Learning treasures within an unauthorized migrant workers’ community

Constructiveness

A great deal of human learning is acquired informally and implicitly (Jarvis and Parker, 2005). Data from the study showed that learning brought about a transformation of the migrant-learner’s perspective and behavior, reweaving a new life experience despite its incidental and informal nature. Participants developed their learning areas themselves by organizing and linking thoughts, knowledge, and ideas based on their own experiences. This community’s context of learning was not constructed from an educational structure or programmed curriculum. Instead, learning occurred through a series of episodes, continuous emergence, and linking concepts, or from the production of new ideas and actions. This formative feature denoted the constructiveness of the learning community.

It is a surprise if I share some issues and information with other members; we can create something useful through continual dialogues and exploration about specific themes. All members are invited to study together to gain useful knowledge and wisdom, communicate with each other, link up different information and reach out for a common good. (Lyn, Indonesia, male)

Interview evidence demonstrated that many participants experience a collective way of building capacity in the community. They attempted to reconstruct and integrate their learnings into their daily practices. Their reflective learning was situated within lifeworld concerns, and interests evolved in this non-formal community, which encouraged them to engage in the continual process of reconstruction of their experiences. At this point, constructiveness was revealed as one of the necessary principles to activate the migrant workers’ community.

Lots of conversations, volunteering services for local citizens and publishing a newsletter influenced my everyday life pattern and perspectives as well. I guess I am in the middle of self-rediscovery in this community (Kangyoo, China, male).

The migrant workers’ community was based on each member’s lifeworld. Most themes and resources of the learning community came from their everyday life and various experiences. Yet, this did not mean that participants should handle every single subject or a multitude of themes, rather they should manage a diverse range of issues and life concerns that had emerged during collective interaction and involvement in a non-formal setting. It was seen that the learning community was sustained by the participants’ different combinations of experience, participation, and ongoing dialogue on diverse issues. They built formative, constructive knowledge and attitudes by combining relevant issues and notions in a self-regulated way.

In this community, we discuss our ideas together. We consider all sorts of ideas. Sometimes, it is difficult to reach an agreement. But I think it works out in the end. That might be a formative process to shape ourselves and myself in the ongoing mode. (Sonya, Myanmar, female)

O’Sullivan (2003) highlighted that a holistic and integrated strategy to learning was significant to comprehend the social context of learners, which is particularly helpful for underprivileged groups in society. Insights from the participant observations revealed that migrants attempted to utilize their previous learning experience continuously by integrating it with their newly shaped learning domain and reconstructing it into a new context. In this way, migrants’ ongoing reconstruction of their own learning paths in collaborative and constructive modes made the community more active and dynamic.

Communicativeness

During the interviews and participant observations, communicativeness was revealed as one of the mechanisms in the migrant workers’ community. Participants came to understand each other through conveying, exchanging, and sharing their experience, thoughts, values, and knowledge across the community in a self-regulated way. It was more about an existential interaction to renew their diminished social identity and “voice.” It was also about a sense of connection, allowing social links between migrants and the host society.

As long as I join the Sunday meeting, it means no more lonely monologues that I make to myself. This group changed me tremendously. The feeling of getting connected with people and society encouraged me to become involved in the community. (Ali, Pakistan, male)

The learning community served as an arena of emancipation through which migrants regained their inner voice and restored their “silenced-mouth” in Korean society. In this respect, for the marginalized migrant workers, their participation in this social practice was an innovative occasion because it could broaden their communication venues in the host country. This case study showed that some migrants willingly participated in their own community despite all the difficulties of accessibility to attend regular group meetings, e.g., traveling a long distance to reach the community venue and chronic physical exhaustion. Participants emphasized that their reason for continued involvement in the community was to meet their instinctive need for communicativeness and to have some connected feeling towards Korean society.

In this group, we encourage each other to join actively. We are involved in discussions, feedbacking, criticizing and networking. I am sure our group will make steady progress, so long as we meet and communicate openly despite some barriers in terms of cultural gap, prejudice, and certain tensions. (Kangyoo, China, male)

Conflict and tension occasionally happened in the learning community while people were involved in communicating and understanding each other. The context of cultural diversity also increased the complexity of communication. However, once communicativeness was established in the community, participants attempted to negotiate those tensions and differences in a self-regulated way.

I should fight a lot of stereotypes for dark-skin colored people wherever I go in Korea. Many Koreans love only white [people]. ‘The more difficult, the more conquerable’ is what I learned from this group. How can I cope with social discrimination? I recognized that the key is to be empowered, communicate with others, and build a human network. (Michel, Philippines, male)

Their personal concerns such as low wages, solitude, precarious status, culture shock and discrimination in their everyday lives became connected through their interactions and dialogues with public issues, reflecting the broader social context of their personal issues. The open communication in the community enabled them to become more engaged.

To find someone who would seriously listen to my ‘voice’ and communicate without pressure was very difficult in Korea. I am rendered totally mute in the factory during the whole week. Nobody is willing to talk to me or respect my dignity because I am an unauthorized migrant worker who must work over 12 hours per day. But in this group, I can ceaselessly enjoy our conversation and share lots of inner feelings. I felt liberated from a long period of social alienation. (Kko tien, Bangladesh, male)

Kko tien’s comments revealed that communicativeness empowered migrant workers to broaden their horizons and participate in the community, acquiring a sense of liberation in the process. In keeping with the Frankfurt School’s critical theory of society (Kompridis, 2006), here we see the communicativeness of the migrant workers’ community empowering socially underprivileged workers. Migrant workers could harmonize their individual plans of action with one another based upon open communication and mutual understanding. Thus, the communicativeness of the community functioned as a counterbalancing principle that enabled them to experience some emancipation through interacting with others and the wider world.

Collective autonomy

Data from the study revealed that collective autonomy––the self-regulated atmosphere of this non-formal community––enabled the participants to empower their voluntary and continued engagement. The various practices fostered by the community––sharing of weekday stories, and so forth––promoted collective autonomy.

There is no teacher in this group. Because there is no regular instruction to maintain our group, we should manage it voluntarily and as we see fit. I think many unauthorized workers, including me, who struggle with widespread discrimination in Korea, have a desire to prove our autonomous ability by doing something meaningful. (Aron, Laos, male)

Most migrant workers suffered from being underpaid, long working hours, social isolation, and the constant fear of a crackdown by police. Although these conditions restricted their autonomy and participation in the lifeworld of the host society, the learning community eased their difficulties and became an arena to transform their life experiences in Korea.

In this group, I have started to realize my potential and explore a curiosity or desire to develop something in my life, even in the workplace. Although joining this group is a small action of life’s radius, it was a big change for me. (Lyn, Indonesia, male)

Lyn’s remark suggested that the community provided a social space to express their suppressed autonomy. Sunday became an opportunity to restore their subjugated lifeworld into an autonomous life condition. Thus, the autonomy that was embodied by each member’s participation was critical to the participants’ learning journey and sustained the community.

What keeps me involved in our group for over three years is the spontaneous mood of this group. People’s self-dedication and voluntary motivation encourage me to continue my involvement in joining this group. There is no boss and no police here. We created and manage this group, it is up to us to define our activities. (Sonya, Myanmar, female)

The shared norm of autonomy as a community practice sustained participants’ involvement in the community and fostered a sense of self-governance. Several studies on adult learning theory (Jarvis, 2007; Johnston, 1999; Mezirow, 2000) explained that self-regulated learning enables learners to become subjective and autonomous agents based on their lived experiences. The community provided the necessary space for the marginalized, undervalued group members to become social “subjects” who have their own capacity to engage with the external world. Most of the participants voluntarily participated in the community because of their desire to communicate with others, commit themselves to the common good and regain their self-esteem.

We all hope to live a better life and develop ourselves, and do something valuable for our common good in Korea. I gained increased confidence thanks to this involvement. Without command or instruction from others, I willingly got involved to play a certain role in our group. (Ali, Pakistan, male)

Castles and Miller (2003: 39) argued that migrant workers and minority cultures were constantly recreated based on the desire and experience of the group, and their interaction with social movements. This was true of the community of migrant workers. It can be argued that collective autonomy empowered participants’ self-regulated engagement and continued involvement in the community.

Practicality

… From a disrespected and excluded man I think I gradually turned into a ‘capable man.’ Armed with opportunities provided by the community, I gained a higher level of awareness of my capability to handle things well and put it into service. We study together, share useful information knowhow with others and utilize different networks to learn practical knowledge. This is a practical merit of this community. (Kangyoo, China, male)

Kangyoo’s reflection summarizes how learning domains in the community develop from what the members share and how these become the basis for practical actions that serve the needs and interests of the migrant workers. As he explained, his expanding awareness and skills enabled him to put these into practical use. It would be appreciated in time: the community honed practical skills over time which participants found useful in addressing their life concerns.

There is a close link and relevance between newly learned knowledge and practical action in this group. For example, when people studied and talked about the Human Rights of International Migrant Workers, I could utilize that information in different ways. When one of the female unauthorized migrant workers suffered severe sexual assault by her boss, having knowledge of this international instrument was very helpful. I visited a human rights advocacy NGO in Seoul to ask for help. (Aron, Laos, male)

The participants’ use of knowledge and skills for problem solving can be seen as a mode of praxis. They were able to explore their social conditions and to deal with concrete life matters by applying what they have learned. Participants were eager to develop their capacity building of praxis through continued engagement with the community.

While living in Korea, I often face serious problems in my daily life. I couldn’t cope with them by myself. But this group activity enabled me to broaden my skills and knowledge in a practical way. I am still learning real life lessons in this group to manage my life better. (Lisma, Vietnam, female)

While taking note of Lisma’s statement of “real life lessons,” practicality surfaced as a key mechanism of learning. In this respect, practicality acted as a crucial part in developing and enriching participants’ learning continuum in a new context.

I didn’t just try to learn a piece of theory or abstract knowledge in this group. Instead, I attempted to learn a multiple package to utilize in my uncertain life. Some can be used immediately; the others are saved in my package. I feel I gain a sense of practical ability. (Jaya, Cambodia, female)

Most migrants have to deal with urgent practical issues in the host society. Anchored in their lifeworld, the community was able to recognize and act on these practical issues. Because practical logic focused more on the learner’s capacity to think contextually, participants acquired various relevant skills, e.g., gathering information, comprehending the subject, integrating context, and putting it into practice.

Migrants’ empowerment through community learning

The main data and evidence suggested that various modes of learning mechanisms acted as the foundation of the community’s diverse learning paths and its reflective vitality. These findings indicated the learning process of this community as a social practice, which was probably connected to intersubjectivity between people and everyday life. Human learning is situated within the complex processes of externalization and internalization (Jarvis, 2007; Kim, 2010). Having realized that migrants confronted severe social marginalization in Korea, their learning paths within the community were reconstituted to cope with their external oppression and alienation. The learning mechanisms in the community can provide implications to understand human learning and its relation to empowerment, particularly for the community of unauthorized and marginalized migrant workers. Although this case study’s findings cannot be generalized to a larger population, the elements of constructiveness, communicativeness, autonomy, and practicality can give insights to understand the meaning and dynamics of human learning. This study showed that even though the learners were unauthorized migrant workers, a group which is marginalized, collective community activities enable learners to awaken their learning agency. In short, the study demonstrated that continuous engagements within a community facilitated migrants to reshape their life experiences. Hence, the community is seen as an emancipatory platform for marginalized migrants. As such, it would be valuable to support learning opportunities in migrant communities and to promote dialogue between them and other agencies in the larger society.

Intangible learning treasures within an unauthorized community

This study discovered important learning treasures in the migrant workers’ voluntary community. It demonstrated how migrant workers’ learnings can contribute to a community’s empowerment and intangible life-lessons generated by their engagement in a non-formal community. It revealed that the learning treasures of the community were developed through an inclusive and supportive learning environment, and that these treasures can be utilized to enhance an effective process of learning for disadvantaged people. It enabled disadvantaged migrants to access and experience diverse learning opportunities. The empowerment of migrants could also contribute to the enhancement of the host society (Jordan and Duvell, 2003). It is hoped that the learning treasures uncovered by the study could have broader implications for both theory and practice. Further research and empirical studies on the lifelong learning of other marginalized people in other societies are suggested.