Motherhood at the Margins: Vigilance,Moral Learning,and Identity in Disadvantaged Neighborhoods

Parenting in Disadvantaged Neighborhoods

Extensive research indicates that neighborhoods significantly influence parenting dynamics (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Rhoad-Drogalis et al., 2020; Sampson et al., 1997). This influence is exerted through the interrelated physical and social characteristics of neighborhood environments, which shape how parents perceive their surroundings, assess risks, and perform daily caregiving tasks (Ceballo & McLoyd, 2002; Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000).

Disadvantaged neighborhoods are typically characterized by limited institutional and social resources, weakened local networks, high crime rates, and persistent disorder. These factors restrict access to supportive environments and hinder parents’ ability to sustain stable caregiving routines (Brooks-Gunn et al., 1997; Evans, 2006; Sampson, 2003). Such conditions create chronic uncertainty and require heightened vigilance, which may reduce emotional regulation and disrupt consistency in daily caregiving (Barajas-Gonzalez & Brooks-Gunn, 2014; Choi et al., 2018; Kotchick et al., 2005).

Additionally, disadvantaged neighborhoods often lack robust community support systems and are characterized by unstable social relationships, which further shape parenting practices. Such conditions reduce parents’ access to practical assistance and relational resources, constraining their ability to provide consistent caregiving and sustain family stability (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Turney & Harknett, 2010). This constellation of structural and social constraints often results in reduced communication, decreased parental presence, and weaker daily interactions between parents and children (Byrnes & Miller, 2012; Ceballo & McLoyd, 2002; Rhoad-Drogalis et al., 2020).

Single Mothers in Disadvantaged Neighborhoods

Beyond shaping everyday parenting practices, neighborhood stressors also influence the interpretive and identity processes through which single mothers understand and respond to neighborhood life. Research on single mothers in disadvantaged neighborhoods demonstrates the cumulative and intersecting nature of disadvantage. Household-level constraints, such as economic hardship, limited social support, and sole responsibility for child-rearing, interact with broader environmental stressors, including neighborhood instability, weakened social networks, and persistent social disorder, creating sustained pressures on daily life and parenting (Ceballo & McLoyd, 2002; Jocson & McLoyd, 2015).

These mutually reinforcing conditions intensify chronic stress and limit access to protective resources, thereby restricting mothers’ ability to provide consistent and regulated caregiving (Broussard, 2010; Elliott et al., 2013). As a result, single mothers must continually manage vulnerability, balancing material scarcity with the emotional and logistical demands of raising children in unstable and under-resourced neighborhoods (Nomaguchi & House, 2013). Zhang et al. (2015) found that neighborhood disadvantage, characterized by high rates of violence, criminal activity, physical deterioration, and a persistent sense of powerlessness, significantly increases maternal stress. This elevated stress, in turn, impairs emotional regulation, stability, and the ability to engage in responsive parenting. Similarly, Kotchick et al. (2005) reported that low-income single mothers living in economically marginalized urban areas experience heightened psychological distress due to continuous exposure to neighborhood disorder and danger. This distress is associated with increased symptoms of depression, anxiety, and hostility, further limiting mothers’ capacity to provide consistent, nurturing, and engaged parenting.

Moreover, social dynamics within disadvantaged neighborhoods significantly shape the parenting experiences of single mothers. Research has identified community-level factors such as social cohesion, mutual trust, and informal support as protective mechanisms that reduce maternal depression, alleviate parenting stress, and promote stable, responsive caregiving (Barnhart & Maguire-Jack, 2016). However, Barnhart et al. (2018) found that the components of collective efficacy, specifically social cohesion and informal social control, do not function as a unified construct within single-mother households. Instead, these elements operate as distinct processes with different implications for maternal and child well-being. Social cohesion is associated with reduced parental distress and lower rates of child neglect, while informal social control does not significantly predict parenting behaviors or child outcomes.

Ray et al. (2024) further demonstrate the differentiated effects of neighborhood social processes on single mothers’ parenting. Their findings show that social cohesion influences parenting both directly, by supporting maternal emotional well-being, and indirectly across children’s developmental stages. Specifically, among low-income Black single mothers, higher perceived cohesion was associated with reduced parenting stress in early childhood, which in turn lowered children’s exposure to adverse childhood experiences and was associated with fewer behavioral problems later in development.

Single Motherhood Under Stigma and Surveillance

Empirical research indicates that single mothers living in disadvantaged neighborhoods are consistently exposed to pervasive social stigma and moral labeling, which depict them as “inadequate,” “irresponsible,” or personally responsible for their circumstances (Rusyda et al., 2011). This ongoing exposure to judgment not only shapes public perceptions but also becomes internalized, influencing mothers’ self-concept and straining their social relationships. Stigma further affects daily parenting practices, heightens self-monitoring, and constrains help-seeking behaviors. Ultimately, these dynamics shape the strategies mothers employ to manage risk and navigate external oversight within both social and institutional environments (Fong, 2019).

Dominant cultural and institutional discourses subject single mothers to ongoing scrutiny regarding their dedication, personal responsibility, and perceived moral “eligibility” for motherhood (Gurusami, 2019; Hays, 1996; Schmidt et al., 2023). These narratives shape both public attitudes and institutional structures, thereby legitimizing heightened surveillance, behavioral regulation, and moral evaluation of marginalized mothers. Fong’s (2019) study in the United States illustrates how institutional surveillance rendered marginalized mothers, many raising children with limited partner support, “hyper-visible” to state agencies. Within these systems, they were pre-classified as potentially dangerous, resource-poor, or system-dependent and were repeatedly required to demonstrate parental competence and moral legitimacy. Such processes perpetuate stigma, reinforce moral regulation, and exacerbate unequal power relations between marginalized mothers and welfare, educational, and community institutions.

Similarly, research from state-regulated welfare contexts demonstrates that institutional definitions of risk to children intersect with local conditions to shape everyday motherhood practices. Yona (2020) found that single mothers living in disadvantaged neighborhoods experienced a pronounced gap between their lived realities and social workers’ definitions of “neglect.” Conditions rooted in structural deprivation, such as overcrowded housing or limited childcare and supervision options, were often interpreted by professionals as parental shortcomings rather than as consequences of broader structural conditions. This moralization of marginality heightened mothers’ fear of intervention, intensified feelings of shame and self-surveillance, and discouraged formal help-seeking as a means of maintaining parental legitimacy.

As a result, many mothers adopt intentional self-presentation strategies, shaping the home environment and emphasizing parental competence to avoid negative judgments and signal conformity to dominant moral and social norms (Elliott & Reid, 2019). These social pressures often compel mothers to conceal financial or emotional hardship, limit disclosure to professionals, and rely primarily on a small network of trusted individuals. Collectively, these practices highlight both the structural marginality shaping mothers’ everyday lives and the persistent moral burden placed on single mothers to embody an intensified model of motherhood that aligns with community expectations and institutional standards.

This study draws on the Family Stress Model (Conger & Elder, 1994), which outlines how environmental stressors influence parenting by shaping caregivers’ emotional and psychological resources. To capture the social and institutional dimensions through which these stressors are constructed and experienced, the analysis is further informed by concepts of stigma, moral regulation, and institutional surveillance (Fong, 2019; Gurusami, 2019; Hays, 1996). Together, these frameworks provide a lens through which to understand how single mothers in disadvantaged neighborhoods interpret, negotiate, and respond to intersecting structural, social, and institutional dynamics, and how these dynamics shape their parenting practices and the development of maternal identities. Guided by these frameworks, this study addresses the following research questions:

(1) In what ways do single mothers interpret, navigate, and manage everyday parenting within intersecting structural, social, and institutional constraints in their neighborhood?

Research Design

A qualitative phenomenological design was employed to investigate social phenomena from the perspectives of individuals with direct experience (Neubauer et al., 2019; Teherani et al., 2015). This methodology enabled a comprehensive analysis of how low-income single mothers in disadvantaged neighborhoods interpret and respond to neighborhood conditions, institutional and social surveillance, and stigma. Furthermore, it facilitated an in-depth examination of the processes through which these mothers construct meaning and develop maternal identities while navigating intersecting structural, social, and institutional constraints. Consistent with the study’s objectives, semi-structured interviews enabled participants to articulate their lived experiences and the meanings they attributed to daily parenting practices, yielding rich, nuanced accounts of mothering within conditions of structural and social marginalization.

Research Setting

This study was conducted in a disadvantaged urban neighborhood in a national context characterized by pronounced socio-spatial inequalities. These structural conditions shape the daily experiences of low-income single mothers by restricting access to both formal and informal resources and contributing to elevated levels of neighborhood disorder. Within this context, mothers navigate material scarcity, concerns for their children’s safety, and heightened social and institutional scrutiny. These neighborhood dynamics are essential for understanding the constraints, meaning-making processes, and adaptive parenting strategies described by participants.

Participants

The study sample comprised 25 single mothers residing in the same disadvantaged neighborhood. The researcher was previously acquainted with five participants, who subsequently assisted in recruiting additional participants through snowball sampling.

Participants had between one and five children, and each mother had at least one preschool-aged child. The majority were divorced (n = 22), while three were separated and in the process of divorce. Participants’ ages ranged from 21 to 46 years, and all reported experiencing significant socioeconomic stress. Eligibility criteria included a minimum of five consecutive years of residence in the neighborhood to ensure substantial familiarity with its social and physical environment.

Employment status among participants varied: nine were unemployed and relied on state benefits, six worked in domestic cleaning, six held service-sector positions, and four were self-employed. In terms of education, 12 participants had completed 12 years of schooling, with five obtaining a full matriculation certificate; the remainder had left school before completing. All participants identified with the majority religious group in their national context, with varying degrees of traditional observance.

Data Collection

Data collection occurred between 2019 and 2021 through in-depth, semi-structured interviews to explore the lived experiences of single mothers in a disadvantaged neighborhood. Each interview lasted approximately 90 minutes, was audio-recorded with the participant’s consent, and was transcribed verbatim. A research diary was maintained throughout data collection to document contextual observations and reflexive reflections on the research process.

Initial contact with participants was established either by telephone (n = 4) or through brief in-person conversations within the neighborhood (n = 21). Recruitment relied on shared community familiarity, leading additional mothers to approach the researcher after observing an interview. These interactions led to brief explanatory conversations before scheduling participation. During these initial contacts, the study’s purpose was explained, availability was discussed, and an interview time and location were arranged.

Interviews were conducted in locations chosen by participants: 14 in their homes, two at their workplaces, and nine in public areas such as playgrounds, benches, or parks. Due to single-parenting responsibilities, uninterrupted interview time was often not feasible. Several interviews were conducted while participants maintained visual contact with their children, and eight interviews were divided into two separate sessions.

The semi-structured interview guide addressed three primary domains corresponding to the study’s research questions. The first domain explored mothers’ daily experiences and interpretations of neighborhood life, with questions such as: “Can you describe a situation in the neighborhood that shaped a parenting decision you made?” The second domain examined how neighborhood risks, resources, and social dynamics influenced caregiving routines and parenting practices, including prompts like: “How do unsafe areas or local dynamics influence your routines or decisions with your child?” The third domain focused on how mothers navigated community norms, informal support, institutional surveillance, and stigma. For example, participants were asked: “Can you recall a time when you felt monitored or judged as a mother by neighbors in your neighborhood?”

Data Analysis

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was utilized in this study. Transcripts were read multiple times to generate new insights, with deliberate efforts to bracket preconceptions and focus on linguistic, emotional, and conceptual meanings (Finaly, 2014).

Themes were developed through repeated movement between individual cases and cross-case patterns, ensuring close engagement with the data while preserving the idiographic focus of each participant’s account. A reflexive approach was sustained throughout the analytic process through the use of a research diary and ongoing analytic memo-writing. To enhance trustworthiness, an audit trail was maintained, including interview transcripts, analytic notes, and successive stages of theme development, thereby enhancing transparency and coherence between the data and the final interpretations. The final thematic structure was presented as an interpretive narrative supported by illustrative quotations.

Ethical Considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from the relevant institutional review board. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, and confidentiality was maintained by assigning pseudonyms and removing identifying information.

Theme 1: “On-Guard Parenting”: Strategies of Control, Supervision, and Persistent Vigilance

The neighborhood context, marked by violence, crime, the lure of “easy money,” and unpredictable individuals, forced mothers to balance close supervision with the desire to promote their children’s independence. In response, some mothers chose increased control as a deliberate protective measure. Bella, 37, a mother of three, recounted how close supervision became a central part of her daily routine.

I couldn’t relax my grip; here, if you trust too much or lose focus, your child can get into trouble, and you can lose them in an instant. Even when they’re outside, I always know exactly where they are. They always have a mobile phone and stay in contact with me. It might seem overbearing, but it’s the only way I can keep them safe in this environment.

Bella’s account illustrated the dynamics underlying what can be described as “on-guard parenting,” an ethic of responsibility and surveillance that emerged from mothers’ efforts to manage neighborhood risk. Her narrative demonstrated that maintaining constant control, physical presence, and uninterrupted communication with children were essential protective strategies in a hazardous, unstable neighborhood.

Nura, aged 41, a mother of four, explained that the allure of an “easier life” and “easy money” prevalent in the neighborhood necessitated that mothers remain in a state of continual vigilance and control:

Parenting here always meant staying alert, with my hand on the pulse. I was aware of the temptations around us that the option to make “easy money” was always present, and because I struggled financially, I knew it could seem very tempting to my eldest son. But whatever comes easily has its cost. So, as a mother, my role was to protect them and keep them safe, serving as the living barrier between them and the temptations in this neighborhood.

Nura’s account exemplifies the parental imperative, shaped by neighborhood conditions, to serve as a “living barrier” between children and structural temptations within the community. This narrative exemplifies the central features of “on-guard parenting,” a vigilant and boundary-protective approach that arises in response to persistent neighborhood risks, such as the prevalence of “easy money” and other destabilizing influences.

Mothers reported that the neighborhood environment created pronounced distinctions between sons and daughters, both in the degree of supervision required and in perceived parental responsibilities. Sons were generally regarded as needing moral guidance to avoid temptations and potential deviation from socially accepted norms, whereas daughters were considered more physically and emotionally vulnerable. This perception led mothers to experience heightened and more intense concerns for their daughters’ safety. Ema, 42, a mother of five, illustrated this distinction when she said:

With my daughters, it’s a different story… I give them much less freedom. My oldest is already 13, and when she goes out with her friends in the neighborhood on weekends, I wait for her downstairs in the building if it’s late. I watch the time closely to ensure she returns when she’s supposed to. With my boys, it’s not the same; they have much more freedom. There are many temptations here in the neighborhood for boys, but something about my daughter, her vulnerability, scares me more.

Constant vigilance, ongoing monitoring, and daily apprehension extended beyond practical demands and imposed a significant emotional burden on the mothers. Some participants regarded this persistent alertness as an essential survival strategy within their neighborhood, whereas others reported increasing exhaustion resulting from sustained readiness. Noa, age 35 and a mother of three, clearly expressed the conflict between fear of danger and the desire for a more tranquil approach to parenting:

I’m constantly caught between the fear that something bad might happen, that someone could hurt them or take advantage of them, and the fantasy of the kind of mother I wish I could be. I often wonder what kind of mother I would be if I weren’t raising them here. Maybe I’d be calmer, softer… perhaps I’d have the space to be a different kind of parent, one who isn’t always on alert and restless.

Among single mothers, emotional tension intensified due to the responsibility of parenting alone within an unstable neighborhood environment. As Shuna, age 35 and a mother of three, described:

You must understand that the real challenge is that I’m alone as a mother in this volatile neighborhood. There’s no father here to support me or “set things straight”; it’s all on me. This place puts the entire responsibility for their lives on my shoulders, and the need to protect them rests solely on me.

These accounts demonstrate that “on-guard parenting” emerged as a central survival strategy, shaped by persistent threats and the responsibility of protecting children independently. This vigilant approach structured the mothers’ daily routines and established the basis for examining how they fostered learning and mutual support within the neighborhood.

Theme 2: Moral Learning and Mutual Care in the Neighborhood

Although the neighborhood was marked by persistent risks such as violence, instability, and exposure to harmful influences, mothers’ accounts suggested that these conditions also acted as catalysts for growth, resilience, and moral development. Rather than depicting the environment solely as detrimental, they described the neighborhood as a social context in which adversity and resourcefulness coexisted, fostering children’s independence, responsibility, and what they termed “life wisdom.”

According to the mothers, the challenges present in the neighborhood did not merely threaten children’s well-being but also actively shaped their moral judgment, practical skills, and capacity to navigate complex social situations. Thus, the neighborhood operated not only as a site of risk but also as an informal learning environment, uniquely positioned to impart lessons about caution, autonomy, and ethical discernment that could not be learned elsewhere. Tamar, 34, a mother of four, illustrated this point when she explained:

All my kids have been going to the corner store by themselves since they were little. They know how much things cost and exactly how much change they should receive; no one can fool them. For me, as a mother, that’s an important lesson: it teaches them not to be naïve, and it instills responsibility from a very young age.

The mothers did not interpret their children’s ongoing exposure to an unprotected neighborhood environment solely as a parental or environmental failure. Instead, they regarded it as an educational opportunity that fostered the development of “life wisdom,” moral judgment, and the capacity to distinguish right from wrong. Rona, 28, a mother of three, exemplified this perspective when she stated:

One important lesson my kids learn here is how to tell right from wrong. There are all kinds of non-normative people in the neighborhood, and the kids see this from a very young age. For example, knowing to stay away from sketchy people and understanding that not everyone has good intentions helps me, as a mother, teach them that there are things in the world they need to be cautious of and keep their distance from.

Beyond the development of moral discernment between “right” and “wrong,” Shir’s account highlights an additional aspect of learning. According to Shir, age 33 and a mother of five, children in the neighborhood internalized values of justice and responsibility as a direct consequence of their daily exposure to violence:

They saw a mother here yelling at her kids in the playground, something about a fight between them, and then she slapped her older son, who’s about eight. They immediately stepped in and told her they would call the police and that she wasn’t allowed to hit him. It made me feel proud. It shows that the kids growing up here aren’t “bad” and won’t become criminals. I think they’re moral kids who know how to tell right from wrong, precisely because of the reality they grow up with in this neighborhood.

This heightened moral awareness, developed through direct experiences with injustice and harm, was especially significant for single mothers. In the absence of a resident father to share in the responsibilities of guidance, discipline, or moral instruction, these mothers reported bearing the primary responsibility for preparing their children to navigate a complex and frequently unpredictable social environment. Within this context, the neighborhood emerged as a crucial, and sometimes indispensable, source of socialization, compensating for gaps often associated with the absence of a co-parent. Sharon, 32, a mother of four, explained:

Many kids here don’t have a father to teach them how to be men or handle life’s challenges, something fathers usually do with their children. I see the neighborhood stepping in to help fill this gap. There are times when they must grow up and face reality, which somewhat compensates for that absence.

Similarly, Talia, age 41 and a mother of two, reported that her son developed practical competencies through neighborhood interactions, which she associated with paternal roles. Although she did not specify the precise sources of this learning, her account indicated that, in the absence of a father in the household, her son acquired these abilities both out of necessity at home and through informal learning opportunities present in the neighborhood. As she explained:

My oldest knows how to do everything with tools; he repairs things for all the neighbors. Sometimes he even earns a little money from it. He learned all this here, changing a tire for a neighbor, hanging things. Because I’m on my own, he picks up these skills in the neighborhood.

The experiences of Talia and Sharon demonstrate that moral and practical learning within the neighborhood shaped children’s judgment and sense of responsibility while also addressing structural and familial gaps associated with single motherhood. In the absence of a co-resident father, the neighborhood assumed roles typically fulfilled within two-parent households, such as providing guidance, skill development, and role modeling, which mothers perceived as surpassing their individual capacity. Thus, the neighborhood functioned as an informal socialization system that supplemented and extended mothers’ parenting efforts amid limited resources and increased responsibility.

Beyond compensating for the absence of paternal roles, mothers identified the neighborhood as a significant site for their own moral development. This environment shaped their values, ethical sensibilities, and daily caregiving practices. Their narratives indicate that regular interactions with neighbors fostered norms of responsibility, generosity, and mutual assistance. These norms were essential not only for their children’s development but also for the mothers’ own conceptions of what it means to be a “good mother” in this context. As Rachel, 42, a mother of five, explained:

The neighborhood really helps me develop my sense of giving and helping others. You can’t just close your eyes here when you see things that truly break your heart. For example, cooking a little extra so that other kids can eat when we sit outside in the park. Not keeping score, sharing… the kids observe this and grow up with it.

This focus on mutual care was reinforced by Lily, age 29 and a mother of two, who explained that everyday acts of neighborhood support contributed to the moral development of both children and mothers:

People here raise their kids without “us and them” barriers. Even if they’re my kids, the older girls in the neighborhood always help, picking up the baby when he cries, running over when we need something, helping with bathing or feeding. The boy from the building across the street always helps me carry groceries and sometimes comes over for lunch. I think this teaches my kids important lessons: to help others instead of thinking only of themselves, to volunteer, and to notice people who need help.

Rachel’s and Lily’s accounts demonstrate that values such as generosity, responsibility, and mutual care were integral to everyday neighborhood life and became central to mothers’ local moral frameworks. Despite material hardship and persistent risk, the neighborhood provided sustained opportunities for moral learning through observation, shared responsibility, and collective caregiving practices. These moral sensibilities developed not through formal institutions but through lived experiences and close neighborly relations that influenced both children and their mothers.

Collectively, these accounts demonstrate that moral learning within the neighborhood constituted a defining feature of daily life, where risk, resourcefulness, hardship, and community resilience consistently intersected. For single mothers facing structural disadvantage and the absence of a co-parent, the neighborhood served as both a moral and practical curriculum, providing guidance and socialization not available at home or through formal institutions. Through continuous exposure to complex situations, children acquired caution, responsibility, and ethical discernment, while mothers refined their caregiving practices through daily interactions with neighbors. Consequently, the neighborhood operated both as a site of danger and as a generative social space that cultivated contextual, relational forms of moral knowledge essential for family survival.

Theme 3: Maternal Identity at the Intersection of Internal Neighborhood Norms and External Stigma

This theme examines how mothers constructed their maternal identities as they navigated the competing influences of local neighborhood parenting norms and external institutional stigma. Local norms offered recognition, solidarity, and practical guidance yet also imposed pressure, generated ambivalence, and prompted resistance. Simultaneously, external stigmatizing discourses portrayed the neighborhood and its mothers as morally suspect. Within this context, maternal identities developed through an ongoing process of negotiation that entailed both alignment with local expectations and critical distancing from internal norms and external judgments.

This theme is organized into two interrelated subthemes: (1) negotiating maternal identity within neighborhood parenting norms and (2) maternal identity under external stigma and surveillance.

Negotiating Maternal Identity Within Neighborhood Parenting Norms

This subtheme explores how mothers position themselves in relation to neighborhood parenting norms, identifying a continuum from complete conformity to active opposition, along with the identity negotiations that occur along this spectrum.

Local parenting norms shaped maternal identities by defining acceptable behavior and by establishing a social environment in which mothers actively positioned themselves. This positioning sometimes aligned with prevailing norms, sometimes stood in opposition, and often occupied an intermediate space.

For some participants, neighborhood parenting was characterized as direct, expressive, and unapologetic, legitimizing assertive correction, anger, and even aggressive responses as aspects of responsible motherhood. In this context, certain disciplinary practices were not only permitted but also morally affirmed, reinforcing maternal adequacy and a sense of belonging. Gabriela, age 36 and a mother of three, articulated this perspective:

He (the child) once visited the corner store and returned with a whole bag of sweets, even though I explicitly told him to buy only one. We were sitting in the park, where many mothers and neighbors. I took him by the hand and led him straight back to the store, scolding him for being rude and not listening. However, here, no one considers such behavior a big deal or deems it unacceptable. Everyone supported my reaction, and they tend to act similarly.

Some mothers, such as Gabriela, regarded local norms as a legitimate and affirming aspect of their maternal identity. In contrast, for others, these norms served as a site of identity negotiation rather than a standard to be fully adopted. For certain mothers, alignment with local norms occurred more gradually and with ambivalence, involving ongoing internal negotiation rather than complete adoption. Lia, 41, a mother of three, described this process of partial accommodation:

Here, everyone yells and even curses at their kids; it’s just how things are. I don’t think it’s right, but I admit that because no one here raises an eyebrow or judges this kind of parenting as they do elsewhere, I also allow myself a bit more.

Several mothers expressed a distinct sense of identity-based differentiation, establishing clear boundaries between their own values and local practices they regarded as inconsistent with those values. Maya, 32, a mother of two, explained:

Sometimes I hear mothers yelling downstairs in the building. It’s hard for me, I get startled, and it feels overwhelming. There are moments when I need to be with my kids and find my own way of being a mother in some quiet, without all this noise around us. I don’t want my kids to grow up thinking that this is how people should communicate.

Within this normative context, mothers negotiated their roles by embracing, modifying, or resisting local expectations as they constructed maternal identities that balanced social integration with personal moral values.

In addition to disagreements regarding discipline, several mothers reported tensions stemming from the neighborhood’s highly interconnected social environment. These tensions compelled them to articulate identity boundaries in a context of constant proximity and frequent intrusions. While this closeness offered support and a sense of belonging, it also produced feelings of overload, intrusion, and blurred personal boundaries. Consequently, mothers were prompted to define for themselves what constituted “appropriate” motherhood in this context. Sarah, age 25 and a mother of two, articulated this complexity:

Sometimes I just don’t have the energy for all the chaos with the kids here. I also need my quiet space, so I simply close my door and don’t open it when the neighbors’ kids knock. In this neighborhood, it’s normal for kids to run up and down the building and walk into apartments without knocking, but sometimes it’s just too much for me.

Identity negotiation was also evident in mothers’ attempts to uphold their parenting values despite strong communal expectations. The conflict between local norms and personal beliefs was perceived as a sense of difference or deviation from community standards. Libi, age 35 and a mother of four, articulated this challenge:

There’s a particular way of raising kids here. For example, too much screen time really bothers me. I want my kids to play, be active, and talk to each other, not just stare at a screen. But when I say this out loud and try to explain my point, other mothers laugh and tell me, “Why are you so serious? Nothing will happen to them”.

Collectively, these accounts demonstrate that mothers regarded neighborhood norms not only as pressures to navigate but also as a central reference point for defining their maternal identities. Through continuous boundary-setting and moral negotiation, they constructed maternal identities that were simultaneously influenced by and intentionally distinguished from the neighborhood’s normative environment.

Maternal Identity Under External Stigma and Surveillance

Although local parenting norms influenced mothers’ identities within their neighborhoods, this subtheme explores how external stigma undermined mothers’ moral legitimacy and significantly influenced the processes by which they defined, defended, and expressed their maternal identities. Stigmatizing discourses that characterize single mothers as “problematic,” “irresponsible,” or “not good enough” transformed everyday parenting into a site of judgment, requiring mothers to defend and reconstruct their identities in response.

The stigmatized reputation of the neighborhood fostered a social environment where mothers felt obligated to justify even routine parenting practices. Tama, age 31 and a mother of five, explained that a dirty shirt could be perceived as “evidence” of neglect:

So what if his shirt was dirty? Do you know any four-year-old whose clothes don’t get dirty? Ah… but if it’s a child from this neighborhood, then obviously he’s neglected, obviously no one cares for him, he must be a welfare case.

Elia, 38, a mother of five, added a similar perspective: “The critical gaze is the hardest part. Even when I’m one hundred percent a good mother, everything is still under a magnifying glass.”

Tamar and Elia’s words demonstrate that spatial affiliation functions as a moral label. Residence in a disadvantaged neighborhood often leads to mothers being viewed with suspicion, irrespective of their parenting practices. Typical child behaviors, such as wearing dirty clothes, displaying restlessness, or engaging in minor misbehavior, are frequently reinterpreted through a stigmatizing perspective as evidence of neglect or parental inadequacy. Consequently, these mothers face not only external judgment but also the persistent challenge of resisting a moral narrative imposed on them by their place of residence.

An important aspect of how mothers responded to stigma and external surveillance was their reliance on collective community support. Vicky, aged 31 and a mother of two, explained how mothers in the neighborhood organized this solidarity:

When it comes to handling all the neighborhood monitoring, the mothers here are an asset. We know how to manage it by sharing, talking, and helping each other. But the fact that we even must worry about what people think of us has nothing to do with the kind of mothers we are. We love our children with everything we have, but just because we live here, we’re already unfairly labeled.

Vicky’s account demonstrates that, despite operating in a context marked by scrutiny and stigma, collective maternal solidarity emerged as both emotional support and a unified stance of resistance. This solidarity offered strength, validation, and a collective identity that challenged externally imposed labels.

However, mothers reported that their concerns regarding stigma intensified during interactions with professionals who possessed institutional authority. Daniela, aged 25 and a mother of two, described this heightened sense of vulnerability:

With kindergarten teachers or the social worker, that’s where my confidence drops. When ordinary people talk, it’s just casual conversation. But when someone has authority over me, someone who can file a report or make decisions about my children, that’s when I freeze from fear. That’s where I’m truly worried that the stigma will come before the reality.

These dynamics led some mothers to adopt a protective, and at times apologetic, maternal identity. Heightened fear of institutional judgment influenced not only their behavior during formal encounters but also their broader public self-presentation. Gil, 27, a mother of two, explained:

It’s like it’s written on our foreheads that we’re from here… So, to protect my children, I do everything I can as a mother to keep them from that. I dress them differently and teach them to speak more calmly in public. Not because I’m ashamed, but because I don’t want them to get hurt the way I did. People can be very cruel, and children don’t know how to ignore it.

Other mothers responded to stigma with defiance rather than apology, reframing perceived deficits as sources of strength and transforming stigma into a site of resistance. These individuals constructed an unapologetic maternal identity characterized by pride, determination, and autonomy. Abigail, 42, a mother of three, explained:

My behavior at home reflects how I am outside. I don’t apologize for who I am. My kids will never see me pretend to be someone else just to satisfy those who judge. Many people in this neighborhood disapprove of my parenting style, but it works for me. I grew up here and turned out fine, and I believe my children will too. Let people talk, I'll keep loving my children unconditionally.

Similarly, Alexa, age 40 and a mother of four, reflected on the persistent emotional labor associated with mothering in the context of stigma:

When I look at my children, I believe that even if a thousand people comment or judge, I am doing a good job as a mother. I accept my circumstances as a single mother and facing harsh conditions, and every morning, I choose to raise and nurture them. I carry not only these challenges but also the burden of resisting people’s toxic words.

Alexa’s account indicates that maternal identity in the neighborhood was shaped not only despite stigma but also through it, specifically through the ongoing process of confronting judgmental gazes and maintaining a sense of maternal worth. Simultaneously, her narrative highlights the emotional burden of stigma, which intensified the daily concerns and tangible challenges associated with raising children in conditions of scarcity. Thus, motherhood emerged as a continuous practice of bearing, enduring, and resisting.

These accounts indicate that external stigma produced various forms of maternal identity work, including protective, collective, resistant, and enduring strategies. Rather than passively internalizing imposed judgments, mothers actively navigated, challenged, and redefined them as part of the ongoing construction of maternal identity.

Implications

These findings contribute to theoretical understandings of parenting under structural marginality by reframing single mothers’ responses to neighborhood risk as complex, contextually grounded practices rather than as mere expressions of strain or depletion. Intensive vigilance is identified as a moral practice embedded in identity formation. Mothers develop adaptive, morally attuned protective strategies that reflect both structural constraints and agentic meaning-making, actively constructing maternal identities through the negotiation of competing moral expectations shaped by neighborhood norms and institutional surveillance.

At the policy level, these findings underscore the importance of approaches that acknowledge the coexistence of multiple moral frameworks influencing parenting in disadvantaged neighborhoods and address the ongoing tension between institutional oversight and local moral orders. Policies that reduce excessive surveillance, strengthen community infrastructure, and prioritize supportive rather than punitive services may help alleviate the emotional and moral burdens mothers experience (Fong, 2019). Such strategies may also prevent the misinterpretation of protective caregiving practices and promote greater legitimacy, safety, and social recognition for mothers in high-risk environments.

At the practice level, the findings indicate that practitioners should interpret “on-guard parenting” and mothers’ moral commitments as expressions of agency and protective identity, rather than as signs of dysfunction. These caregiving practices exemplify responsibility, vigilance, and contextually informed risk management. In addition to recognizing structural constraints, practitioners should identify and reinforce sources of meaning, resilience, and community embedded within neighborhoods. A context-sensitive approach that integrates structural awareness with attention to local moral resources can foster trust, reduce tensions between institutions and families, and support culturally responsive and meaningful engagement with families at the social margins.

Limitations and Future Research

This study has several limitations. The research utilizes a sample of 25 single mothers from a single disadvantaged urban neighborhood. Accordingly, the findings are context-specific and should not be assumed to represent single mothers’ experiences in other disadvantaged settings, which may differ across social dynamics, cohesion, surveillance practices, resource distribution, and normative expectations.

In addition, the data are based on participants’ self-reports, which may be influenced by concerns regarding institutional surveillance, social desirability bias, or hesitancy to disclose information that could depict their children as vulnerable or reinforce prevailing stigmas. Finally, the cross-sectional design also limits the ability to assess how parenting strategies and maternal identity negotiations change over time. Parenting young children differs markedly from parenting adolescents, and the related challenges, oversight mechanisms, and adaptive practices evolve as children grow older and as neighborhood conditions shift.

Future research should employ longitudinal designs and comparative studies across diverse neighborhoods to examine how cross-pressured parenting practices develop, stabilize, or change over time. Including perspectives from social workers, educators, health professionals, and community members, and using observational or mixed-method approaches, would further enhance understanding. These strategies could provide deeper insight into overlapping oversight mechanisms, the contextual development of maternal identity, and the influence of structural and neighborhood conditions on the everyday moral experiences of parents at the social margins.

Conclusion

This study demonstrates that single mothers residing in disadvantaged neighborhoods actively interpret and respond to complex social and structural constraints by employing strategies specifically adapted to the demands of everyday parenting. Their vigilant assessment of neighborhood risks, together with participation in community-based practices and everyday moral reasoning, constitutes an adaptive repertoire that enables them to navigate persistent risks and uphold parental legitimacy. The development of their maternal identities, emerging within the tension between neighborhood norms and institutional surveillance, reflects parental agency and ongoing processes of agentic identity negotiation. These findings challenge deficit-oriented portrayals of marginalized mothers and highlight the necessity for research, policy, and practice frameworks that recognize the structural conditions, local moral orders, and agentic processes shaping the experiences of mothers in disadvantaged neighborhoods.