the University of Delaware, on “people your age in cities like New York and Los Angeles,” and on “the average person.” Participants reported that both types of lyrics would affect other groups more strongly than themselves.
People may also believe that violent media only affect some “susceptible” people (e.g., people with mentally illness, aggressive people); it will not, however, affect them personally. In sum, people seem to think that they are somehow immune to media effects.
Faulty Reasoning
I cannot count the number of people of people who have told me, “I play violent video games, and I’ve never killed anyone.” I usually explain that it is not surprising they have not killed anyone because very few people kill anyone, regardless of whether they play violent video games. In the United States, for example, fewer than 5 people per 100,000 are murdered each year (U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2016). It is very difficult to predict rare events, such as murder, using exposure to violent media or any other factor. One can, however, predict less extreme and more common violent behaviors from media violence viewing (e.g., spousal abuse; see Huesmann et al., 2003). People fail to consider the low base rates for rare events.
Cognitive Dissonance
According to cognitive dissonance theory, conflicting thoughts cause psychological discomfort—called cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957). For example, if people frequently play violent video games and think the games are fun, they may feel uncomfortable when they read about research studies showing that violent games can be harmful. The easiest way to reduce this discomfort is for people to rationalize their behavior by bringing their attitudes into line with their actions. One easy way to do this is to discount the research evidence as biased, flawed, or inconclusive. And in fact, research shows that this is exactly what gamers do (e.g., Nauroth, Gollwitzer, Bender, & Rothmund, 2014).
Psychological Reactance
Most people dislike being told what to do; they like to be free to make their own choices. When people believe their freedom is being threatened, they experience an unpleasant emotional response called “reactance” (Brehm, 1966). Reactance produces three main consequences. First, it makes people want the option they were restricted from choosing—it makes that option seem more attractive. Second, reactance motivates people to reclaim the lost option. Third, people may feel or act aggressively toward the person who has restricted their freedom. For example, gamers often think media researchers are trying to restrict or ban violent media. (As an aside, I know of no media researcher who has wanted to ban violent media. However, most media researchers do not want children consuming age-inappropriate media.) Regarding the first and second consequences of reactance, research has shown that warning labels can make violent media “forbidden fruit” (e.g., Bushman & Stack, 1996). Regarding the third consequence, this may be one reason why I often receive aggressive e-mails from gamers, one of whom wrote, “People who think video games cause violence should be shot.”
Catharsis
According to catharsis theory, acting aggressively or even viewing aggression is an effective way to reduce anger and aggression. Many Hollywood directors believe in catharsis theory. For example, Alfred Hitchcock, who directed the movie Psycho, said, “One of television’s greatest contributions is that it brought murder back into the home where it belongs. Seeing a murder on television can be good therapy. It can help work off one’s antagonism.” Despite what these directors believe, the scientific evidence indicates that catharsis theory is false. Exposure to violent media increases (rather than decreases) angry feelings and aggressive actions (e.g., Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson et al., 2010; Bushman & Huesmann, 2006; Greitemeyer & Mügge, 2014; Paik & Comstock, 1994). After reading the research evidence, one scholar concluded, “It is time to put a bullet, once and for all, through heart of the catharsis hypothesis. The belief that observing violence (or ‘ventilating it’) gets rid of hostilities has virtually never been supported by research” (Tavris, 1988, p. 194).
Denial From the Media
Newspapers and other media sources often deny the link between exposure to violent media and aggression (Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Martins et al., 2013), perhaps because it is in their economic self-interest to deny any harmful effects. It is a paradox, though. On the one hand, the TV industry claims that a few minutes of advertising can sell just about anything. Indeed, a 30-s SuperBowl ad costs about US$5 million (Bentley, 2018). On the other hand, the TV industry claims that the hours of programming surrounding the few minutes of advertising have no effect on viewers. How can this be?
Psychological Processes Are Difficult to Understand
Finally, people do not understand psychological processes (e.g., priming, desensitization, and social learning) as well as they understand biological processes. If one observes a player of violent video games assault another person, it is difficult to know the direct cause of the assault. Was it playing violent video games for hours on end that caused the assault, or was it something else? In contrast, if one sees a chain smoker die of lung cancer, it is much easier to believe that the direct cause of the lung cancer was smoking. One can easily grasp the idea that smoke going into the lungs damages cells and starts tumor growth.
Teaching Students About Violent Media Effects
After teaching students about violent media effects for over 25 years, I have learned one important lesson: Students are not very receptive to the message that exposure to violent media can have harmful effects. Overcoming this resistance is not easy. I believe that education is the answer. I have five suggestions for teachers.
First, it is important to convey to your students that information you presented to them is not simply your opinion. Rather, it is based on hundreds of scientific studies. Of course, not all studies show a link between violent media and aggression (e.g., Ferguson et al., 2015), but the cumulative evidence shows a link. Professional scientific and medical organizations agree. It is important that students base their beliefs on scientific evidence, rather than on unreliable and invalid sources of information (e.g., opinion, common sense, hunches, intuitions, gut feelings, premonitions, instincts, and “alternative facts”). I have found that the best way to do this is to show them the forest (i.e., the results from meta-analytic reviews based on hundreds of studies) and a few trees in the forest (i.e., specific examples of carefully conducted studies).
Second, it is important that your students understand that exposure to violent media is not the only risk factor for aggressive and violent behavior, or even the most important risk factor. But it is an important risk factor that cannot be dismissed as “trivial.” There have been several calls to consider aggression and violence within a risk factor, public health framework (e.g., Browne & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005; Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, 2008). This approach considers a number of risk factors that make people more vulnerable to a health risk as well as protective factors that make them less vulnerable. For example, there are several risk and protective factors for heart disease (e.g., smoking, alcohol consumption, high-fat diet, exercise, family history of heart disease). Likewise, there are several risk and protective factors for aggression and violence (e.g., gender, age, attitudes, personality traits, genetic predispositions, provocation, frustration, alcohol consumption, parental abuse, deviant peers, easy access to firearms, exposure to violent media). I believe that violent media effects can best be understood within a risk and resilience framework that considers multiple factors that facilitate or inhibit aggression and violence (Gentile & Bushman, 2012). It is also worth discussing with students that exposure to violent media is one of the few risk factors that can be changed compared to other risk factors (e.g., being a male, having a low IQ, living in poverty, coming from a broken home, being an alcoholic).
Third, if the students you teach are adults 18 and older, convey to them that the main concern is about children consuming age-inappropriate media. For example, children under age 13 should not be watching movies rated PG-13 (for ages 13+) or playing video games rated T (for teens 13 and older). Adults should protect children from age-inappropriate media, just like they protect them from other harmful substances (e.g., tobacco products, alcohol, drugs). Although exposure to violent media harms people of all ages, if adults want to consume violent media, that is their choice. However, children should not consume age inappropriate media.
Fourth, you can ask your students the following question: “What theory predicts that observing violence in the home, school, and community harms children, but that observing violence in the media does not harm children?” Although I give my students a few minutes to think of an answer to this question, no student has ever come up with a theory—because there are none.
Finally, you can point out that the average American child, ages 8–18 years, spends more than 7.5 hr per day consuming mass media (Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts, 2010), which is more time than they spend in school. When I discuss this fact, I ask my students, “How can someone engage in any activity for over 7.5 hr per day, without it affecting them in some way?” I also point out that people want media to affect them. If a TV program, movie, or video game does not affect people, they would become bored and turn it off.
Conclusion
In summary, teaching students about violent media effects is a challenge, but one that I welcome. And I hope you will welcome it, too. Educating students about the scientific research on violent media effects is extremely important. Confronted by the scientific evidence, students just might open their minds a bit to the idea that consuming violent media might be harmful. They might also try to protect younger children whom they know and love from consuming violent media. I hope this article will be helpful to you as you share this important topic with your students.
Footnotes
Authors’ Note
Some scholars have questioned how robust the meta-analytic results are for violent video game effects, due to possible publication bias (see Hilgard, Engelhardt & Rouder, 2017; but also see response to Hilgard et al., 2017, by Kepes, Bushman, & Anderson, 2017 for a response).
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
