“There’s a Cultural Pride Through Our Games”: Enhancing the Sport Experiences of Indigenous Youth in Canada Through Participation in Traditional Games

Abstract

The purpose of this community-based participatory research was to better understand how participation in traditional games can enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth. Eight Indigenous youth (14-18 years) and 10 adults living in various communities in the Northwest Territories, Canada, participated in either a one-on-one interview or group interview. Data were analyzed using an inductive content analysis approach, and findings suggest that participating in traditional games can enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth by (a) promoting cultural pride, (b) interacting with Elders, (c) supporting connection to the land, (d) developing personal characteristics, and (e) developing a foundation for movement. This research advances the sport literature and provides necessary insights regarding traditional games for sport programmers and policy makers.

Keywords

Indigenous youth traditional games sport community-based participatory research

Introduction

It is well established that participation in sport can be associated with physical, emotional, psychosocial, and developmental benefits (Eccles, Barber, Stone, & Hunt, 2003; Holt, 2016). Similarly, though Indigenous¹ youth have generally been overlooked in the sport literature, an emerging body of research has highlighted various positive holistic outcomes (e.g., physical, mental, spiritual, and emotional) that could be experienced through sport participation (Bruner et al., 2016; Lavallée, 2007). Nevertheless, when considered within the vast youth sport literature, the experiences of Indigenous youth are noticeably absent. Indigenous peoples are the fastest growing segment of the Canadian population (Statistics Canada, 2011), and to ensure the development of relevant and respectful research-informed sport programs and policies in Canada, it is critical to incorporate the sport experiences of Indigenous youth. Research that has focused on Indigenous youth has identified distinct factors that may positively shape the sport experiences of Indigenous youth. For instance, a recent systematic review surmised that sport can provide a number of positive developmental opportunities for Indigenous youth, particularly when such opportunities incorporate traditional ways and Indigenous values (Bruner et al., 2016). Participating in activities such as traditional games, which incorporate traditional ways and Indigenous values, may provide a unique opportunity to enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth.

Consistent with findings from Bruner et al.’s (2016) review, other research conducted in Canada has supported a more in-depth understanding of various types of activities that incorporate traditional ways and Indigenous values. For instance, Kerpan and Humbert (2015) described how Indigenous youth in Canada are drawn to traditional activities, such as jingle dancing and hunting, because such activities incorporate their cultural backgrounds. Indigenous youth in McHugh, Kingsley, and Coppola’s (2013) study also argued that certain cultural activities, such as Indigenous dance, should be recognized as sports. Such sport research that has incorporated Indigenous perspectives has begun to acknowledge the integral role that traditional knowledge and values may play in enhancing sport opportunities for Indigenous youth. Nevertheless, sport is typically conceptualized through a Eurocentric lens in research (McHugh, Coppola, & Sinclair, 2013), and the manner in which sport is understood and pursued by Indigenous youth has rarely been explored. As argued by Fox (2007), words that are used within Euro-North American language are typically perceived as self-evident, and the complex histories that are embedded in such words are often overlooked and unexamined.

To enhance sport opportunities among Indigenous youth, it is necessary to move beyond narrow Eurocentric conceptualizations of sport. Paraschak and Thompson (2014) described how Indigenous peoples do not necessarily make a distinct separation between sport, physical activity, active living, and traditional games. Furthermore, Sport Canada’s Policy on Aboriginal Peoples’ Participation in Sport recognizes the important role that traditional games can play in providing Indigenous peoples with the opportunity to engage in sport within an environment that reflects their cultures (Canadian Heritage, 2005). Traditional games, including Inuit games (e.g., two-foot high kick) and Dene games (e.g., stick pull), are strongly influenced by life on the land whereby such games optimize on the endurance, strength, and agility that were, at one time, necessary for survival (Heine, 2006, 2007). Traditional games were central to the lives of Indigenous peoples (Heine, 2013). However, with European colonization and the “broader assimilative agenda in Canada” (Forsyth, 2007, p. 108), there was an effort to eradicate the traditional sports and games of Indigenous peoples. Within the Canadian residential school system, participation in traditional sports and games was replaced with “appropriate” (i.e., Euro-North American sports) activities (Forsyth, 2007, 2013), with the intent to “civilize” Indigenous peoples (Paraschak, 1997). Despite this complex history, Paraschak (1998) described how Indigenous peoples continue to participate in traditional Indigenous activities that “symbolically represent their cultural uniqueness” (p. 128).

Few researchers have documented Indigenous peoples’ contemporary participation in traditional games. Of those that have, Paraschak (1997) investigated how Indigenous peoples in northern Canada have worked to positively shape their sport opportunities. Such research supports an in-depth understanding of the significance of traditional games in the lives of Indigenous peoples. Giles’s (2013) ethnographic research explored the participation of women in Dene games and found that menstrual practices and traditions shape beliefs about how the games should be played and who should get to play. Heine (2013) has also been a leader in terms of traditional games research. Not only has he focused on the cultural meaning that is inherent and expressed within the games of Indigenous peoples (Heine, 2013), but he has developed instructional and resource manuals for Dene games (Heine, 2006) and Inuit games (Heine, 2007). Traditional games have a unique historical and cultural foundation that differs from other Euro-North American sports (e.g., hockey, basketball), which are typically the focus in sport research. However, traditional games have been conceptualized as sport in recent Canadian policies, such as Sport Canada’s Policy on Aboriginal Peoples’ Participation in Sport (Canadian Heritage, 2005), thus providing a foundation for including traditional games within sport research. Further justification for the need to focus sport research on traditional games is provided by the Calls to Action that were outlined by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC, 2015). To support the process of reconciliation between Canada and Indigenous peoples, Call to Action #90i outlined the need for “community sport programs that reflect the diverse cultures and traditional sporting activities” of Indigenous peoples (TRC, 2015, p. 10).

Despite the emergence of research and resources focused on traditional games, there is still a noticeable absence of published research that has documented the ways in which traditional games can enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth. This oversight is particularly problematic as sport policies and programs in Canada were developed, and are currently being implemented, in the absence of a strong evidence base as to what should be included in inclusive, meaningful, and accessible sport opportunities for Indigenous youth (Forsyth, 2014). Therefore, the purpose of this study was to better understand how participation in traditional games can enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth.

Method

Community-Based Participatory Research (CBPR)

This CBPR was shaped by an ongoing cross-sector partnership (i.e., our research team) that consists of Indigenous and non-Indigenous university researchers and researcher assistants, Indigenous community members from various communities across the Northwest Territories, and regional sport and recreation representatives from the Government of the Northwest Territories. Our research team has been collaborating on various sport- and recreation-related programs and research over the past 3 years. Conceptualized as a partnership approach, CBPR involves community partners in all aspects of the research (Israel, Schulz, Parker, & Becker, 1998). Given the unethical ways in which Indigenous peoples have been treated in research, many leading scholars of Indigenous research methodologies (e.g., Fletcher, 2003; Smith, 2012) have acknowledged the strength of using such participatory approaches when engaging in research with Indigenous peoples. As well, we have successfully used CBPR in our previous research with Indigenous youth (e.g., McHugh, Coppola, Holt, & Andersen, 2015). There is no single “right way” to engage in CBPR but, as described by Fletcher (2003), what is important is that communities are engaged in all phases of the research from the development of research questions to the dissemination of results. Through face-to-face and teleconference meetings, our research team negotiated this study’s guiding research purpose and processes for data generation, which were deemed relevant and beneficial to all team members that represent different sectors. All team members were involved in data generation, data analysis, and interpretation. As well, our team, including not only the university researchers but the community and government partners, applied for and received federal research funds to support this research.

Theoretical Framework

The integrated Indigenous-ecological model (Lavallée & Lévesque, 2013), which is a contextually and culturally relevant model, was used to explore how participation in traditional games can enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth. This model incorporates the strengths of Indigenous and Western understandings of human behaviors by documenting how each of the four realms of the whole person (i.e., emotional, spiritual, mental, physical) can be strengthened by factors at each ecological leverage point (i.e., intrapersonal, interpersonal, organizational, community, policy/systems/environments). Unique from other social ecological models (García, Bengoechea, & Johnson, 2001; Spence & Lee, 2003), the integrated Indigenous-ecological model acknowledges that there is an interconnection of humans to all other life forms and to Mother Earth. As such, within the model, the various layers or ecological leverage points are set on Mother Earth. The integrated Indigenous-ecological model is also unique in that it was conceptualized specifically for sport and physical activity promotion in Indigenous communities (Lavallée & Lévesque, 2013). By incorporating Indigenous and Western perspectives, the integrated Indigenous-ecological model emphasizes the importance of environments, notion of relatedness, and the reciprocal influence of people and settings. This model was used as a framework to shape the questions asked during interviews and supported the interpretation of findings.

Participants

Eighteen participants, including eight Indigenous youth between the ages of 14 and 18 years (four young women, four young men) and 10 adults, including coaches and sport administrators (two women, eight men) living in various communities in the Northwest Territories, Canada, took part in this research. We used a known sponsor approach to purposefully select participants (Patton, 2002). A known sponsor is a person who has legitimate relationships with the people of interest or potential participants. Specifically, research team members who are regional sport and recreation representatives from the Government of the Northwest Territories and who live in communities in the Northwest Territories selected the participants from their various social networks. Purposeful selection was used to support the identification of participants who could provide relevant and in-depth information on the research topic (Patton, 2002), which in this research was relevant, and in-depth knowledge on traditional games. Participants were purposefully selected if they were involved, either at the time of the study or in the past, with the Traditional Games Championship that is held annually in the Northwest Territories, Canada. These championships were established to increase the awareness and participation of Inuit and Dene games at the territorial level (Aboriginal Sports Circle NWT, 2017), and therefore, all participants were familiar with Dene and Inuit games. Furthermore, all of the youth participants had played traditional games through opportunities provided either by their school, home, or community. The adult coaches and sport administrators had personal experience playing traditional games and were, at the time of the study, involved in traditional games programming.

Data Generation

Upon receiving ethical approval from our university Research Ethics Board (REB), our team was granted a Scientific Research License from the Aurora Research Institute, which gave us permission to work with participants to generate data via one-on-one or group interviews within the Northwest Territories. Written and verbal consent was provided by all participants prior to participating. Because interviews provide an opportunity to generate rich information via participants’ raw thoughts (Patton, 2002), this approach was adopted by the research team as a respectful and relevant process for generating data. Given our teams’ research experience in working with Indigenous youth and adults (e.g., McHugh et al., 2015; McHugh, Coppola, & Sabiston, 2014; McHugh, Coppola, & Sinclair, 2013), we were aware that some participants might feel more comfortable sharing their experiences in a group setting (i.e., talking circle), whereas others might feel more comfortable sharing in a one-on-one setting with the interviewer. Various studies conducted in partnership with Indigenous youth have documented the success of using talking circles (Blodgett et al., 2010; McHugh, Coppola, & Sinclair, 2013) or one-on-one interviews (Kentel & McHugh, 2015; Mason & Koehli, 2012) to generate data. In our case, participants were provided with the opportunity to engage in either a one-on-one interview or talking circle that were conducted by one of the coauthors who self-identifies as a second-generation Euro-Canadian woman with over 15 years of experience engaging in collaborative sport research with Indigenous peoples. All eight of the youth from one community participated in a talking circle, seven adults chose to participate in one-on-one interviews, and three adults participated in a talking circle. Given our team’s effort to engage participants from various communities in the Northwest Territories, four of the one-on-one interviews with adults, as well as the talking circle with adults, were conducted via telephone.

All members of the research team provided input into the development of the semistructured interview guide that shaped the talking circle and one-on-one discussions. A semistructured interview guide was used because it provides the researcher and participant with the flexibility to explore participants’ perspectives on the topic of interest, while providing some structure so as to minimize the chance of interviews flowing completely off topic (Patton, 2002). The interview guide was informed by the integrated Indigenous-ecological model and, as such, included questions that asked participants about the ways in which factors at the various ecological leverage points shape youths’ experiences with traditional games. For instance, participants were asked 10 main questions including, “What are the reasons for your participation in traditional games?” “What and/or who supports your involvement in traditional games?” and “What resources are necessary to support the participation of Indigenous youth in traditional games?” Following each main question, participants were asked follow-up questions that specifically inquired into the intrapersonal, interpersonal, organizational, community, and policy/systems/environments level factors related to each main question. With the permission of each participant, all interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim.

Data Analysis

Consistent with other sport research with Indigenous youth that has used a CBPR approach, inductive content analysis was used in this study. This type of analysis is often used when text is the primary form of data and when there is little knowledge about the topic or phenomenon being explored (Elo & Kyngäs, 2008). There are various ways to engage in content analysis, yet some of our team members had previous experience in applying Elo and Kyngäs’s (2008) three-phase process of content analysis (i.e., preparation, organization, reporting), which subsequently supported our decision to use this process of data analysis for this current study. Two team members (i.e., researcher and research assistant) took the lead in the data analysis, and engaged in the three phases of analysis simultaneously. First, in terms of preparation, all of the transcripts were read and reread to support an in-depth familiarity with the data. Second, and most timely, was the organization phase that occurred primarily through open coding. More specifically, each of the two team members read transcripts and then identified codes (i.e., words or phrases that stood out as noteworthy). Content-specific notes were then recorded in the margins of the transcripts, which subsequently supported the generation of categories. Face-to-face discussion between the two team members then occurred to group the categories into higher order themes.

When an initial consensus for the five themes was reached between the two team members, the themes and supporting quotes were then shared with all of the other team members for feedback. As well, and as per the recommendation of our Indigenous team members, an Indigenous Elder and two members from a traditional games organization in the Northwest Territories joined the research team after the data were generated, and these three individuals provided feedback on the themes that were generated. Although the research team, Elder, and members from the traditional games organization provided general support for the themes, the specific names of the themes were modified. As well, additional interpretations of the themes were shared and incorporated into the findings of this study. Reporting, the final phase of analysis, was completed by using direct quotes from participants to represent the themes.

Results

All transcripts were explored with the following question in mind: “How can participation in traditional games enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth?” Five common themes were identified and are represented by direct quotes from participants. Findings suggest that traditional games can enhance the participation of Indigenous peoples in sport by (a) promoting cultural pride, (b) interacting with Elders, (c) supporting connection to the land, (d) developing personal characteristics, and (e) developing a foundation for movement. For clarity, the aforementioned themes are presented independently. However, we recognize that these themes were not discussed and lived as separate entities. Thus, in our discussion, we conceptualize further around how these themes are interconnected.

Promoting Cultural Pride

The words of the participants suggest that participation in traditional games can enhance the level of engagement of Indigenous peoples in sport by promoting cultural pride. As one coach, Miquelon,² remarked, “There is a lot of pride in the [traditional games]. To see someone, kick 9 feet high and land on the land, it blows people away and the kid has a sense of accomplishment.” Participants also shared stories that described how tradition and history are foundational to traditional games. Drayton, an administrator of an Indigenous sport organization, explained there is something that is “definitely different [about traditional games] than your core sports of soccer or basketball.” He saw teachings, history, and cultural protocol being part of the games. In describing what the games bring to the youth who play, he said, “Well, it’s cultural pride. A lot of the young Aboriginal kids that are playing the game, it was their way, you know it’s part of their culture, so you get cultural pride in playing all those games.” This explanation of knowing and interacting with the games as theirs was unanimously voiced among all participants, from the youth athletes to the coaches and administrators. One participant explained, “The traditional games create a nice energy around the whole concept that it’s their games.”

As participants described the games as theirs, they also explained how a temporal stretch was embedded in their experiences. For instance, during a sharing circle, Jasper spoke about the temporal and intergenerational aspects of the games; he said,

Culture these days isn’t too big in today’s youth. Youth don’t have much culture in their life as they did back then. So [the games] just kind of bridges them back. I know the big reason why I got into [the games] is because I knew that I wasn’t part of my culture as much, but I knew that [the games] can bridge me back to it.

This temporal stretch to bringing kids back was what Garrison described as the “educational portion of it, and we all agree that that is the foundation of where [traditional games] started.”

Many of the sport administrators spoke to this cultural and educational foundation as a source of pride for not only youth but also their communities. For instance, one participant spoke to how in residential schools “they [Indigenous youth] were actually forbidden to play their traditional games.” Another respondent explained, that for many youth when they learn that “their great grandfather played this game” they feel they have a point of entry, as they want to participate in the games to learn about their family, culture, and history. Embedded in these accounts is a sense of pride in being part of and knowing/continuing the traditions of the games. As one youth, Arden, explained, it is important to be part of the games as “some people might forget, so that is why you got to pass it on. . .every game has a meaning for what it does for us.” Furthermore, Cadotte stated the traditional stories that are part of games are “not just teaching you about legends, it is teaching me about more of us, about my culture, about how we should be much stronger.” Her words highlight that while the games bring pride in knowing about one’s culture, they also promote a sense of cultural pride in sharing intergenerational stories of strength that now stretch forward in the lives of Indigenous youth.

Interacting With Elders

The previous theme and the current theme, which describes how participation in traditional games supports opportunities for youth to interact with Elders, were reciprocally described. As youth learned about the traditions, history, and teachings of the games, Elders were regarded as “the bridge” or thread from which all the cultural “knowledge comes from.” As one sport administrator, Drayton, explained,

I think you can train people in the communities to play these games. I think it’s important that we have the Elders on board in a lot of the communities because, like I said before, that’s where all the knowledge comes from. That’s where the history of the games come from and I think having them on board with training . . . [of] other people is very important.

Similar to other participants, Drayton was speaking to the necessity of attending to the cultural and physical knowledge of the games, specifically highlighting the necessity of Elders in communities as a vital link to sharing knowledge across generations.

Cadotte explained how this connection to Elders, and the knowledge they hold and pass down, has shifted dramatically in a short time span. The traditional games for Cadotte were an interactive way for intergenerational teachings and relationships between Indigenous youth and Elders to strengthen and continue.

It’s also bridging the gap between the young kids and the Elders because now we’re connecting them in a way so that they’re talking, “oh do you remember playing this game and what do you remember about it” and then the Elder will go off in saying “oh way back in the day when things were like this, we never used to have this or that, no technology.” You want to do something with somebody, you go to them. So they talk about how things used to be historically back in the day for them. So now you’re having traditional stories and teachings being passed down right from each other.

For Cadotte, the games are a unique practice to support interactions with Elders. She mentioned, “Who doesn’t like playing games? Games are a really good way to get at the young kids.” In this way, the games were about creating those opportunities for interactions that strengthened youth’s relation to their culture and community through their relation with Elders. As Tilly remarked,

If we don’t create that opportunity for [Elders] to be able to share their skills, their knowledge, their expertise, then when they pass away, all that is lost with them. So, by creating those opportunities, we allow them to share it, and then once they pass it on, it’s up to the younger generation, it’s up to us to use it, to practice it, you know these kinds of things to keep the culture strong. If we don’t do that, our culture weakens.

For Tilly, the relationship between youth and Elders that is supported through traditional games was reciprocal. She explained that this relation supported the strengthening of participation and cultural knowledge of youth in sport as well as a strengthening of the Elders “self-esteem” as there is a pride, respect, and recognition of their role in their communities. While adult participants spoke to how relationships were deepened between Elders and youth with the games, the youth also expressed receiving and caring for such knowledge. When one of the youth was asked about the importance of the games, he responded that it “helps us in the bush. . . that is what the Elders taught me, it is always for the bush.” This remark highlighted how the Elders are important resources for the youth in learning how to engage with the games and wider world.

Supporting Connection to the Land

The words of the participants suggest that involvement in sport can be enhanced by supporting a connection to the land, which occurs through participation in traditional games. Similar to the two previous themes, participants described the traditional games as an important bridge for youth to learn from and live off the land. As one participant, Dale, described, “A lot of our games are really important to bridge back to our youth today because our youth today are not living off the land they’re staying in towns 90% of the year.” For Dale, it was important that the games were understood in this way as he said, “every game has a history and a story, and it bridges back to generations ago, how our ancestors had to live off the land for survival because all our games are for survival.”

The youth also expressed similar sentiments that the games had helped them to live life on the land. In speaking about the games, one youth stated,

It’s been with us for many years. That was our sport back then. Not soccer or hockey, like all those fancy sports. Our sports were doing those kinds of games. And also those games you are asking us about help us out on the land a lot.

Similarly, another youth described how certain games taught them the skill and gave them the strength required for living on the land. He said,

There is one game called finger pull, when you use your middle finger and you pull . . . until your finger turns straight . . . you are strengthening your fingers . . . so when you are on a little ledge like that on your fingertips, it helps you climb up.

In a different interview, a coach also described how when he takes kids on the land, the games are played to “keep warm,” which was and still is important in cold northern climates. In all interviews, it became apparent that the games were tied to living a life on the land. As Jasper succinctly states,

We play the games so we know what to do in a situation on the land. It builds confidence within yourself that if you can do it right here you can do that out on the land. So, it’s not only showing you how to do it its giving you confidence that you are going to be able to do that out on the land and that is how I think it also bridges.

Jasper and Dale both explained the games as a vital link to supporting connection to the land. At one level, the games serve as an important reminder to participants about how their ancestors lived on the land. At the same time, the games facilitate the learning of necessary skills and knowledge for living on the land.

Developing Personal Characteristics

Participants described how youth could develop a number of personal characteristics, such as confidence, respect, and belonging, through participation in traditional games. The development of these personal characteristics subsequently enhances the overall sport experiences of Indigenous youth. As described in the previous theme, Jasper argued that participation in traditional games builds confidence in youth as they cultivate cultural resources and knowledge to be successful on the land. The youth further described how the traditional games were especially important for developing confidence. As one youth explained,

Some people are shy to meet new people, [people of] different kinds of race, they feel more comfortable seeing people of their race. With the traditional games it’s like, “oh, that is an Aboriginal game, I’ll go try it out.”

Moments after this response, another youth echoed his words and stated, “People are kind of shy to do it [participate in sport, including traditional games], but if their friends do it then they feel more confident.” Youth explained that participating in sports, particularly traditional games, can promote confidence.

Various participants, including youth, coaches, and participants, also spoke of respect being fostered through participation in the games. For the adult participants, they described how they were able to see the respect among youth by the way youth engaged in each game. As one coach shared, “The hand games, there is a lot of opportunity for cheating. It’s really frowned upon [to cheat] . . . so there is a lot more camaraderie and a lot more respect among athletes than in other sports.” Another coach provided a parallel response; in speaking about the traditional games in relation to mainstream sports, he said,

I’ve never seen in any other competition athletes helping each other to do better. I’ve seen people say other athletes help, but in traditional sports you see people saying “you should do this, you’ll kick higher, you should do this.” You will never see that at a basketball game, the other team saying “hey, shoot like this, you’ll get more baskets, or kick like this you’ll get more goals.” But in traditional sports you’ll see other athletes helping each other, and other coaches help other athletes how to do better.

As voiced, a very different level of respect and teamwork is extended as athletes and coaches are all positioned to support one another to succeed. One youth who was provided with opportunities to travel as part of a team to compete in traditional games explained how he experienced respect across cultures and communities. He said, “When I go to their community I respect their culture, and they do the same thing for me.”

The traveling that occurs with the games was another point in which youth could develop personal characteristics. As Cadotte explained, the networking and leadership opportunities that came with participating in the games allowed youth athletes to become “strong like two people” as they traveled to different communities. She said that this philosophy of supporting youth in their community “to be strong like two people” was vital as it supported youth in being “not only traditional and strong within our culture, but strong in White man’s culture as well.” Thus, by participating in traditional games, youth athletes had opportunities to navigate, become comfortable, and bridge multiple cultural landscapes.

Developing a Foundation for Movement

Finally, participants described how participation in traditional games promotes physical literacy and the development of fundamental movement skills, which subsequently enhances youths’ participation in sport. As data analysis progressed on this research project, the naming of this theme brought some tensions. The participants described how the traditional games promoted aspects that are often associated with physical literacy and fundamental movement skills. However, the participants often followed such descriptions with the caveat that the movements learned were about learning their culture, too. While this themed section speaks directly to the physical dimensions (i.e., jumping or throwing skills) that are promoted through the games, it is important to state that movement skills that are promoted in the games are embedded in cultural ways of knowing and moving through the world. As Garrison explains,

We concentrate on sports but we also concentrate on culture too so we are pretty unique . . . the sports aspect of it is that traditional games, especially if you got young kids, it lays the foundation for physical activity and movement. Learning how to jump, learning how to run, learning how to throw, learning coordination, you know it gives them that foundation of it. That foundation will carry them into other sports. So, if you are playing a traditional game where its requiring you to jump, well by the time they get to [age] 13 or 14 or 15 and they want to try out for a high-performance basketball team they’ve already got that foundation of how to properly jump.

Like Garrison, many other participants described how participation in traditional games can facilitate the learning of fundamental movement skills, which can support youth to navigate mainstream sporting domains as well as traditional games. For example, during a group interview, Jasper said,

[The games] teaches you about your body because every game you are using a different part of your body. You are building that strength in that part of your body, you are learning how to coordinate yourself. So, I think it kind of bridges over to any sport you are going to be playing. I’ve talked with a few people and they say it’s sort of like gymnastics because you’re learning from the grassroots, from how to run, how to jump, how to coordinate yourself, how to champion your body sort of thing.

Their words emphasize how involvement in traditional games lays that foundation for movement and activity in youths’ lives. Through participation, youth are asked to learn more about their bodies, how to coordinate them in order to be successful and safe, and to complete specific movements from fine motor skills to strength endurance. In speaking to the games of finger pull, pole push, and high kick, one youth explained how each activity developed “strength and endurance” to succeed in playing them. While participants acknowledge that the movement skills developed in traditional games have a wide range of transferability, it is important that we as researchers acknowledge that this movement knowledge is nested within what Dale explained, “a history and a story, and it bridges back to generations ago, how our ancestors had to live off the land for survival because all our games are for survival.”

Discussion

Given the absence of an extensive research base in the sport literature that explores Indigenous peoples’ participation in traditional games, this research makes a significant contribution. Specifically, this research highlights how the Indigenous participants call traditional games their sport. Although some may view this as simple semantics, Indigenous sport researchers have articulated the important implications this finding has for researchers, practitioners, and policy makers (see Blodgett at al., 2010; Forsyth, 2007, 2013; McHugh et al., 2015; Paraschak, 2013; Tang & Jardine, 2016). For instance, sport policy and institutions in Canada have, and continue to, actively regulate and delegitimize physical practices of Indigenous peoples as part of the process of forced assimilation (Forsyth, 2007, 2013). Part of this ongoing colonial process is the discrediting of traditional Indigenous games in public discourse around what is an appropriate and legitimate form of sport and physical practice.

Paraschak’s (2013) writing shows how reverberant threads still linger in Canada’s modern sporting complex where traditional Indigenous games are undercut by hierarchical mainstream sport policies. She explains this is done through inequitable power relations around who gets to define sport, how sport structures operate, and how resources are allocated. As numerous Indigenous scholars have commented (see for additional writings around the politics of recognition in Indigenous studies; Byrd, 2011; Coulthard, 2014), it is vital that the recognition of Indigenous sport not be grounded in state affirmations of dominant Western sport discourse. Recognition through Western discourse promotes inequitable colonial relations by stripping self-determination of physical or sport practices from Indigenous peoples. Researchers, policy makers, and practitioners must be intentional and wakeful toward seeing with two-eyes to broaden and support the many meanings of sport in Indigenous communities as well as with non-Indigenous peoples. It is essential that policy makers and programmers understand what sport is and how it is constituted in Indigenous communities, so unrealistic, irrelevant, and oppressive structures of sport are not perpetuated (McHugh et al., 2015).

As we, the authors, continue to think about how the participants spoke to the traditional games as their sport, we also wonder how their words ask us, as settler scholars, Indigenous scholars, and Indigenous partners, to see with two-eyes (Lavallée & Lévesque, 2013). Building upon the work of Mi’kmaq Elder Albert Marshall, Lavallée and Lévesque (2013) suggested that two-eyed seeing is essential for practitioners looking to support sport in Indigenous communities. They describe two-eyed seeing as requiring wakefulness to bicultural ways of knowing, where one eye is directed toward Indigenous ways of knowing and the other toward Western perspectives in constant search for balance and harmony. Thus, the descriptions by the participants in our research that the traditional games were their sports acts as a reminder for us that sporting experience and meaning are not cultureless, but can be deeply rooted in culture and relational context.

Participants described how traditional sports and games are culturally unique in that respect is developed through participation, particularly when athletes help their competitors. While traditional sports and games are rarely played now for the practical need to survive off the land, and such activities are often practiced within organized sports competitions (e.g., Arctic Winter Games), Heine (2013) described how the cooperative elements of these activities have remained the same. While this cooperation with competitors may seem counterintuitive to Euro-Canadian competitive sport, Heine (2013) described how this cooperative principle that is inherent in many traditional sports actually serves to energize the competitive process, as the performances of all athletes are enhanced. However, the single mindedness of sport toward key markers of performance, competition, and athlete development often supports the narrative in Canada that sport is experienced and understood in one way, and thus is relatively cultureless (Heine, 2013). Our research demonstrates that traditional games do transform and resist mainstream sporting logics (see also Forsyth & Wamsley, 2006).

We want to highlight the manner in which youth, coaches, and administrators spoke about how participating in traditional games can enhance the sport experiences of Indigenous youth. In Lavallée and Lévesque’s (2013) work, they explain that at different levels (i.e., intrapersonal, interpersonal, organizational, community, policy/systems/environment), sporting opportunities can be delivered in ways that are culturally relevant and respectful. Specifically, we have highlighted three of the more prominent leverage points that participants discussed with respect to traditional games. First, in terms of the interpersonal level, participants described how Elders can play an important role in enhancing youth’s participation in sport. Elders are key holders of intergenerational knowledge and traditions in communities, and are often positioned as guides for the sharing of knowledge from generation to generation (Basso, 1996; Lessard, 2014; Young, 2005). Researchers have documented how Elders act as key guides to informing language and identity (Young, 2005), place-based meanings (Basso, 1996), and, in our case, understandings of movement and traditional sports and games. It is widely understood in the general sport literature that the supportive involvement of coaches and parents is important for enhancing positive experiences in youth sport (Holt et al., 2017). However, the role of Elders in supporting sport participation is not well documented. Galipeau and Giles (2014) identified how cultural misunderstandings on behalf of coaches/mentors created undesired ripples for Indigenous youth to continue their involvement in sport, and therefore, they articulated the need for Elders to be involved in sport programming. These findings, combined with those of the current study, suggest that mentors and coaches in sport programs for Indigenous youth are not just interchangeable cogs who teach skill development in sport. Instead, mentors, coaches, and Elders can and should play an important role in providing cultural knowledge and support, especially in relation to traditional games. Although our work primarily highlights the role of Elders, it is clear that proper cultural support networks (e.g., Elders, coaches, family) are key leverage points to consider when developing sport opportunities in which Indigenous youth find meaning and value (Schinke et al., 2010).

The second leverage point that became apparent through the discussions was at the organizational level. Across the interviews with administrators, coaches, and youth, the “educational portion” brought a sense of organizational coherence to the foundation of the traditional games. Participants explained how people involved in organizing traditional games are committed to teaching the history and story of their games. As part of these teachings, youth learn how traditional games were so essential to the lives of Indigenous peoples and there was a time when participation in such games was forbidden through processes of colonization. McGuire-Adams and Adams (2015) described how Indigenous peoples are committed to overcoming the effects of colonialism on their lives by “engaging in resurgence activities such as language regeneration, cultural practices and ceremonies” (p. 3). McGuire-Adams and Adams further asserted that physical resurgence is occurring in sites of physical activity. Their findings, combined with the experiences shared within the current study, suggest that when programs are delivered in a cultural way, transformative spaces open for Indigenous peoples.

The final leverage point we emphasize is around supporting a connection to the land, Mother Earth, and all of creation. Participants explained how traditional games were embedded in living a life on the land, yet mainstream sporting structures often do not privilege relationships to the land and all of creation (Lavallée & Lévesque, 2013). However, notable work in the areas of traditional Indigenous knowledge has shown how knowledge, teachings, and practices are bound to place/land (see Basso, 1996; Kovach, 2010). Furthermore, several studies have noted the importance of supporting a connection to the land for the holistic health of Indigenous youth and communities (see Tang & Jardine, 2016; Willox et al., 2013). The findings from this study support a similar argument, in that when land-based games and learnings are leveraged alongside sport, Indigenous youth may find more value, meaning, and inclusion toward their participation. In highlighting these three leverage points, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of how sport programming can be enhanced among Indigenous youth.

Findings from this research provide valuable insights for sport programmers, policy makers, and researchers. By incorporating findings from this research, whereby participants provided in-depth accounts of the various ways in which participation in traditional games can enhance their sport experiences, programmers, policy makers, and researchers will be better positioned in their efforts to respond to Call to Action #90i outlined by the TRC (2015). Specifically, to develop relevant community sport programs that reflect the traditional sporting activities of Indigenous peoples, it is critical to draw on the expertise of Indigenous peoples, which have been shared in the current study. Findings also provide unique insights for those programmers, policy makers, and researchers interested in promoting physical literacy. The term physical literacy was used by a number of the adult participants in this research when they explained how traditional games provide a foundation for physical activity and movement. Specifically, their definition was primarily focused on the physical competence that can be achieved through participation in traditional games. Physical literacy, however, is typically defined in the sport literature as not only the competence but also the confidence, motivation, understanding, and knowledge to value and engage in a physically active lifestyle (Whitehead, 2007). Although not described within the context of physical literacy, participants within the current study also described how participation in traditional games can support the development of a number of personal characteristics such as confidence. As such, it could be argued that traditional games could play a unique role in fostering physical literacy. There has been a surge of published literature, particularly over the last few years, with researchers (e.g., Longmuir et al., 2015) and Canadian nongovernmental stakeholders (e.g., Sport for Life, 2013) working to develop measures to monitor the physical literacy of Canadian youth. However, as argued by Longmuir et al., a need exists for more research that seeks to understand cultural variations in physical literacy. Findings from this research suggest that traditional games should be considered in future physical literacy research that is inclusive of Indigenous peoples.

Despite the above-mentioned contributions of this research, it also has some limitations. Most notably, participants were purposefully selected to participate in this research based on their previous knowledge and experiences with traditional games. As such, findings are limited in the extent to which they are transferable to other Indigenous youth, particularly those youth who have had little to no experience with traditional games. Indigenous youth who have had little experience with traditional games, or maybe even negative experiences participating in traditional games, might have more tempered insights into the manner in which traditional games can enhance overall sport experiences. As well, participants in this study included youth and adult participants and, unfortunately, resulted in the production of findings that more heavily emphasize the words of adults rather than youth. According to Messner and Musto (2014), despite the large number of children who participate in sports, they are “rarely seen, much less systematically studied by sport sociologists” (p. 102). Although their observation is focused on children aged 5 to 14 years, the same argument likely holds for youth up to and including 18 years of age. Although we sought a broad range of expertise (youth, coaches, administrators) to address our research purpose, the processes by which we generated data (i.e., interviews) supported more in-depth responses from adults. Regardless, we support Messner and Musto’s contention that more qualitative sport research that deeply engages youth and positions them as meaning making agents is required. Future research should consider alternative processes for deeply engaging youth through, for example, photovoice (McHugh, Coppola, & Sinclair, 2013) or Anishinaabe symbol–based reflection (Lavallée, 2007). As well, though this research included male and female participants, the data generated did not support the exploration of gender differences with respect to how participation in traditional games can enhance sport experiences. Given that menstrual practices and traditions shape beliefs about who should engage in traditional games (Giles, 2013), future research should explore how gender may shape the sport experiences of those engaging in traditional games.

In conclusion, findings from this research address a clear gap in the sport literature by providing necessary insights into the unique role that traditional games can play in enhancing the sport experiences of Indigenous youth. The voices of Indigenous peoples are noticeably absent in the sport literature (McHugh, Coppola, & Sinclair, 2013), and sport, as defined by various Canadian government agencies, does not include the various cultural pursuits of Indigenous peoples (Forsyth, 2014). Such oversights and exclusions are detrimental to the development of meaningful and accessible sport programs and policies. However, our study begins to address this gap, and sport researchers, programmers, and policy makers may be able to optimize on the shared stories of Indigenous youth, coaches, and administrators presented herein.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank all of the participants and numerous Indigenous community partners for sharing their knowledge and contributing to the advancement of the sport literature. We would also like to acknowledge our partners from the Government of the Northwest Territories for their ongoing support of this program of research.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Notes

Author Biographies

Michael Dubnewick is a PhD candidate in the Faculty of Kinesiology, Sport, and Recreation at the University of Alberta. His research is focused on how recreation practitioners negotiate ethical relations and socially just programming with marginalized populations. He specializes in narrative inquiry and currently works with Indigenous peoples around food-based recreation programs.

Tristan Hopper is a PhD candidate in the Faculty of Kinesiology, Sport, and Recreation at the University of Alberta. His community-based research interests are broadly situated in the purposeful/meaningful engagement of marginalized populations through recreation and sport participation.

John C. Spence is a professor in the Faculty of Kinesiology, Sport, and Recreation at the University of Alberta. His research examines the determinants of physical activity, inactivity, and sedentary behaviour. He has a range of expertise in quantitative methods, systematic reviews, and program evaluation.

Tara-Leigh F. McHugh is an associate professor in the Faculty of Kinesiology, Sport, and Recreation at the University of Alberta. Her research is focused on psychosocial aspects of sport and physical activity participation. She has extensive experience with a wide range of qualitative study designs, as well as engaging in collaborative research with Indigenous communities.

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