Transgender and Nonbinary Youths’ Experiences With Gender-Based and Race-Based School Harassment

Abstract

Background:

Transgender and nonbinary (TNB) students commonly experience identity-based harassment, which is associated with poorer mental health, and TNB students of color may experience harassment targeting gender, race/ethnicity, and other identities. Applying an intersectional lens to minority stress theory suggests that different forms of identity-based harassment that target different identities are interconnected. However, few studies address intersecting forms of bias experienced by TNB students of color.

Purpose:

The purpose of this study is to examine the interplay of racism and transphobia among TNB students by comparing experiences of racist and transphobic harassment across seven racial/ethnic groups and examining the effects of these forms of identity-based harassment on the mental health of TNB students of color.

Participants:

Participants were drawn from a large national sample of LGBTQ students who were enrolled in secondary school during the 2018–2019 school year. The study sample consists of all those who were TNB (N = 6,795). The majority of the sample identified as transgender (68.7%), and just under a third identified as nonbinary, but not as transgender (31.3%). The majority were White (71.3%), and approximately a third identified as gay or lesbian (33.7%).

Research Design:

This quantitative study employed a multivariate analysis of covariance to examine differences in frequency of racist and transphobic harassment across racial/ethnic groups. Hierarchical linear regressions were used to examine the main effects of harassment, as well as interaction effects between these forms of harassment, on depression and self-esteem among TNB students of color.

Results:

Frequencies of race-based harassment were generally similar for all students of color groups and lowest for White TNB students. Frequencies of gender-based harassment were relatively higher for Native American TNB students and lower for Black and Asian American/Pacific Islander TNB students. Among TNB students of color, each form of harassment was associated with greater depression and lower self-esteem. We did not observe a significant interaction between these forms of harassment.

Conclusions:

Despite some differences between groups, many TNB students of color experience both racist and transphobic harassment. Experiencing both of these forms of harassment is associated with poorer mental health outcomes than experiencing one. School professionals must consider these multiple forms of bias in supporting their students at school.

Keywords

Transgender nonbinary youth of color harassment

A growing body of literature has demonstrated that schools are often unwelcoming and unsafe spaces for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) youth, many of whom report experiences of hostile school climate that target their sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression (Heck et al., 2016; Johns et al., 2018; Kosciw et al., 2020). Further, research has shown that transgender students (i.e., students whose gender does not align with the sex they were assigned at birth) experience especially hostile school climates compared with their cisgender lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (CLGBQ) peers and that these experiences have an adverse effect on their psychological well-being (Day et al., 2018; Gower et al., 2018; Hatchel & Marx, 2018; Kosciw et al., 2020; Walls et al., 2018; White et al., 2018). Some research examining the experiences of nonbinary students (i.e., students who do not identify exclusively as male or female, some of whom may also identify as transgender, and some of whom may identify exclusively as nonbinary) and students with other diverse gender identities (e.g., pangender, genderqueer) has found that these students also face hostile school climates (Gower et al., 2018; Kosciw et al., 2020). However, little research has examined the co-occurrence of multiple forms of identity-based harassment among transgender and nonbinary (TNB) youth, including the experiences of both gender-based and race-based harassment. An intersectional framework would suggest that these multiple forms of victimization are interconnected with, and may influence, one another. This investigation seeks to clarify those connections and examine the impact of each form of identity-based harassment on TNB students’ psychological well-being. Because racism is a system of oppression to uphold White supremacy and harm people of color, we specifically seek to better understand the effects of these forms of identity-based harassment among TNB students of color. The study will examine the following research questions: (1) Do the frequencies of gender-based harassment differ across racial/ethnic groups among TNB students broadly? (2) How do the frequencies of race-based harassment differ across racial/ethnic groups among TNB students broadly? (3) How are race-based and gender-based harassment associated with psychological well-being among TNB students of color?

Review of Literature

Transgender and Nonbinary Students’ Experiences of Hostile School Climate

National findings on LGBTQ students in U.S. secondary school have shown that transgender and nonbinary students commonly face hostile school experiences, often in the form of harassment or discrimination targeting their gender identity. Findings from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Youth Risk Behavior Survey show that transgender students were more likely than their cisgender peers to feel unsafe at or while traveling to or from school and were also more likely to report being bullied or to report experiences of violence at school, including being threatened or injured with a weapon (Johns et al., 2019). Within the LGBTQ student population, TNB students face more hostile school climates than their CLGBQ peers. TNB students are more likely than CLGBQ students to report instances of discriminatory anti-LGBTQ school policies and practices, are more likely to experience school disciplinary action, and are more likely to report that they feel unsafe in their school (Kosciw et al., 2020). TNB students also report experiencing harassment at school based on their sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression more frequently than CLGBQ students. For example, in GLSEN’s national study of LGBTQ secondary students, 83.5% of transgender and 68.7% of nonbinary students reported having experienced any harassment or assault based on gender in the previous year, compared with 36.8% of CLGBQ students (Kosciw et al., 2020).

Several other smaller scale studies corroborate these national-level findings, indicating that transgender youth experience harassment and assault at higher rates than do cisgender youth (Birkett et al., 2015; Day et al., 2018; Gower et al., 2018; Hatchel & Marx, 2018; Russell et al., 2011; Walls et al., 2018; White et al., 2018). Day, Perez-Brumer, and Russel (2018) found in a sample of California youth that transgender youth were six times more likely to experience harassment based on their gender identity and sexual orientation than were cisgender youth. Also using a sample of California youth, Hatchel and Marx (2018) found that 72% of transgender students experienced harassment at school. In addition to verbal and physical harassment, research has found that transgender youth also experience higher rates of relational and cyber harassment (Moran et al., 2018; Myers et al., 2017). Further, studies among the general student population suggest that most students perceive their school to be unsafe for transgender students (Toomey et al., 2012), and many report hearing biased remarks at school, from both students and staff, regarding gender expression and TNB identities (Greytak et al., 2016).

TNB students comprise a diverse population of youth, many of whom have additional marginalized identities and may experience multiple forms of identity-based harassment, including race-based harassment. Several studies have documented that race-based harassment is common among youth of color in general in U.S. schools, including Black, Latinx, Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI), Native American, Middle Eastern/North African (MENA), and multiracial students (Council on American-Islamic Relations, California, 2021; Johnston-Goodstar & VeLure Roholt, 2017; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; UnidosUS, 2019). Past studies offer disparate findings and an unclear understanding of how experiences of harassment differ by racial/ethnic identity, although a review by Xu et al. (2020) does indicate that in general, youth of color tend to experience more racist bullying than White youth. Among LGBTQ youth specifically, one national study similarly indicates that the frequency of experiencing race-based harassment may not differ among LGBTQ youth of color, although all experience race-based harassment more commonly than White LGBTQ youth (Kosciw et al., 2020). Little research has examined TNB students’ experiences with race-based harassment.

Relationships Between Race, Racism, Gender Identity, and Transphobia

National findings on LGBTQ youth suggest that LGBTQ students’ racial/ethnic identities may be related to the amount of anti-LGBTQ harassment they face, and likewise, their gender identity may be associated with their experiences of race-based harassment. Some past research indicates that TNB students of color may be more likely than CLGBQ students of color to experience race-based harassment (Truong et al., 2020a, 2020b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, 2020b). In another recent study, researchers found that among a diverse sample of youth, Black and Latinx TNB youth were the most likely to experience identity-based harassment at school (Galán et al., 2021). Other findings indicate that among LGBTQ youth overall, experiences of bias at school based on sexual orientation and gender expression may be more common for Native American students than other racial/ethnic populations, whereas these experiences may be less common for Black and AAPI students (Kosciw et al., 2020).

Some studies among LGBTQ populations suggest that White LGBTQ individuals may find peer harassment more distressing (Hatchel et al., 2019). Interaction effects models have demonstrated that experiences with racist harassment may attenuate the negative impacts of anti-LGBTQ harassment, suggesting that LGBTQ people of color who have historically experienced racism may be more prepared to cope with other forms of harassment (Moradi et al., 2010; Truong et al., 2020a, 2020b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, 2020b). Other studies that have used an interaction effects model suggest that the effects of gender-based harassment on students’ mental health may not actually be influenced by their racial/ethnic identity (Hatchel et al., 2019; Pampati et al., 2020). Although more research is needed to determine the precise interactive effects between racism and transphobia among TNB youth, it is likely that experiencing more forms of structural inequality and identity-based bias ultimately leads to worse outcomes. Prior studies that have used an additive effects model suggest that experiencing multiple forms of identity-based harassment is associated with worse outcomes. Galán et al. (2021) found that for high school students, identity-based harassment was associated with negative mental health outcomes and that harassment targeting multiple identities was associated with the most negative outcomes. Similarly, for LGBTQ youth of color, experiencing harassment at school targeting both sexual orientation and race may result in greater depression than only experiencing one of these forms of identity-based harassment (Truong et al., 2020a, 2020b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, 2020b).

Using a national sample of TNB middle and high school students, the current study seeks to address the gap in our understanding of TNB students’ experiences of both gender-based and race-based harassment. The study approaches this gap in understanding by employing minority stress theory vis-à-vis a framework of intersectionality, with the understanding that TNB students’ racial/ethnic identities could be associated with both the race-based and gender-based harassment that they experience. We use an intersectionality framing and minority stress theory through both an additive effects model and an interaction effects model to examine how stigma related to TNB students’ marginalized gender and racial/ethnic statuses may result in adverse mental health outcomes.

Theoretical Framework

We employ Meyer’s (1995, 2013) minority stress theory, which posits that LGB individuals experience external bias-related events and conditions (e.g., harassment), and these distal stress processes can lead to greater risk of mental health problems. This theory may help to explain the high prevalence of negative psychological well-being outcomes among LGBTQ students. In fact, prior studies have demonstrated that school violence and harassment are related to negative psychological well-being among LGBTQ youth, as well as TNB youth specifically (Birkett et al., 2015; Day et al., 2018; Gower et al., 2018; Hatchel et al., 2019; Kosciw et al., 2020; Moran et al., 2018; Newcomb et al., 2020; Price-Feeney et al., 2019; Russell & Toomey, 2013), and that bias-based bullying may be related to negative mental health outcomes above and beyond those of general school bullying (Poteat et al., 2011). LGBTQ youth of color likely experience minority stress from both anti-LGBTQ and racist stressors, and this may result in a heightened risk for adverse health outcomes as compared to White LGBTQ youth (Balsam et al., 2011; McConnell et al., 2018; Ramirez & Paz Galupo, 2019).

A framework of intersectionality (Bowleg, 2012; Crenshaw, 1990) is also useful in describing the experiences of TNB youth of color. Intersectionality can be broadly defined as a framework that posits that minority identity statuses at the micro level—such as gender, race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, immigration status, ability, and class—are mutually constitutive (Anthias, 2012). One analysis of intersectionality, which we employ in the current study, includes the understanding that social categories of identity are mutually constitutive in relation to each other and in relation to broader structural inequalities, such as racism and transphobia, that are associated with those identities (Anthias, 2012; de Vries, 2015). For example, some LGBTQ people of color may experience anti-LGBTQ bias from peers of the same racial/ethnic group, which may uniquely contribute to internalized stigma and identity conflict (Sarno et al., 2021). Examining minority stressors through a framework of intersectionality, we can posit that that the impacts of LGBTQ-related minority stressors are likely influenced by the racial/ethnic identity of both the victim and perpetrator of such events (Schmitz et al., 2019), as well as the concurrent race-related stressors that such students experience (Truong et al., 2020a, 2020b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, 2020b).

Methods

Sampling

Data came from a national online survey study of LGBTQ secondary school students’ school experiences. To help ensure a diverse, representative study sample, several study recruitment methods were used, including emails, targeted advertisements on social media, online postings from a national LGBTQ education organization and its local chapters, and promotion from other local, regional, and national organizations that serve or advocate on behalf of LGBTQ youth. To reach a broader sample of LGBTQ youth, including those who may not be openly LGBTQ or may not be strongly connected to the LGBTQ-related organizations and individuals promoting the study, social media advertisements were targeted such that they were shown to users between 13 and 18 years of age who had demonstrated some interest in or affiliation with the LGBTQ community based on their Internet activity. Special efforts were also made to ensure representation of youth of color, transgender youth, and youth in rural communities by way of targeted ads and outreach to organizations that work predominantly with these populations.

Data collection occurred between April and August 2019, with survey questions addressing students’ experiences during the 2018–2019 academic year. All respondents were provided with a written informed consent/assent briefing on the first page of the survey with information about the nature of the study, and youth indicated whether they agreed or declined to participate in the study before continuing with the survey. The survey study was open to anyone who was at least 13 years old, attended middle or high school during the 2018–2019 academic year, and identified in some way as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer. Youth were excluded from the study if they were not in a secondary school at some point during the 2018–2019 academic year, lived outside the United States, or identified as both heterosexual and cisgender. Given the nature of the study and to protect the anonymity of the respondents, documentation of parental consent/assent was waived. Given that many LGBTQ youth in the sample may not have disclosed their LGBTQ identity to their parents, guardians, or peers, requiring such documentation would have potentially exposed them to risk of harm or deterred them from participating in the study. The study was approved by the institution’s internal research ethics review committee.

The final sample consisted of a total of 6,795 TNB students (White = 4,847; Latinx = 895; AAPI = 157; Black = 136; MENA = 74; Native American = 43; and multiracial = 643) between the ages of 13 and 21 (M = 15.6 years) from all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Almost three fourths of the sample (71.3%) was White. Regarding sexual orientation, a third of the sample (33.7%) identified as gay or lesbian, just over a quarter identified as bisexual (27.5%), and a quarter identified as pansexual (25.0%). Respondents were fairly equally represented by region (Northeast, West, South, Midwest). The majority of respondents attended high school (67.3%), public schools (90.3%), suburban or rural schools (74.5%), and schools with a student body of at least 500 students (81.7%). Descriptive statistics for variables used in the analysis are shown in Tables 1 and 2.

Table 1.

Sample Demographic Characteristics.

	Full TNB Sample (N = 6,795)		TNB Students of Color Sample (n = 1,948)
	%	N	%	N
Race/Ethnicity
White	71.3	4,847	—	—
Latinx	13.2	895	45.9	895
Multiracial	9.5	643	33.0	643
Asian American/Pacific Islander	2.3	157	8.1	157
Black/African American	2.0	136	7.0	136
Middle Eastern/North African	1.1	74	3.8	74
Native American	0.6	43	2.2	43
Sexual Orientation
Gay or Lesbian	33.7	2,260	32.6	621
Bisexual	27.5	1,842	28.4	542
Pansexual	25.0	1,676	24.7	471
Other	13.8	927	14.3	272
Gender Identity
Transgender	68.7	4,668	65.2	1,270
Nonbinary	31.3	2,127	34.8	678
Outness to Peers
None	16.0	1,083	17.6	342
A Few	45.6	3,093	45.5	886
Most	20.4	1,386	20.0	390
Everyone	18.1	1,226	16.9	328
Region
South	29.7	2,016	31.7	617
Midwest	25.5	1,733	18.0	351
West	24.1	1,637	31.5	614
Northeast	20.5	1,393	18.1	352
Other	0.2	15	0.7	14
Urbanicity
Urban	25.5	1,706	32.1	613
Suburban	42.7	2,854	43.5	831
Rural	31.8	2,131	24.4	466
School Level
Middle School	15.3	1,034	16.8	326
High School	67.3	4,559	66.8	1,297
Other	17.5	1,184	16.4	318
School Type
Public	90.3	6,066	90.2	1,730
Religious	2.7	181	2.7	51
Private nonreligious	7.0	470	7.2	138
School Size
Fewer than 500 students	18.3	1,235	16.9	325
501 to 1,000 students	30.0	2,021	30.1	581
1,001 to 1,500 students	24.1	1,623	22.4	431
More than 1,500 students	27.6	1,856	30.7	591
School Racial Composition
White students
Not that many students at all (0%–20%)	5.6	374	13.2	253
Less than half of students (21%–49%)	19.4	1,302	25.1	480
More than half of students (50%–80%)	48.1	3,229	46.0	880
All or almost all students (81%–100%)	26.9	1,804	15.8	302
Same race
Not that many students at all (0%–20%)	11.0	735	30.2	579
Less than half of students (21%–49%)	21.1	1,414	29.9	572
More than half of students (50%–80%)	42.0	2,821	28.2	540
All or almost all students (81%–100%)	25.9	1,739	11.7	224
	M	SD	M	SD
Age	15.6	1.47	15.5	1.48

Note. TNB = transgender and nonbinary.

Table 2.

Descriptive Statistics of Independent and Dependent Variables.

	Full TNB Sample (N = 6,795)		TNB Students of Color Sample (n = 1,948)
	M	SD	M	SD
Depression	2.70	0.66	2.75	0.66
Self-Esteem	2.07	0.61	2.05	0.62
Victimization Based on Race/Ethnicity	1.34	0.79	1.77	1.05
Victimization Based on Gender	2.89	1.40	2.84	1.41
	%	N	%	N
Victimization Based on Race/Ethnicity
Never	79.8	5,405	55.8	1,085
Rarely	10.8	730	22.1	429
Sometimes	6.3	429	15.0	292
Often	1.7	114	4.0	7.8
Frequently	1.5	99	3.1	61
Victimization Based on Gender
Never	22.6	1,524	24.2	467
Rarely	18.8	1,267	18.4	356
Sometimes	23.8	1,603	23.7	457
Often	17.0	1,146	16.3	314
Frequently	17.8	1,202	17.5	337

Note. TNB = transgender and nonbinary.

Measures

Demographic and School Characteristics

Participants self-reported their gender, sexual orientation, race/ethnicity, and age. Gender was assessed as whether the participant reported that they were cisgender or transgender/nonbinary. Students who responded that they were transgender and/or nonbinary were included in the sample for this study. Race/ethnicity was assessed with the question, “What is your race or ethnicity?” Respondents could choose any and all identity terms that apply: African American or Black; Asian or South Asian; Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander; Native American, American Indian, or Alaska Native; White or Caucasian; Hispanic or Latino/Latina/Latinx; Arab American, Middle Eastern, or North African. Participants who selected Asian or South Asian and those who selected Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander were combined into a single category: Asian American or Pacific Islander. Otherwise, participants who selected more than one category were coded as multiracial, with the exception of participants who selected either Hispanic or Latino/Latina/Latinx; or Arab American, Middle Eastern, or North African as their ethnicity. Participants who selected one of these ethnicities were coded as that ethnicity, regardless of any additional racial identities they selected. Participants who selected both of these ethnicities were coded as multiracial.

Participants also reported the state and urbanicity of the school that they attended, as well as the school type, school level, school size, and school racial composition. Participants’ states were recoded and grouped into regions (Northeast, West, Midwest, South, Other [including Puerto Rico and other U.S. territories]). School urbanicity was assessed by a single item asking whether their school was in an urban, suburban, or small town/rural area. Participants were asked what type of school they attended (public, religious, private nonreligious). School level was recoded into whether or not participants attended a middle school, high school, or other school level (middle school = 1, high school = 2, other = 3). School size was assessed by asking the number of students who attended their school (fewer than 500 students = 1; 501 to 1,000 students = 2; 1,001 to 1,500 students = 3; more than 1,500 students = 4). School racial composition was assessed by asking two questions: percentage of students in their school who identified as White, and percentage of students in their school who identified as the same race as the respondent: not that many students at all (0%–20%) = 1; less than half of students (21%–49%) = 2; more than half of students (50%–80%) = 3; all or most students (81%–100%) = 4.

Outness to Peers

Participants reported the degree to which they were out to other students with two survey items: “Which of the following best describes how ‘out’ you are to other students at your school about your being gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, questioning, or queer?” followed by “Some students may be out about their sexual orientation but not about being transgender, genderqueer, or nonbinary. Which best describes you?” (0 = out to none; 1 = out to only a few; 2 = out to most; 3 = out to all). Because some students responded to the first item but not the second, a new variable assessing outness was computed for the purposes of this analysis. For TNB students who indicated how out they were about being transgender, genderqueer, or nonbinary, this response was used to assess outness; otherwise, outness to peers was assessed using the preceding question, regarding how out the student was about their LGBTQ identity in general.

School Harassment Based on Race/Ethnicity and Gender

Two Likert-type items were used to measure harassment based on race/ethnicity and victimization based on gender at school. To assess harassment based on race/ethnicity, participants were given a single item asking about the frequency of bullying or harassment based on perceived or actual race/ethnicity (1 = never; 2 = rarely; 3 = sometimes; 4 = often; 5 = frequently). In the survey, participants were given three items regarding gender-based harassment, indicating the frequency with which they experienced verbal harassment, physical harassment, and physical assault based on gender identity. Prior research indicates that LGBTQ students experience verbal harassment based on perceived or actual gender identity more frequently than other more severe forms of harassment, including physical harassment and physical assault based on gender identity (Kosciw et al, 2020). Therefore, to approximate a measure of gender-based harassment in this study that was similar to our measure of race-based harassment, experiences of verbal harassment based on their perceived or actual gender identity at school was used as a measure for harassment based on gender. Participants reported the frequency of verbal harassment (e.g., name calling, threats directed at them) based on their perceived or actual gender (1 = never; 2 = rarely; 3 = sometimes; 4 = often; 5 = frequently).

Psychological Well-Being

The 20-item Likert-type Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977) was used to measure depression: 1 = rarely or none of the time (less than 1 day); 2 = some or a little of the time (1–2 days); 3 = occasionally or a moderate amount of time (3–4 days); 4 = most or all of the time (5–7 days). Mean scores were computed, with higher scores indicating greater depressive symptoms. The CES-D scale demonstrated high internal reliability for the full sample of TNB students (Cronbach’s α = .92), as well as for TNB students of color (Cronbach’s α = .92). The 10-item Likert-type Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965) was used to measure global self-esteem (1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = agree; 4 = strongly agree). Mean scores, with higher scores indicating higher self-esteem, were computed, and the scale demonstrated high internal reliability for the full sample of TNB students (Cronbach’s α = .90), as well as for TNB students of color (Cronbach’s α = .89).

Analysis

A multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) was used to assess differences in identity-based harassment across racial/ethnic groups among TNB students. The independent variable was students’ racial/ethnic identity, and two dependent variables were included in the model: frequency of bullying or harassment based on race/ethnicity, and frequency of verbal harassment based on gender identity. TNB students’ age was included as a covariate because prior research has shown that age is associated with school-based harassment among LGBTQ students in general (Kosciw et al., 2020). In addition, TNB students’ outness to other students was included as a covariate because the gender-based harassment experienced by TNB students may be heavily influenced by whether they have disclosed their TNB identity to others. Finally, school racial composition, specifically the percentage of students who identify as White in their school and students in their school who identify as the same race/ethnicity as the respondent, were added as covariates because prior research has shown that school racial composition is related to race-based harassment (Fisher et al., 2015). Pairwise comparisons across racial/ethnic groups were estimated with Bonferroni adjustments.

A series of hierarchical linear regressions were also performed to assess the relationship between identity-based harassment and psychological well-being among TNB students of color. In all our analyses, listwise deletion was used to address missing data. After listwise deletion, the sample size for each of the hierarchical regression models was 1,873 TNB students of color for depression, and 1,874 TNB students of color for self-esteem (out of a total of 1,948 TNB students of color in the sample). The same covariates that were used in the MANCOVA (age, outness to other students, and school racial composition) were added in the first step of the hierarchical linear regression model because these covariates were related to gender-based harassment and race-based harassment. In the second step, frequency of harassment based on race/ethnicity and frequency of harassment based on gender were added. In the final step, the race-based harassment X gender-based harassment interaction term was added. All data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS, Version 19).

Results

Research Question 1: Gender-Based Harassment Across Racial/Ethnic Groups Among TNB Students

Table 3 shows univariate results of the MANCOVA examining differences in the mean frequency of gender-based harassment and race-based harassment between racial/ethnic groups. The multivariate effect was significant: F(12, 13,232) = 42.49, p < .001, Pillai’s trace = .07, η_p² = .04. For gender-based harassment, Native American TNB students reported higher means of gender-based harassment than most other groups, including AAPI, Black, White, and Latinx TNB students (p < .05). The means for Black and AAPI TNB students were not significantly different from each other, and each reported lower means of gender-based harassment than most other groups. Specifically, the means of gender-based harassment for Black and AAPI TNB students were each lower than that of Native American, multiracial, Latinx, and White TNB students (p < .01). The mean of gender-based harassment for MENA TNB students did not differ from any other racial/ethnic group. We did not observe any other significant differences regarding harassment based on gender identity.

Table 3.

Multivariate Analysis of Covariance, Univariate Effects of Race/Ethnicity on Gender-Based and Race-Based Harassment.

Dependent Variable	df	df error	F	^η2 p	p	Race/Ethnicity	Estimated Adjusted Means	95% CI
Gender-Based Harassment						White	2.91	[2.87, 2.95]
						Black	2.45	[2.22, 2.68]
						Latinx	2.89	[2.80, 2.99]
	6	6616	8.53	0.01	< .001	AAPI	2.37	[2.15, 2.59]
						Native American	3.61	[3.21, 4.01]
						MENA	2.93	[2.62, 3.24]
						Multiracial	2.95	[2.84, 3.06]
Race-Based Harassment						White	1.22	[1.20, 1.24]
						Black	1.78	[1.66, 1.90]
						Latinx	1.72	[1.67, 1.77]
	6	6616	72.04	0.01	<.001	AAPI	1.66	[1.54, 1.78]
						Native American	1.69	[1.48, 1.91]
						MENA	1.64	[1.47, 1.81]
						Multiracial	1.52	[1.46, 1.58]

Note. AAPI = Asian American/Pacific Islander; MENA = Middle Eastern/North African.

Research Question 2: Race-Based Harassment Across Racial/Ethnic Groups Among TNB Students

As reported in Table 3, the mean of race-based harassment reported by White TNB students was lower than all other groups (p < .001). Additionally, Black and Latinx TNB students reported higher means of race-based harassment than multiracial TNB students (p < .01). We did not observe any other significant differences regarding harassment based on race/ethnicity.

Research Question 3: Race-Based Harassment, Gender-Based Harassment, and Psychological Well-Being Among TNB Students of Color

Table 4 shows results of the hierarchical regression analysis predicting depression among TNB students of color. After controlling for variables associated with depression in Step 1 (age, outness to other students, and school racial composition), we found that more frequent harassment based on gender identity and more frequent harassment based on race were each related to higher levels of depression (B = .15, p < .001, and B = .09, p < .001, respectively). In Step 3 of the model, after including the gender-based harassment × race-based harassment interaction term, we found that more frequent gender-based harassment and more frequent race-based harassment continued to be associated with higher levels of depression (B = .15, p < .001, and B = .09, p < .001, respectively), but the interaction was not significant. In addition, in examining the standardized beta coefficients, we also found that frequency of gender-based harassment had a stronger association with depression than frequency of race-based harassment (β = .31 and β = .14, respectively).

Table 4.

Hierarchical Multiple Regression With the Relationships Between Gender-Based and Race-Based Harassment and Depression With Covariates.

	Step 1			Step 2			Step 3
Variable	B	SE B	β	B	SE B	β	B	SE B	β	95% CI^c
Constant	3.28***	.18		3.19***	.16		3.19***	.16		[2.87,3.51]
Age	−.04***	.01	−.08	−.02*	.01	−.05	−.02*	.01	−.05	[−.04,-.00]
Out to Peers	−.03	.02	−.04	−.08***	.02	−.11	−.08***	.02	−.11	[−.11,-.04]
White Students^a	.03	.02	.04	.02	.02	.03	.02	.02	.03	[−.01,.05]
Same-Race Students^b	.01	.02	.01	.02	.02	.04	.02	.02	.04	[−.01,.05]
Gender-Based Harassment				.15***	.01	.31	.15***	.01	.31	[.12,.17]
Race-Based Harassment				.09***	.02	.14	.09***	.02	.14	[.06,.12]
Gender Harassment X Race Harassment							−.00	.01	−.01	[−.02,.02]
∆ F-score	4.64**			140.63***			.21
∆ R²	.01			.13			.00
F-score	4.64**			50.43***			43.24***
R ²	.01			.14			.14
Adjusted R ²	.01			.14			.14

School racial composition on students who identify as white.

School racial composition on students who identify as the same race as the respondent.

95% CI = confidence interval for B in Step 3.

***

p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05.

Table 5 shows results of the hierarchical regression analysis predicting self-esteem among TNB students of color. After controlling for variables associated with self-esteem in Step 1 (age, outness to other students, and school racial composition), we found in Step 2 that both more frequent harassment based on gender identity and more frequent harassment based on race were related to lower levels of self-esteem (B = -.08, p < .001, and B = -.05, p < .001, respectively). In Step 3 of the model, the gender-based harassment × race-based harassment interaction term was not significant, and the main effects for gender-based harassment and race-based harassment continued to be significant (B = -.08, p < .001, and B = -.06, p < .001, respectively). In addition, the magnitude of the standardized beta coefficients indicated that frequency of gender-based harassment had a stronger association with self-esteem than frequency of race-based harassment (β = -.18 and β = -.09, respectively).

Table 5.

Hierarchical Multiple Regression With the Relationships Between Gender-Based and Race-Based Harassment and Self-Esteem with Covariates.

	Step 1			Step 2			Step 3
Variable	B	SE B	β	B	SE B	β	B	SE B	β	95% CI^c
Constant	1.33***	.16		1.39***	.16		1.39***	.16		[1.07,1.70]
Age	.05***	.01	.11	.04***	.01	.09	.04***	.01	.09	[.02,.06]
Out to Peers	.04*	.02	.06	.06***	.02	.09	.06***	.02	.09	[.03,.09]
White Students^a	−.03	.02	−.04	−.02	.02	−.03	−.02	.02	−.03	[−.05,.01]
Same-Race Students^b	.00	.02	.00	−.01	.02	−.02	−.01	.02	−.02	[−.04,.02]
Gender-Based Harassment				−.08***	.01	−.18	−.08***	.01	−.18	[−.10,-.06]
Race-Based Harassment				−.05***	.02	−.09	−.06***	.02	−.09	[−.09,-.03]
Gender Harassment X Race Harassment							.01	.01	.01	[−.01,.02]
∆ F-score	7.73***			46.10***			.23
∆ R²	.02			.05			.00
F-score	7.73***			20.77***			17.83***
R ²	.02			.06			.06
Adjusted R ²	.01			.06			.06

School racial composition on students who identify as white.

School racial composition on students who identify as the same race as the respondent.

95% CI = confidence interval for B in Step 3.

***

p < .001. *p < .05.

Limitations

Although this study expands on the current literature regarding TNB youth experiences with identity-based harassment at school, the findings should be understood within the context of several study limitations. There are no population parameters regarding LGBTQ youth, so it is impossible to know whether this sample of TNB youth is representative of the U.S. population of TNB youth. However, the study sample comes from across the United States and its territories, and data collection efforts were made to advertise the survey to diverse populations of LGBTQ youth, including youth of color, through focused community outreach and targeted social media ads. Still, these targeted ads may not have reached LGBTQ youth who do not engage with LGBTQ-related content online, many of whom may be particularly isolated from a larger LGBTQ community.

Although multiracial youth are a particularly heterogeneous population with regard to both race and ethnicity, we were not able to examine specific combinations of racial/ethnic identities because of the limited sample size; thus, multiracial students were treated as a single racial/ethnic group for the purposes of this study. This may limit how generalizable our findings are to the larger population multiracial TNB students, and future studies should examine differences in experience within the multiracial TNB student population.

The two forms of identity-based harassment examined in this study were measured somewhat differently in the study survey. Although the survey assessed both the frequency (never, rarely, sometimes, often, frequently) and severity (verbal harassment, physical harassment, physical assault) of gender-based harassment in three separate items, it only assessed the frequency of race-based harassment in a single item. As previously noted, we accounted for this discrepancy by comparing frequencies of race-based harassment to frequencies of verbal harassment based on gender. This allowed for more comparable measures of identity-based harassment but prevented a more robust analysis of both the frequency and severity of harassment, which would aid in our understanding of both the effects and extent of identity-based harassment.

Finally, the data in this study are cross-sectional. Thus, we cannot determine with certainty how identity-based based harassment may be associated with changes in TNB students’ psychological well-being over time. Similarly, for students who experience both gender-based and race-based harassment, we do not know the order of these events or how often they may co-occur simultaneously.

Conclusions and Recommendations

The current study builds on existing literature regarding school climate for TNB youth by examining the extent and effects of both gender-based and race-based harassment for TNB students, as well as how these experiences may differ by racial/ethnic identity. As past studies have shown, both of these forms of harassment were associated with negative mental health outcomes, although the frequency with which TNB students experience these forms of harassment may differ based on racial/ethnic identity.

Regarding race-based harassment, as predicted, we found that White TNB students reported less frequent race-based harassment than all other racial/ethnic groups. Among TNB youth of color specifically, we found that Black and Latinx TNB students reported higher frequencies of race-based harassment than multiracial TNB students, somewhat corroborating prior findings from Galán et al. (2021). For most student-of-color groups, however, including AAPI, Black, Latinx, Native American, and MENA TNB students, we did not find that frequency of race-based harassment differed between groups. Although the nature with which racism manifests may differ for each of these student populations, the frequency with which each of these groups experiences racist harassment may be similar across racial/ethnic groups.

We also found relationships between TNB students’ racial/ethnic identities and the transphobic stressors they experience. Native American TNB students reported more frequent gender-based harassment than nearly all others, whereas Black and AAPI TNB students reported lower levels of gender-based harassment than most other groups. These findings support the intersectional understanding that experiences of transphobia may be influenced by one’s race. However, it remains unclear what exactly may be driving the differences we observed, given the paucity of research on TNB youth of color. These findings are in contrast with those of Galán et al. (2021), who found that Black and Latinx TNB youth reported relatively higher rates of identity-based harassment than their peers. Our own findings, however, provide additional nuance in our examination of differences in how often specific aspects of students’ identities are targeted for harassment, and in examining these relationships at a national level. Nevertheless, it is possible that Black and Latinx TNB youth may experience higher levels of identity-based bias but that those differences are driven more by racism than by transphobia. Although we found that the frequency of race-based harassment experienced by Black and Latinx TNB youth was similar to that of most other TNB youth of color, there could possibly be differences in the severity of racist harassment that were not captured in this study.

There is a particular dearth of literature regarding Native American TNB youth. However, some data suggest that the general population of Native American youth experiences relatively higher levels of bullying at school than other racial/ethnic groups (Carlyle & Steinman, 2007), and these experiences may be associated with similarly high levels of adverse mental health and suicide-related outcomes among Native American youth (Gloppen et al., 2018; Gray, & McCullah, 2014). These and other adverse present-day outcomes have been linked to historical, intergenerational trauma experienced by Native American communities (Evans-Campbell, 2008; Hurst & Laird, 2006). In fact, much of this trauma derives from long-standing attempts to eliminate indigenous languages and cultures in residential boarding schools through forced, and often violent, tactics of assimilation (Churchill, 2004; Piccard, 2013); these have helped to drive a widespread nexus of adverse psychosocial outcomes across Native American communities, including a greater exposure to community violence, broadly (Hurst & Laird, 2006). Thus, the elevated levels of transphobic harassment experienced by TNB youth may be connected to the long history of school-sanctioned violence faced by Native American youth, broadly. It is critical that more research examine the individual, social, and structural factors that drive the particularly high levels of bullying—as well as anti-LGBTQ bias in particular, experienced by Native American youth at school today—and appropriate interventions to improve school climate.

Despite differences between groups, both gender-based and race-based harassment were common experiences for many TNB youth of color. The majority regularly experienced gender-based harassment, and many regularly experienced race-based harassment. Further, each of these forms of identity-based harassment was associated with poorer mental health, including greater levels of depression and lower levels of self-esteem. Notably, for both outcomes, gender-based harassment was more strongly associated with well-being than race-based harassment, which may be in part due to the availability of supportive peer networks. A review of literature by Johns et al. (2018) indicates that networks of peer support are beneficial for the psychological well-being of TNB youth. Although many TNB youth of color attend schools where they are part of a racial/ethnic majority, it is highly unlikely that any would attend a school with a large network of TNB students, given that transgender individuals make up less than 2% of the U.S. high school population (Johns et al., 2019). LGBTQ youth of color also report that they are more likely to have an ethnic/cultural club in their school than a GSA (often known as a Gender and Sexuality Alliance, or Gay–Straight Alliance), which may help to provide a network of supportive TNB and other LGBTQ peers and allies at school (Truong et al., 2020a, 2020b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, 2020b). Thus, although TNB youth of color may experience negative attitudes from peers regarding both their TNB identity and their racial/ethnic identity, it is possible that they are more likely to have a wider network of support from others of the same racial/ethnic group, including members of their family, than they are to have a network of support from other TNB or TNB-supportive individuals.

TNB youth of color may experience minority stressors targeting both race/ethnicity and gender, and results of the regression analyses imply that those who experience both racist and transphobic harassment experience worse mental health outcomes than those who experience one of these forms or neither. These findings lend credence to the additive effects of identity-based harassment found in prior studies, suggesting that identity-based harassment targeting multiple identities causes more harm than harassment that targets one identity (Galán et al., 2021; Truong et al., 2020a, 2020b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, 2020b).

As previously noted, we found that TNB students’ racial/ethnic identity was associated with the transphobic stressors they experience. However, we did not observe a significant interactive effect between race-based harassment and gender-based harassment. This finding stands in contrast with prior analyses conducted on this data set, which indicate that experiencing race-based harassment may attenuate the effects of LGBTQ-based harassment on the well-being of LGBTQ students of color (Truong et al., 2020a, 2020b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, 2020b). One difference between these studies and the current article is in how racial/ethnic groups were defined; the prior analyses we cite examined interactive effects on four different racial/ethnic group study samples, whereas the current study examined these effects on the overall population of TNB youth of color. It is possible that experiences of racism and transphobia intersect with one another to jointly impact psychological well-being, but that these interactive effects are less apparent when examining TNB youth of color as a whole. Racism and transphobia may also intersect with one another in ways that lie beyond the scope of our analyses in this study. For example, although we did not have information about the race/ethnicity of those perpetrating harassment, Sarno et al. (2021) identified this factor as a potentially important component in understanding the intersectional minority stress experienced by LGBTQ people of color. It is critical that future studies continue to examine the interlocking forms of oppression experienced by these populations of youth.

Our findings underscore the potential harm of students experiencing school-based bias at the intersections of race, racism, gender identity, and transphobia. It is important that school professionals working directly with youth consider these multiple forms of bias in supporting students who have multiple marginalized identities, including identities that students may have chosen not to disclose to staff or peers. Likewise, it is important that school staff be provided professional development to strengthen their support of students with regard to all forms of identity-based harassment that they may face, including harassment based on gender identity and race/ethnicity, as well as harassment based on sexual orientation, gender expression, ability, national origin, and religion.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Adrian D. Zongrone, MPH is a research associate at the GLSEN Research Institute. His research interests include LGBTQ+ youth, education, students of color, and sexual health. Among his recent publications is “The Role of GSA Participation, Victimization Based on Sexual Orientation, and Race on Psychosocial Well-Being Among LGBTQ Secondary School Students” (Psychology in the Schools).

Nhan Truong, PhD is a senior research associate at the GLSEN Research Institute. His research interests include the school experiences of LGBTQ+ youth at the intersection of race, gender, and sexual orientation, as well as social psychological factors that are associated with health and mental health among LGBTQ+ ethnic minority populations. Among his recent publications are “The Role of GSA Participation, Victimization Based on Sexual Orientation, and Race on Psychosocial Well-Being Among LGBTQ Secondary School Students” in the journal Psychology in the Schools (Truong & Zongrone, 2021), and The GSA Study: Results of national surveys about students’ and advisors’ experiences in Gender and Sexuality Alliance clubs (Truong et al., 2021).

Caitlin M. Clark, PhD is a senior research associate at the GLSEN Research Institute. Her research focuses on LGBTQ+ youth and education. Recent publications include “The 2019 National School Climate Survey: The Experiences of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer Youth in Our Nation’s Schools” (GLSEN) and “Engaged or Excluded: LGBTQ Youth’s Participation in School Sports and Their Relationship to Psychological Well-Being” (Psychology in the Schools).

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