Social Capital Development via Sport for Migrant Women and Girls: Understanding “the Intersectional Stuff That Comes With Being a Woman From a Particular Cultural Background”

Social Capital and Migrant Women and Girls

Social exclusion is often experienced by newly arrived migrant women, in part, due to limited support networks beyond immediate family, particularly while out of the job market. This can be exacerbated by language barriers and caring responsibilities (Banulescu-Bogdan, 2020). Being a migrant mother can be associated with challenges and additional need for community connections and support if practical family support is absent (Lockwood et al., 2019). Social capital can be broadly understood as access to resources and opportunities related to an individual's social networks and sociability (Bourdieu, 1986; Navarro, 2006; Putnam, 2000). Social capital resides within social connections, group memberships, and interactions with others via organizations and institutions, so access to it can therefore play a vital role in supporting settlement for migrant women. This is due to the social, emotional, and material support that can be found within local social networks to mitigate social isolation and migration stressors related to employment, education, and health needs (Baum & Ziersch, 2003).

The way in which social capital provides social, emotional, and material support is frequently distinguished in terms of bonding, bridging, and linking capital. Bonding capital derives from network ties with family, friends, and neighbors seen as similar to oneself. Bridging capital comes from ties with those with different demographic and social attributes such as race, culture, gender, and class (Putnam, 2000). Linking capital is associated with ties to organizations or institutions (Strang & Quinn, 2021). Bonding capital has been frequently discussed as useful for “getting by” due to strong ties within relatively homogenous groups that offer emotional and material support to navigate everyday challenges, while bridging and linking capital have been perceived as necessary to “get ahead,” because of opportunities and information that lie within more diverse networks (Strang & Quinn, 2021). It is important to note that classifying particular network ties as bonding, bridging, or linking is complex. A person from the same cultural group may function as a social bridge, for example, while another from a completely different social group may offer emotional support. Nonetheless, for the analysis below, while drawing out this crossover in function, we have generally described known ties from the same cultural background as comprising bonding social capital, with new ties from different cultural backgrounds as bridging ties.

The possession (or lack of) various forms of social capital can differentiate how individuals engage with their communities, and how benefits may flow through different types of social networks (Boz et al., 2025; O'Shea et al., 2025; Spaaij, 2012). For migrants, mechanisms associated with developing social capital may differ from those of the dominant groups within host countries, particularly so for bridging capital, due to variations in values and norms and exclusionary systems (Erel et al., 2018; Hussain & Cunningham, 2024; Iantosca et al., 2024). Therefore, it is imperative to explore differences in access and barriers to mobilizing social capital for frequently socially excluded groups.

Prior research provides evidence that sport, with appropriate supportive mechanisms, can be an effective social capital intervention for migrant background children, whereby young people and their families form broader social connections through participation in local clubs (Block et al., 2025). Such analyses are scarce, however, for culturally and racially minoritized migrant women and girls (Alfred, 2009; Young et al., 2025). This paper seeks to explore and discuss these differences in regard to sports participation by culturally and racially diverse migrant women and girls.

Sport as a Site for Social Capital Development

Alongside well-documented health benefits, sport can be a familiar point of attachment for migrants, which is particularly important in culturally unfamiliar destination countries (Allen et al., 2010; McDonald & Spaaij, 2022, p. 1783). Sports clubs are theorized, idealistically, as “social melting pots” which bring together people from different ethnic backgrounds, across social divides. This “exposure” to diverse, local, social connections, often found within local sport clubs, can rebuild interpersonal and organizational supports disrupted by the migration experience (Ager & Strang, 2008). Local sports clubs in many Global North, Western settings are therefore often promoted as sites for social inclusion and social capital development for migrants and refugees (Agergaard, 2018, p. 35; UNHCR, 2022, p. 9).

Lock et al. (2008) noted, however, that although social capital may be found within sports environments, it only benefits an individual if they can firstly access it, and also have enough social mobility to effectively mobilize it. Notwithstanding the array of potential benefits, sport policy and delivery via local sport clubs in Australia, as in many Western settings, predominantly fail to include and accommodate the varying needs of its residents (Australian Sports Commission, 2023, p. 6). Sport in Australia is pervasively patriarchal, Eurocentric, and often pushes an assimilationist agenda (Dowling, 2024). Hence, sport has been tailored to the needs of overtly masculine, cisgender, white men. Furthermore, class plays a role in shaping “in- and exclusion” within sport spaces (Janssens & Verweel, 2014). Therefore, it is unsurprising that migrant women from culturally and ethnically diverse backgrounds have experienced inequity in access and have felt marginalized when participating in sport (Hacker & Mann, 2026).

Inequity in Access to Sport and Associated Social Capital by Migrant Women

Barriers to sport participation by migrant groups in Global North settings are well documented, and include costs, transport, and experiences of racial discrimination (Middleton et al., 2020; Spaaij et al., 2019). For culturally and racially minoritized migrant women and girls, these barriers are overlaid by gender-based discrimination and culturally determined gender norms (Joseph et al., 2022; Gjesdal & Hedenborg, 2021; Spaaij et al., 2020; Young & Block, 2023). While the needs of migrant women often differ from the dominant group, it is important to recognize that their needs vary and are distinctly shaped by their cultural norms (i.e., choice of clothing, familial responsibilities). This point has been discussed extensively in the literature relating to Muslim women participating in sport, who are highly diverse in their cultural practices and adherence to gender norms, but are often treated as a homogenous minority in Western settings (Agergaard & Lenneis, 2021; Joseph et al., 2022; Ratna, 2018). There are many examples whereby migrant women, particularly those who have migrated from the Global South, have not been able to trust and rely on sporting organizations to recognize, respect, and accommodate a diversity of needs (Richardson et al., 2025; Truskewycz et al., 2022; Zipp & Sutherland, 2024). This can lead to community sporting spaces appearing unwelcoming and unaccommodating of diverse needs, and limits access to benefits such as social capital (Young et al., 2025). There is a growing body of evidence suggesting migrants are engaging in informal sports rather than formalized club sport settings (Jeanes et al., 2025, pp. 239–240). This may be due to the way in which alignment with sporting norms and practices is an expectation within many Global North sports clubs. This subtly, or not so subtly, excludes those who do not have this assumed sporting club “know-how.”

In community sport settings, possessing a priori social capital can support inclusion through knowledge exchange, supporting a sense of belonging, and access to opportunities and resources such as leadership positions. Previous research has demonstrated that cultural representation within leadership supported Muslim women to assume active roles within their club (volunteering, coaching, and board positions, etc.) (Maxwell & Taylor, 2010). However, such representation by women is rare within Australian sports governance. A lack of representation in leadership roles has had a detrimental impact on the provision of participation opportunities for women with diverse backgrounds in sport (Dadswell et al., 2023). Thus, the social and health benefits associated with sports participation will remain constrained for culturally and racially minoritized migrant women without adequate intervention.

Theoretical Framework: An Intersectional Lens to Social Capital Development

We draw on intersectionality to aid understanding of how and why mechanisms associated with social capital development may differ for culturally and racially minoritized women and girls within sport settings. Intersectionality refers to the way discrimination is experienced on the basis of overlapping personal characteristics (like gender, race, ethnicity, class, religion, dis/ability, migration background, age, and membership of the LGBTIQA + community), leading to experiences of marginalization or privilege in different contexts (McCall, 2005; Yuval-Davis, 2015). The term intersectionality was popularized by Kimberlé Crenshaw, who critiqued the feminism of the late 1980s, which was limited in its acknowledgment of compounding disadvantage and access to opportunities by women of color (Crenshaw, 1989). Thus, feminist scholarship and activism have long run the risk of primarily benefiting white, Western women and girls (Bruening, 2005; D’Cruz, 2020). As further discussed by Patricia Hill Collins, non-intersectional scholarship often treats race, gender, and class as separate, unrelated social attributes or systems of power (i.e., patriarchy, racism) (Collins et al., 2021). Hence, the concept of intersectionality is useful and important to apply to research in settings such as sport, where compounding inequalities are being experienced by culturally and racially minoritized women and girls. Intersectionality as a framework can also highlight the resistance that is required, and being enacted, by women and girls to overcome this systemic marginalization in sport (Mirza & Nyhagen, 2024, p. 23).

Much scholarship fails to explicitly name how broader contextual factors drive unequal access to social capital, or how these factors will inhibit mobilization for the benefit of the individual. We have previously discussed that an applied intersectional lens is imperative when drawing on social capital theory in order to highlight the potential for experiences of embedded, compounding social inequality within social networks (Young et al., 2025). Alongside this, it is important to highlight potential limitations within social capital theory. Discussions of bonding capital among ethnic minority communities often assume a level of homogeneity. An intersectional analysis complicates this assumption, where internal hierarchies need acknowledgement. These are stratified by characteristics such as migration status, gender, class, education, religion, age, and disability, which act to privilege or disadvantage certain members or groups. Moreover, the degree of privilege or disadvantage that accrues can differ based on the context. Recognition of the complexity of social ties and commitment to explore how information and resources may flow in light of discriminatory and hierarchical structures is critical.

Researcher Positionality

We begin by acknowledging our own positionalities as white women, conducting community-based research in diverse multicultural settings. Through this research, we seek to address inequities experienced by many migrant women and use the power and privileges we may hold in certain contexts to make sporting spaces more welcoming, accessible, and ultimately equal. We are challenged daily to reject Eurocentric biases present within the literature base and our own academic positions and to elevate the diverse perspectives of women and girls participating in sport.

Each of the authors also comes to the study with their own sporting habitus as players within various clubs and sports, and hence their understanding of the operations of a sports club in Australia. This research follows the conduct of a sports-based intervention study titled ‘Count Me In’, led by author KB, in which authors DY and LG were both involved. ‘Count Me In’ (Young & Block, 2023) was developed in response to low levels of participation in community sport by refugee and migrant young people. In that study, clear gender disparities emerged in how migrant women and girls were engaging with sport, providing the rationale for the current study. Responding to a lack of sports participation opportunities for mothers of the children participating in ‘Count Me In’, authors KB and DY supported the provision of an informal, free Badminton program. At the end of the project, they worked with project partners to provide additional support to sustain participation through the formation of a new Badminton club, led by the migrant women participants. It was therefore of particular interest to explore any social benefits that arose, and this study details the experiences of some of the women and girls at this club, alongside other migrant women.

Setting and Recruitment

Women and girls over 12 years of age were eligible to participate in this study if they or their parents had migrated to Australia and were involved in formal or informal sport in any capacity (i.e., player/athlete, coach, committee member, volunteer, parent). Participants were recruited using a network sampling method (connections via the authors) and snowball sampling (via the participants). This method was selected based on previously established trust developed between the lead author and some participants, which is highly important when engaging with migrant and refugee communities (Block et al., 2013). At the time of data collection, sports clubs, and subsequently this study, had been heavily impacted due to COVID-19 lockdowns in Melbourne. This made it particularly difficult to establish new connections and, therefore, essential for project feasibility to leverage existing networks to enable recruitment. The lead author, hence, firstly invited women she had met during the conduct of the sports-based intervention study described above (Young & Block, 2023). Via snowball sampling, just over half of the participants (N = 15) were associated with this network. These women and girls attended one of two group-based sports activities in a suburb in the inner north of Melbourne. One comprised the badminton club that had its beginnings as an informal program. The other group met to play a sport informally at a local school hall. These activities were based in a suburb with a relatively large migrant Muslim population. Local sporting options that aligned with cultural norms (i.e., women and girls only, indoors, female coach) and their sporting habitus prior to arrival in Australia were imperative to promote participation within this neighborhood. Hence, to provide these conditions, these two sports activities have been actively supported by local organizations, including community health and local government. The remaining participants were recruited through other research networks (N = 4), personal networks of the lead author (N = 2), and via an advertisement on an online university student notice board (N = 6). The majority of participants resided in the state of Victoria, with one in Queensland, and either currently or had previously played sport at a mainstream or University-based sports club.

Participants

A total of 24 women and 3 adolescent girls participated in a semi-structured interview with the lead author. Participants were aged between 12 and 44 years old. All participants were first-generation migrants to Australia, with most migrating within the last 15 years. Participants’ countries of origin included Afghanistan, Argentina, Bangladesh, Chile, China, India, Indonesia, New Zealand, Pakistan, Russia, Somalia, Vietnam, and the United States of America. Sixteen participants were Muslims. Participants played a range of sports which included Australian Rules Football (also known as AFL), Badminton, Basketball, Beach Volleyball, Boxing, Dragon Boating, Kendo, Netball, Rugby League, Running Club, School Sports, Soccer (Football), Table Tennis, and use of a local leisure Centre. Fourteen participants were students attending high school (N = 3), vocational Tertiary and Further Education (TAFE) (N = 2), or University completing a Bachelors (N = 2) or Postgraduate degree (N = 7). Twelve of the participants were mothers. There were seven coaches and seven club committee members within the sample, with five of the participants holding both positions. Two of the women participated in the research in their role as parents, rather than players/athletes. One participant represented a sports development organization, while two others were involved in sports-focused community organizations alongside other roles in sport (e.g., coach).

Data Collection

Interviews were conducted in English, in-person, in naturalistic settings (e.g., the vicinity of the sports club) or online using Zoom. A semi-structured interview theme guide was used to allow for anticipated and unanticipated themes to emerge. Prompts focused on the participants’ experience of migration to Australia, personal details such as family, work and/or study, prior and current sporting habits, their sense of belonging and inclusion within their sports club, their social connections due to sports participation, and any perceived benefits linked to their sports-based social networks. Questions also focused on understanding barriers to participating in sport, any perceived differences in participation based on gender or migration status, and observed differences between sports participation in Australia and their home country. Debriefing occurred between the lead author and co-authors during regular meetings, which allowed for reflexivity regarding recruitment, and the interview process and interactions between the lead researcher and participants. This led to the modification of some questions based on the first few interviews to improve clarity for the participants. Those interviewees were then invited to participate in a second interview to ensure they had the opportunity to speak to their breadth of experience, explored through the inclusion of additional questions. All participants were remunerated for their time with the provision of a $30 gift card per interview.

Data Analysis

We explored the processes and mechanisms that facilitated social capital development for participants from a constructivist epistemological position to co-construct knowledge, acknowledging that subjective realities are shaped by social and cultural forces. This position acknowledges the active role of the researcher in shaping the study findings. We have drawn on both deductive and inductive analysis methods to thematically analyze the data (Earl Rinehart, 2021; Keogh et al., 2023, p. 17; Waller et al., 2016, p. 17). An initial codebook was created based on social capital theory and known factors associated with its development in sport, such as trust, shared norms, and governance (Forsell et al., 2020). Additional codes were then inductively added to the framework as analysis progressed. Generated codes were then synthesized into three major themes and subthemes. These codes and themes were discussed by the authors and refined following meetings and during the writing up of results. The software package NVivo 14 was used to manage the data (Lumivero, 2023). Participant names have been replaced by pseudonyms in the results section below to maintain anonymity.

Mechanisms Supporting Access

Mobilization: Unlocking Social Capital via Sport

Outcomes Associated With Social Capital Development

Intersectional Approaches by Organizations Are Imperative to Providing Equitable Opportunities via Sport

It is imperative that migrant women are not treated as a homogeneous group. As with any group, they have diverse needs, norms, values, and opinions and a diversity of sporting experiences. As discussed by our participants, organizations that applied an intersectional, feminist approach to community engagement via sport played a vital role in fostering close-knit and diverse social networks in these spaces for migrant women. Organizational representatives who respected cultural gender norms, actively communicated with the women, and demonstrated a willingness to accommodate needs were perceived as friendly, kind, and welcoming. This demonstrates how working in collaboration with women from migrant backgrounds can ensure community engagement activities are culturally appropriate, sensitive to gender norms, and tailored to the array of needs of migrant women. For example, alongside women-only offerings, models of sport that accommodate children are often necessary for migrant mothers, which can subsequently foster trust and community for these women (Boz et al., 2025; Caperchione et al., 2011).

Collaborative, intersectional approaches to achieving true gender equality within sport are rare (Evans & Pfister, 2021; Lambert et al., 2025). Spaaij et al. (2020) highlighted how the existence of policies aiming to improve representation by culturally diverse women in sport leadership roles is often not enough to see the required change in representation at the micro, club level due to a culture of resistance in sports clubs. Hence, the “white, male” status quo in leadership is often maintained, even in a progressive policy environment (Spaaij et al., 2020; Richardson et al., 2025). Our findings demonstrated that women from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds actively take on roles such as coaching and high-level committee positions when culturally respectful support is provided. Thus, both linking and bonding capital can play a key role in elevating opportunities in sport for women from migrant backgrounds. Additionally, we found that undertaking leadership role/s in a club—particularly coaching—supported the development of bridging capital with well-connected actors in sport, via links to State and National sporting bodies and attending events run by these. We found social capital developed readily for the participants in coaching roles, with flow-on benefits also for migrant background players. This is a particularly important finding regarding coaches who are Muslim, migrant women, given the paucity of research on this topic (Hussain & Cunningham, 2024). Our findings echo other research which suggests diverse representation is therefore vitally important in these types of “bridging” leadership positions. Coaches are often a link between players and management and can support further participation opportunities for players of diverse backgrounds via bonding capital (Robertson, 2016, p. 221).

Bonding Capital Functioning as a Trusted Social Bridge

As discussed by Putnam, trust within a network is a key mechanism for social capital development (Putnam et al., 1993, p. 15). Our data suggests that bonding capital is highly important in the first instance to foster trust between sports settings and members of minoritized communities. Through an intersectional lens, we identified ways in which bonding ties were not confined to having the same ethnic/racial/cultural background. Sharing a similarity in migration status fostered these bonds in sport settings where intersectional discrimination was often experienced by migrant women. Previously held bonding capital associated with ties to other migrant women in their community provided initial encouragement and emotional support for women to be active members within a sports club. Some local organizations were then able to disseminate information regarding sporting opportunities to diverse migrant communities through this connected network. This demonstrates how a positive interaction between bonding capital and linking capital can essentially function as a bridge to more connected community members and potential resources and opportunities.

This study adds to the literature that troubles assumptions regarding how a “bonding” or “bridging” social tie functions with respect to associated benefits. Aligned with previous research, bonding capital, which developed between those who were newly arrived and those who had migrated many years prior, and had strong ties with the local community, was associated with opportunities not only to “get by” but also to “get ahead” (Nesse et al., 2024; McDonald et al., 2019). Consequently, these ties effectively functioned as “bridges” to the broader community, providing knowledge sharing and employment opportunities and offering opportunities to develop a sense of belonging within the wider community (Boz et al., 2025).

Giving Back: Drawing on Social Capital to Meet Community Needs

Aligning with previous research, the shared migration experience encouraged solidarity and reciprocity between migrant women within their sports environment. Across a range of sports settings–informal, formal, and semi-professional—participants’ motivation to undertake leadership positions in sport ranged from personal development to “giving back” to other migrant women and their broader communities (Cunningham et al., 2020). Participants who had stronger links and bridging capital with the broader sport sector discussed feeling emboldened to stand up against the intersectional, discriminatory practices that have long plagued sport, as an act of reciprocity with women similar to themselves. Some were essentially “filling the gaps” within the sport system by creating new opportunities to accommodate gendered and cultural needs—that have long been neglected (Carter-Francique & Flowers, 2013, p. 80; Mohanty, 1988). Unfortunately, the “dark side” of bonding social capital did appear for some of the participants in this study who held leadership positions. Recognized as an issue within some tight-knit communities, strong bonding capital can place excessive demands on group members who are motivated to support others in their minority community (Portes, 1998; Villalonga-Olives & Kawachi, 2017). In the very specific research setting of a migrant women-led badminton club, pressure to maintain the sole women'only club in the local area placed burdensome demands on some members of the group. Those who had developed bridging and linking capital with the broader sport and local community were heavily relied upon to maintain membership numbers and the financial viability of the club, an issue that needs consideration when mainstream sporting options are not universally inclusive.