Women from Culturally Diverse Backgrounds in Sport Leadership: A Scoping Review of Facilitators and Barriers

Search strategy

A spider formula was used to identify factors for the search protocol; S-Sample, P-Phenomenon of Interest, D-Design, E-Evaluation, R-Research Type (Cooke et al., 2012). First, four key terms, and associated words/phrases were identified for the search (Table 1). Next, key terms were used to conduct an online search in three scientific literature databases (Sport Discus, Psych Info, and Scopus). In each database all possible synonymous words/phrases were searched for by using “or” (e.g., women OR woman OR female), whilst each key term was combined with “and” (e.g., manage* AND cultur* AND women AND sport). All terms with applicable variations were searched using a * wildcard symbol to broaden the search (e.g., leader* captures leader, leaders, leadership). Reference lists of all eligible articles were also scanned. No date limits were put on the searches. The searches were conducted in June 2020 and updated in February 2022.

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Table 1.

Key Search Terms for Database Search.

Key terms 1	Key terms 2	Key terms 3	Key terms 4
Leader*	CALD	Women	Sport*
Career	Cultur*	Gender
Manage*	Divers*	Sex
Promot*	Ethnic*	Woman
Hierarch*	Minorit*	Female
Governance	Race
Senior	Multicultural*
Official*	BAME
Direct*	BME
Coach*	Immigra*
Executive	Indigenous
Board	Migrant*
Committee	NESB
President Administration	“Black Asian Minority Ethnicity”
Chief* C-suite Superior*	“Black Minority Ethnicity”
	“Non-English Speaking Backgrounds”
	“Culturally and Linguistically Diverse”

Note. CALD = Culturally and Linguistically Diverse, BAME = Black Asian Minority Ethnicity, BME = Black Minority Ethnicity, NESB = Non-English-Speaking Backgrounds.

Key Term 4 only for Psych Info, Scopus databases and Grey Literature.

Inclusion/exclusion criteria

The review included studies that primarily focused on facilitators and barriers for women from culturally diverse backgrounds as leaders in sport. Studies including participants who were not women from culturally diverse backgrounds (e.g., Anglo-persons, males, culturally diverse males) were only considered if used for comparative purposes or provided an informed opinion regarding equity (e.g., employed in an Equality Consultation role). Studies that only focussed on sport participatory roles (e.g., players, captains) were excluded. Peer reviewed qualitative and/or quantitative articles were considered for primary analysis if written in English. Finally, the review only considered papers from developed Western Countries including the United States of America, United Kingdom, and Australia. Western countries were considered more likely to have a significant proportion of the population who identify as having a culturally diverse background, attributable to high rates of migration to developed countries (Wahba, 2015).

Data screening

A two-stage data screening process was employed to reduce bias and improve consistency, transparency, and reliability (Edwards et al., 2002). A total of 1,838 articles were retrieved from the initial database searches, of which 327 were duplicates. In stage one, two researchers screened both titles and abstracts (n = 1,511) to preliminarily identify eligible studies. In stage two, these researchers then screened the full-texts of apparent eligible studies (n = 78) to confirm inclusion criteria was met. Eleven articles were unable to be acquired for full text review. Discrepancies between researchers were reviewed and deliberated at both stages until consensus was reached. A third reviewer was required to deliberate and clarify 13 study selections. A total of nine studies met inclusion criteria and were reviewed for full data extraction. Two articles from the reference list of included studies were identified that met the inclusion criteria. One additional article was identified during the updated search in February 2022. Therefore, the review included 12 unique peer-reviewed academic studies (Figure 1).

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Figure 1.

Search and screening process flow chart.

Personal characteristics

Personal characteristics associated with personality, coping strategies, previous experiences and psychological wellbeing appeared in 10 of the 12 studies, and were impacted by interpersonal and organisational supports and discrimination. Certain personality traits or characteristics facilitated leadership by attracting women from culturally diverse backgrounds to become and continue as leaders in sport (n = 9). These included confidence (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017), determination (Armstrong, 2007; Siple et al., 2018), self-motivation (Siple et al., 2018), focus (Armstrong, 2007), hard work ethic (Rankin-Wright et al., 2019) and a caring nature (Armstrong, 2007). Confidence and career potential were impacted by discriminatory experiences; however, maturity offered a stance of accepting reality (e.g., “you can’t please everybody”; McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017, pg. 400).

Coping strategies identified in seven studies primarily facilitated women to become and remain as leaders in sport and were largely focused on managing gendered racism. Strategies included the use of humour, downplaying the severity of discrimination, lowering expectations, dressing and acting professionally, relying on social supports and prayer (Larsen et al., 2019; McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017; Welch et al., 2021). Professional development (e.g., seminars and workshops) supported women from culturally diverse backgrounds to independently explore strategies to improve their competence and prevent pigeonholing for certain roles (Larsen et al., 2019; Rankin-Wright et al., 2019). One woman stated she would “go out of [her] way to make [herself] qualified” to prove she attained the job on merit and not because of her black female identity (Larsen et al., 2019, pg. 646). Some women overcompensated to ‘prove’ capability by being highly knowledgeable in many sport topics (Rankin-Wright et al., 2019). One study discussed the potential negative psychological effects of relying on self-protective coping mechanisms (Larsen et al., 2019).

Women also used previous experience to their advantage (n = 5). Specifically, prior experience interacting with predominantly white cultures armoured women with coping skills to manage in similar settings, including sport (Siple et al., 2018). Prior athletic careers also facilitated career progression, self-worth, confidence and social skills (Larsen et al., 2019). In many instances, the women described experiences in sport as children, both positive and negative, as a driving force behind the pursuance of a career in sport (Armstrong, 2007; Taylor, 2000). A lack of previous experience in playing particular sports was identified as a barrier in one study (Welch et al., 2021). Specifically, the hypocrisy regarding the acceptability for men with no prior playing experience to coach women's sport, but unacceptability for women with no prior playing experience to coach men's sport was highlighted.

Psychological wellbeing was identified as a barrier in more than half of the studies (n = 6). Culturally diverse women often experienced feelings of loneliness, frustration, devaluation, deflation, or discouragement and these were particularly evident in an organisational culture that was not inclusive and had high levels of discriminatory experiences and stereotyping (Larsen et al., 2019). Ultimately, poor levels of psychological well-being may contribute to higher turnover rates. Positive psychological outcomes were reported (n = 3) when a sense of moral and social obligation was tied to the leadership roles affording the women a greater purpose. For example when women could support the community such as mentoring others (Taylor, 2000; Welch et al., 2021). Enjoyment within the leadership position also offered motivation to women to remain in leadership roles despite the obstacles faced (Armstrong, 2007).

Interpersonal supports

Interpersonal supports (or lack of) including mentors, networks and communities were reported in 11 of the 12 studies. The sub-theme mentor was referred to as any individual the mentee drew upon to set and achieve goals, seek advice, and/or sought support from when faced with barriers. When mentorship was available, it facilitated career progression (n = 7) and some women believed if mentorship had not been available, they would have ceased pursuing a leadership career in sport (Siple et al., 2015) or would not have reached a leadership position (Welch et al., 2021). Effective mentoring was related to accessibility (Borland & Bruening, 2010), and specific mentor characteristics (e.g., supportive, attentive, encouraging) (Siple et al., 2015). Mentors of similar race and gender were sometimes preferred based on the shared understanding of specific challenges; however, this was not considered a requirement for effective mentoring (Siple et al., 2015). Mentorship was discussed as a barrier in six of the 12 studies, generally because it was either not available (Borland & Bruening, 2010) or the recipient perceived there to be an inappropriate match between themselves and the mentor (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017).

Networks and communities encompass connections to multiple people and groups within the sport sector that were used as support resources. Networks provided links to relationships which individuals drew upon to seek support and specific information (i.e., professional, social/personal). Communities comprise different groups, associations or foundations of like-minded persons who connect through their interests, identity or other affiliations. As a facilitator (n = 6), networks and the communities offered women from culturally diverse backgrounds support, particularly in regards to experiencing racial discrimination in the workplace (Larsen et al., 2019). Women from culturally diverse backgrounds expressed the need to be involved with a sporting community that provided shared cultures and identities (Taylor, 2000). However this was a challenge with such low representation of culturally diverse women in sport leadership. The lack of networks, or exclusion from different networks (e.g., old-white-boys network) were reported as barriers (n = 6). To facilitate network relationships, it was recommended that women needed to proactively engage in networking by initiating contact with key stakeholders, rather than wait to be noticed (Borland & Bruening, 2010).

Organisational supports

Organisational supports were discussed in all studies (n = 12). Organisational supports included four sub-themes: leadership programs and training; policies; organisational culture; and employment diversity. Leadership programs and training were recommended by almost half of the sources (n = 5) to facilitate career progression for women from culturally diverse backgrounds. The Women's Basketball Coaches Association that provides “So You Want to be a Coach Program”, and the National Association of College Women Athletic Administrators that provide extensive training for career development are examples (Larsen et al., 2019). The programs were open to all women; however women from culturally diverse backgrounds were specifically encouraged to apply. Similarly, a lack of training opportunities and support was viewed as a barrier to leadership (n = 3).

Policies (or lack of) for racial and gender inclusion, equity and opportunity were considered a barrier in seven studies. Organisational policies either lacked, were not made a priority for discussion (Rankin-Wright et al., 2020), or appeared to be a ruse (e.g., quotas in hiring practices, impressions of diversity and inclusive statements incongruent to participant experiences; McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017). Blind spots were also reported in equity policies. In particular, policies failed to address the complex nature of discrimination and only focused on one axis of a person's oppression (e.g., either race or gender), whilst other axis’ were excluded, thus giving privilege to some voices and reproducing inequality (Rankin-Wright et al., 2020). In some instances policy resulted in an “advantaged minority” stereotype where culturally diverse women were viewed as only successful in acquiring leadership due to equity initiatives (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017). When policies were reported as a facilitator (n = 4), strategies to improve inclusion and reduce discrimination existed. Examples include making a commitment to creating diverse applicant pools and transparent recruitment practices (Larsen et al., 2019; Rankin-Wright et al., 2019), and offering targeted educational opportunities for male and white staff members to strengthen an inclusive organisational culture (Larsen et al., 2019).

Organisational culture is underpinned by the values and traditions exhibited by the organisation's members (Wallace & Weese, 1995). It facilitated career progression (n = 6) when specific inclusive practices were employed, or the need for organisational cultural change to improve inclusivity and foster career progression was acknowledged (Larsen et al., 2019). Organisational culture was a barrier in two-thirds of the sources (n = 8), particularly when white male culture was continually valued more highly and considered the norm (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017).

A lack of employment diversity within sport leadership was considered an organisational barrier in seven articles. One study reported that it is not common for sport organisations to measure cultural indicators, making it difficult to identify the true representation of cultural diversity within leadership (Rankin-Wright et al., 2020). It was noted however, that seeing multiple women from culturally diverse backgrounds on staff was rare. For example, one women reported:

If you are looking on a staff, and it is something that you really, really want, and you know you are qualified for it, but they already have a minority on the staff…it makes it a little bit difficult…I’ve been coaching right at 10 years, and I’ve yet to be on a staff with more than one African American (Larsen et al., 2019, pg. 642).

Feelings of tokenism with negative effects on mental health were reported as a result (Borland & Bruening, 2010; Larsen et al., 2019). Tokenism, as described by Kanter (1977) is when people who represent a social group (e.g., ethnic, sex) constitute less than 15% of an organisational group. Interestingly, in one study a lack of employment diversity was viewed as a facilitator because the women were able to offer an intersectional lens to the organisation (Price et al., 2017).

Discrimination

Discrimination was discussed in 11 of the 12 studies and mostly reported as a barrier to career progression. Although discrimination permeated across the other three themes, it was the most prevalent barrier theme and encompassed four sub-themes: explicit discrimination; implicit discrimination; stereotyping; and expression of identity. Explicit discrimination refers to obvious and apparent discrimination (Daumeyer et al., 2019) such as bullying, isolation, inequitable opportunities and distribution of resources, and biased hiring practices. It was discussed as a barrier in 11 studies. A perception existed that white women are afforded insider network privilege, which enabled progression in a coaching career ahead of women from colour (Borland & Bruening, 2010). Discriminatory experiences for women from culturally diverse backgrounds included bullying (Rankin-Wright et al., 2019), and a lack of available training (Stowe & Lange, 2018). Additionally, one study reported inequitable treatment for athletes trained by black female coaches (e.g., no incentives provided) compared to white male coaches (e.g., received physio, nutrition support, massage) (Rankin-Wright et al., 2019). Biased hiring strategies existed and included hiring the most convenient (e.g., interim coach) or popular candidate (e.g., white male) over women from culturally diverse backgrounds, and token hiring of the same (Borland & Bruening, 2010; McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017). Instances of advantageous explicit discrimination were noted as a facilitator that encouraged leadership in sport. For example, the career progression of women from culturally diverse backgrounds was expedited in sport based on recognition that unique intersecting identities and the ability to connect with youth and families with shared identity were an asset to the sport (Larsen et al., 2019; Price et al., 2017). However, it was noted that this advantageous discrimination was only a facilitator if there were no other culturally diverse women on staff (Larsen et al., 2019).

Instances of implicit discrimination referred to here as automatic and generally unconscious reactions, behaviours or perceptions towards women from culturally diverse backgrounds (Daumeyer et al., 2019) were frequent. This most commonly occurred when explicit discriminatory practices become unknowingly or otherwise perpetually legitimised (Rankin-Wright et al., 2019). Instances of implicit discrimination as a barrier (n = 11) included, expectations that culturally diverse women would assimilate into the dominant white male sport culture, experiences of subtle alienation, and white people unconscious of their privilege (Larsen et al., 2019; Rankin-Wright et al., 2020). Compared to white men, women from culturally diverse backgrounds needed more years of professional experience and higher levels of competency in multiple areas (e.g., professional athlete, coach) to be considered for leadership positions, and were subject to more performance critique than their colleagues (Larsen et al., 2019). As exemplified by one woman who reported;

Yes, I do think that there will be a challenge [to reach leadership] because of my race and gender, being that I’m an African American woman. The jobs that I may want to get may not be readily available because in the sport industry, they more than likely go to an older white male (Stowe & Lange, 2018, pg. 37).

A prevalent damaging experience for women from culturally diverse backgrounds was being stereotyped. Stereotypes were defined from the review as widely held images, beliefs or categorisation of people based on group membership which may be harmful or helpful (Eagly & Koenig, 2021). The experience of stereotyping was recognized in most of the sources (n = 10). Stereotyping examples included pigeonholing (e.g., belief that women from culturally diverse backgrounds should be able to make connections with culturally similar consumers/constituents), and/or presumptions that women must hold subordinate roles such as athletic player, recruiter, assistant recruiter, or assistant (Borland & Bruening, 2010; Larsen et al., 2019; McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017). In some cases, stereotypes constrained and facilitated women from culturally diverse backgrounds. Stereotypes involved exclusion from certain sporting communities, which consequently motivated these women to begin their own business or support groups, and improve access to community sports for girls and women from culturally diverse backgrounds (Taylor, 2000).

The inability for women from culturally diverse backgrounds to freely express aspects of their identity (i.e., barrier) such as dress style or cultural identity was recognized in six studies. The oppressions of race and gender sometimes forced women to lead “double lives”, feeling a need to fit into role stereotypes (i.e., feminine, masculine, or black ideal; Borland & Bruening, 2010). Other women felt pressure to perform without error and were conscious of their dress (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017; Rankin-Wright et al., 2019) and conversation style (e.g., not being too expressive) (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017; Siple et al., 2018). For those who had gained leadership, some believed cultural identity was stifled (Price et al., 2017), while others were able to maintain it (McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017). Expression of identity was not compromised in one study, and sport leadership was in fact pursued to promote equity and social justice rather than for the love of sport (Taylor, 2000). These women also possessed certain traits (e.g., strong sense of self) and attributes which allowed the maintenance of cultural integrity. One study cautioned women from culturally diverse backgrounds to be aware of organisations which flout uniqueness (e.g., pigeonhole to address cultural diversity issues) as career leadership may be limited (Price et al., 2017).