Abstract
Women on Ice immediately catches the reader’s attention with Maggie’s story of addiction, distribution, and promoting abstinence while using. This story brings the reader face-to-face with the harsh, and mostly unseen, realities of the methamphetamine drug culture among suburban women. Miriam Boeri conducted ethnographic research for two years with suburban women of a large metropolitan area. Using sociological tools, she shines light on an almost invisible group and connects the reader to the culture of these women—where they came from and now live.
In her purpose statement, Boeri tells us it is her intention to portray the everyday, yet diverse lives of suburban women who are meth users. One of her goals is to show the reader the women’s use of this drug from their own perspectives. None of the women she interviewed aspired to become meth users and addicts. How they got there and what it means to live in this world is richly revealed by the narratives drawn from the women themselves. As one of the subjects of the study, Mia reveals, “if she knew what it meant to be an addict, she wouldn’t be one” (p. 10).
To focus the reader’s understanding of how the women begin and live their drug use, Boeri utilizes Ritual Chain Theory that focuses on “ . . . changing [the] situations and the people interacting in these situations” (p. 114). One of the primary situational factors that relates to the women’s drug use is the violence that often permeates their lives. Boeri’s subjects were molested by their fathers and uncles, raped by their stepfathers, drug dealers, and friends. Often this violence occurred at a young age and the trauma sent them down a path of drug use.
Sky, one of the women in Boeri’s study, recounts how at age 11, and after the death of her grandmother, she moved to live with her mother and stepfather. Her stepfather began raping her on a regular basis and demanded sex to gain permission for normal childhood activities. By age 13 she ran away from home and “ . . . started stripping in a club and using cocaine” (p. 111). Sky’s story typifies the way in which abuse leads to compromised choices and drug use. Boeri’s exploration of the connection between violence and drug use resonates as one of the most compelling parts of the book.
The policy implications of this study include how systemic change can reduce barriers for women seeking services from nonprofit organizations for medical, mental, or emotional health care. Unfortunately, the systems in place meant to protect, often seem to wage war on women, especially poor women. Kate’s story of finding shelter and services is a great example of how eliminating barriers to service enhances what Boeri insightfully refers to as “social recovery.” She describes this as “acquiring the skills, resources, and networks needed to enhance one’s ability to live in society without problematic drug use” (p. 174). Her use of social recovery and restorative justice models suggests that to see the best outcomes for the individual and the community, our approach to addiction and crime must recognize that women need to rebuild their relationships and access new opportunities. The author explores treating problems that stem from social issues through social initiatives. She addresses the drug culture as well as the individual drug users.
Kate’s story illustrates the need for systemic social change, not only in how society views women with addictions but the need for continuity of care and better communication among service providers. Stand-alone organizations that serve addicts singularly (or domestic and sexual assault survivors or mental health issues) take the complex issues of their clients and silo services, which in turn create barriers for those seeking help. Organizations with funding and capacity to provide individualized case management, that collaborate with other service providers beyond simple referrals, and a philosophical understanding of the duality of issues among women drug addicts, can drastically improve how clients access services and the success of women in recovery programs.
I commend the author for taking the time and effort to gather these stories in a way that was empowering for these women. This requires ruthless compassion on the part of the author, because after much oppression and shame, these women chose to share their stories and voices with us. This book allows the reader to observe the dynamics present in the lives of these women, and the writer connects those to sound and innovative sociological theory, explaining why they do what they do. I would not otherwise be aware of this suburban underground problem. I particularly like the storytelling and narratives in the book. They are powerful and sometimes painful stories that connect the reader to the woman in a very real way. The honest but lively tone and consistent attention the author pays to applying theory to the narrative makes this a useful tool in the academic setting. This book would serve as a valuable reference for undergraduate- and graduate-level classes in drugs and society in sociology, criminology, and women’s studies.