Abstract
Using a life course theory perspective, this qualitative descriptive study explored how Hispanic adolescent fathers view fatherhood, and how their perception of parenthood is shaped by critical life events. Hispanics are one of the largest ethnic groups, as well as one of the populations that is overrepresented in adolescent births in the United States. Despite this, Hispanic adolescent fathers are understudied and underrepresented in research. Participants were recruited from a community-based fatherhood program. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Hispanic fathers, ages 16 years to 23 years. Participants conveyed their grief over fragmented family relationships and limited interactions with their own father. Some lived in hostile environments where they frequently experienced racism, discrimination, and neighborhood violence. The cumulative impact of these events resulted in substance use and emotional distress. Becoming a father was a sentinel event that helped resolve negative perceptions about fatherhood. Fatherhood also motivated participants towards a more productive, meaningful life.
Despite recent declines in adolescent pregnancy, the United States continues to have one of the highest adolescent birth rates among Western industrialized nations (Sedgh et al., 2015). Among adolescents between the ages of 15 years and 19 years, infant births occurred at a rate of 18.8 per 1,000 in females, and 10.4 births per 1,000 in males (Martin et al., 2018; Oji & Kornusky, 2018). Hispanics are one of the largest and fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States as well as one of the populations overrepresented in adolescent births (The U.S Census Bureau, 2019; The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2019). However, young Hispanic fathers continue to be an underserved and understudied population (Garfield et al., 2018).
Fatherhood is a significant event for Hispanic adolescent fathers who are learning to integrate their cultural identities and paternal responsibilities during a complex period of physical, psychological, and cognitive development (National Fatherhood Initiative, 2015). Young fathers may be particularly vulnerable because of the relatively few organizational supports that are available to them during a time when they are expected to take on adult responsibilities (Kiselica & Kiselica 2014). While a growing body of knowledge exists on adolescent fatherhood, most of the literature are outdated, with the majority published in the early 2000s (Bamishigbin et al., 2019). Research is needed, providing current knowledge on adolescent fatherhood, particularly among Hispanics, to inform interventions that address their salient health needs (Jaime et al., 2016).
A Life Course Theory Perspective
To address the gap in research, this qualitative study explored how Hispanic adolescent fathers view fatherhood and how their perception of parenthood is shaped by the life events they have experienced or are experiencing. The Life Course Theory (Fine & Kotelchuck, 2010) was applied as a sensitizing framework to guide this study. The Life Course Theory is ideal because it provides a nuanced understanding of how Hispanic adolescent males construct their role as fathers while considering the intersecting and multifactorial influences on fatherhood (Forste et al., 2009). The Life Course Theory framework also explains the sociocultural and environmental factors that influence health, illness, and health disparities across populations over a period of time (Fine & Kotelchuck, 2010). This paper focused on the following Life Course Theory components: pathways, cumulative impact, critical or sensitive experiences, and protective factors.
Pathways refer to a sequence of exposures and outcomes that affect health, and can be predicted based upon socioeconomic and environmental exposures (Fine & Kotelchuck, 2010). A series of intersecting events may propel Hispanic adolescent males into fatherhood. Studies indicate that a disproportionate number of adolescent fathers are men of color who experience social exclusion, systemic racism, and poverty (Clayton, 2016; Hawkins-Anderson & Guinosso, 2014; Lesser & Koniak-Griffin, 2013). Some of these young men face their life journey without the guidance of their fathers, and carry lifelong feelings of anger, rejection, and hurt (Kiselica, 2008). Adolescent males who simultaneously experience these events may sense their limited life options and perceive fatherhood as a role they can successfully achieve in life (Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014). Consequently, these adolescents may not take steps to prevent fatherhood that a youth with greater opportunities might take.
Cumulative impact refers to the compounding effect of stressful events on health outcomes and health behaviors (Fine & Kotelchuck, 2010). Adolescent parents may encounter various stressors that increase their risk for developing mental health conditions as well as substance use disorders (Hodgkinson et al., 2014). The quality of relationship with the mother of the baby, as well as economic hardship, and neighborhood violence are related to greater depressive symptoms and substance use in Hispanic adolescent fathers (Divney et al., 2016; Roubinov et al., 2014; White et al., 2009). Furthermore, transitioning to their fathering role may include extreme life changes that young men find themselves ill-equipped to adapt to the reality of these transitions (Affleck et al., 2018). Their perceived lack of competence and lower self-efficacy may put them at risk for greater parenting stress, which in turn can lead to psychological distress (Sevigny & Loutzenhiser, 2010).
Critical or sensitive experiences describe how life events can have the greatest impact on individuals during critical or sensitive time periods, and can serve as windows of opportunities (Fine & Kotelchuck, 2010). Young Hispanic men indicate that their transition to fatherhood was a critical period, thereby altering their daily course to a productive, more hopeful life (Lesser et al., 2010). These perceptions may be due in part to perceptions of familismo and machismo (Garfield et al., 2018; Parra-Cardona et al., 2006). Hispanic males perceive machismo as a man’s willingness to overcome adversity in order to become a nurturing father and a responsible provider (Parra-Cardona et al., 2006). Familismo is a Hispanic cultural value that emphasizes the importance of being rooted in the family, ensuring that one’s actions contributes to the welfare of all (Falicov, 1998).
Protective factors are contributing factors that facilitate or improve health (Fine & Kotelchuck, 2010). Stepfathers, grandfathers, and other influential men in their lives may serve as father-figures and play a major role in the upbringing of adolescent fathers. These individuals may provide the kind of support that the young men have not received from their own fathers (Makofane, 2015). Father-inclusive parenting programs can also provide mentorship, social support, and resources that may have been lacking in their lives (Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014; J. Y. Lee et al., 2018). The cultural value of personalismo highlights the importance of establishing meaningful and harmonious relationships (Adames & Chavez-Dueñas, 2016). Father-inclusive parenting programs may provide a safe space for building meaningful relationships with other adolescent parents that can lead to an increase in willingness and capacity for confianza, or trust, when disclosing personal experiences (Parra-Cardona et al., 2006).
Methods
This study explored how Hispanic adolescent fathers view fatherhood, and how their perception of parenthood is shaped by the life events they have experienced or are experiencing. Qualitative description was the method used to conduct this study. According to Sandelowski (2000), Qualitative description allows researchers to stay closer to their data, thereby providing meaning to the facts conveyed by the study participants. Additionally, this approach is ideal because it allows the “straight description of phenomena” and enables the researcher to stay close to the data (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 334).
Sample and Participants
Approval from the university institutional review board was obtained before study initiation. Convenience sampling was used to recruit potential participants who were attending a fatherhood community-based program that offers parenting classes, life-skills training, and cultural awareness workshops, as well as individual counseling and mentorship. In this study, the term ‘adolescent’ was inclusive of males up to the age of 23 years (Sawyer et al., 2018). Eligible participants were fathers who were between the ages of 15 years and 23 years and who self-identified as Hispanic. The authors collaborated with staff to identify potential participants who met the study criteria. This study was enhanced through the help of the staff from the fatherhood program, allowing the authors access to a population that has been understudied. The majority of fathers who attended the program were either mandated by the local Child Protective Services or by the local Juvenile or Adult Probation Department. The institutional review board waived parental consent for adolescent fathers under the age of 18 years because participation in the study involved no more than minimal risk to the participants. Furthermore, obtaining parental consent could have presented undue hardship and challenges to the participant due to estranged family relationships. A letter with a detailed description of the study purpose and procedures was provided for any parent inquiring more information about the study prior to their child’s participation.
Flyers were distributed describing study purpose and details. Adolescents who expressed an interest in the study received further details regarding the study purpose and procedures. The assent/consent process was managed by the first author, who met with the program director and staff to confirm age and emancipated minor status. Potential participants were given the opportunity to ask questions after the study details were thoroughly reviewed. Those who were emancipated minors, or 18 years and older provided their own consent. Assent was obtained from adolescent fathers who were under the age of 18 years.
Data Collection
The authors sought to understand the parenting experiences of young Hispanic fathers through the lens of Life Course Theory. Interview questions were focused on examining the critical life events that impacted their view and experiences of fatherhood. Each audio-recorded interview was conducted in a private conference room at the community-based center, lasting approximately 60 minutes. Prior to each interview, demographic information was collected to describe the sample. This survey inquired about race and ethnicity, age, place of birth, years of education, involvement with the mother of the child, and whether the adolescent was living with family members or with their child’s mother. Participants were given a $30 gift card upon completion of the sociodemographic questionnaire and interview.
Data Analysis
The interviews were transcribed verbatim by a transcription service, and transcripts were verified by the first author for accuracy. The authors used qualitative content analysis to analyze the data. The goal of qualitative content analysis is to reduce qualitative data into categories that describe the phenomenon that is being studied (Schreier, 2012). Coding and data analyses were conducted using Microsoft Word. The process began with a line-by-line analysis of the transcribed interviews. The data were then coded according to the Life Course Theory components that include pathways, cumulative impact, critical experiences, and protective factors. A codelist was developed before data collection containing definitions and descriptions of each Life Course Theory category. The codelist served as a guide to determine which coding units correspond to each Life Course Theory category.
To address research bias, trustworthiness was achieved through criticality, credibility, and authenticity (Whittemore et al., 2001). Criticality, an account of decision-making, was ensured through audit trails documenting each aspect of the study and analyses. Authenticity, or treating the participant’s voice with utmost importance, was achieved through repeated data immersion. Accuracy of the data (validity), and credibility, or the believability of the findings, were accomplished through the process by which the authors analyzed and reviewed data for confirmation of the interpretation (Maxwell, 1992).
Results
A total of 17 adolescent fathers participated in the study. The mean age was 20.5 years, with ages ranging from 16 years to 23 years. All participants identified being Hispanic and were born in the United States. A few participants (n=4) reported that they completed high school or obtained a GED, while the remaining adolescents were still in school or completed only a portion of their high school education. Several were working full time (n=7), and more than half were either working part-time (n=5) or unemployed (n=5). Twelve participants were residing with their parent(s) and five were cohabitating with the mother of the baby. All except for two of the adolescents were currently in a relationship with the mother of the baby. All were first-time fathers, with infants less than one year of age. The following are the results from the analysis of qualitative data.
Pathways
Most participants experienced multiple family transitions (i.e. divorce, separation, or parents having different partners) that resulted in fragmented family relationships and limited interactions with their own father. Juan (names have been changed), who was living with his mother, spent most of his childhood without the guidance of his father, and expressed a deep longing for his presence: I’ve always thought—I’ve always seen movies where the parents got back together, everything was happy. There was stepfathers that I had, but it didn’t fill that void or that love that I had for my dad. I love my dad. I was always hoping, praying for him to come home. That’s one that I have a lot of difficulty with. I never had an example to follow, I had one woman doing both. You know what I mean? It’s not like I’ve had somethin’ to watch for years. I haven’t. It’s just—I don’t know—I’m unable to establish a connection with another man like that.
Some adolescents grew up in a household where they regularly witnessed domestic violence. Robert recently started attending a domestic violence class through the fatherhood program, and acknowledged that his relationship troubles stemmed from childhood experiences with domestic violence. He candidly explained that Child Protective Services became involved after a violent argument between him and the mother of his child. The classes have given him the opportunity for self-reflection and to evaluate how he copes with relationship conflict. Robert also recalled the trauma of witnessing his mother being beaten by his father: My dad used to beat my mom. . .. I remember one time, he threw the phone and broke it on her face, and started punching her into the couch. I didn’t know what to do, so I ran to my room. Sometimes that’s the only thing I can see in my dad, is that he was a bad person. . .. It’s hard because that’s what I grew up in is violence. All I knew was hitting. That’s why I’m taking domestic violence classes right now because I’m trying to figure out myself and why I do the things that I do with my girlfriend.
Several participants described growing up in a hostile environment where they frequently experienced systemic racism, discrimination, and neighborhood violence, forcing them to be on guard. Some were involved in gang-related activities, which exposed them to gun violence. Raul expressed his concern for the safety of his son, “Not even a few weeks ago, a guy was shot in his car. I grew up with it. It doesn’t affect me, but I want to get outta that street, I don’t wanna be there because of my son.”
Adolescents who came from a disadvantaged socioeconomic background were forced to resort to illegal activities to financially support their families. Michael recounted his experiences of being asked by his grandmother to sell drugs as a means to provide for their family. His involvement with illegal activities resulted in incarceration and involvement with the juvenile system. Selling drugs became a family affair, which included his brother, uncles, and other family members: She was like, “From now on, I don’t want you in this house unless you bring back money to buy some food, and pay for utilities. . .. I do regret that day every single day of my life, ‘cause it’s something I never wanted to do, but it felt like at the time, that’s the only way we could keep our home. . .. I guess, my grandma was tryin’ to send me down that road to make more money the same way my tíos went down, my brother was going down, and so on and so on.
For Michael and others, being exposed to an environment where drugs were constantly present amongst their peers and family members also caused them to begin using substances: I started smoking marijuana. I think it was just more about the peer pressure, at that time, “Hey, come hit it.” I was hesitating about it, then I was like, “Might as well. One hit ain’t gonna do nothing.” Also, my mom’s ex-husband used to smoke cigarettes and I used to pick them up too.
Cumulative Impact
The cumulative effect of adverse childhood events and trauma (i.e. domestic violence, childhood abuse, racism, discrimination, substance use, and divorce), along with the demands of being a new parent resulted in adolescents being in a persistent state of emotional distress. During their interviews, the topic of depression was discussed by several participants, with some sharing their personal experiences. David described his depressive symptoms shortly after his daughter’s birth and believes that depression could lead to drug use: I did go through a very dark time of depression where I would just cry every day for no reason. I would just cry and cry and nobody would understand why. I think that’s what leads a lot of young people to do drugs. They’re depressed at home and they take drugs, they feel better for a little bit, but then they continue.
Several participants, like Mario, admitted to using substances as a way to cope with unaddressed trauma such as childhood abuse. He felt alone and he found it difficult to share his problems and concerns with loved ones. Mario internalized these negative emotions and used drugs as a means to ease his concerns and worries: I wish I never did drugs. . .. I just got off of doing drugs. I was in that situation because I was alone. It’s hard for me to tell people my problems, what’s wrong with me. I keep it all inside, and I take it out on myself by doin’ drugs. . .. It just keeps my mind off of everything. It makes me feel like I don’t have to worry about anything. If I got things to take care of, I don’t even deal with it.
Lack of social support and strained relationships with family members and the mother of their child made life more challenging for these adolescents. Ernesto, described not having the support and guidance of his parents when he became a father, “I just wish my parents were there just to show me how to be a father. I had to do it on my own. . .. My parents never helped me.” Finding ways to financially provide for their family while balancing their everyday responsibilities as a parent were also some of the common stressors mentioned by adolescents like Jesse: It’s stressful. Especially if you didn’t have no guidance growing up, it makes it ten times worse. You may or may not be getting along with the child’s mother either, so that makes it harder. We’re making minimum wage, or we’re goin’ to school, so we’re not working. There’s just a lot more added stress. You have to worry about school, work, and then your child. It’s kinda difficult to do all these things at the same time unless you have help, and I ain’t got help from no-one.
The need to appear “strong” or “tough” only amplified the loneliness and isolation in several adolescents like Alex, who spoke of the difficulties in not being able to confide in others, “I think that stress also affects guys. But they’re guys, so they have to show masculinity at all times. They have to be the tough guy; the guy doesn’t show any emotion.” Consequently, many described repressing or ignoring their negative emotions. Nick and others thought that it was inappropriate to bring attention to themselves during health care visits or parenting classes when they felt it was their duty to support the mother of their child, “Sometimes I feel like I’m not even supposed to be there. It feels like a girl’s event, but I wanna help her. I feel like their dude should be there with them.”
Critical or Sensitive Experiences
Despite their hardships and adversities, participants wholeheartedly expressed that fatherhood was transformative, motivating them towards a more productive life. Robert described fatherhood as a turning point, prompting him to “snap” out of unhealthy habits or behaviors, such as drug use: Something, I guess, just triggered me to be a better person and to try to be a better person as much as I could. It just snaps you out of it. . .. Yeah, you have a life depending on you. You’re basically in charge of somebody’s whole life. My daughter, she had a huge impact on my life. I had quit [using drugs] about a month or two before she was born, I had stopped for her.
Being present and involved in their child’s life provided emotional healing for adolescents who did not have positive memories with their own fathers. David expressed his desire to do things differently and ensure that he did not replicate his father’s mistakes. Providing material goods became a marker of what it meant to be a “good” father: I just didn’t wanna be like how my dad was to me. One of my goals was to be better than my dad. I wanted to make sure that my kiddos had the things that I didn’t have growing up. . .. I wanna be a good father. Being there for the child, providing any way they can, money wise, and anything they need help with.
Several participants used the term “stepping up,” to explain the importance of taking responsibility for one’s family and child. This was the case with John, who believes it is the father’s primary duty to provide for his family. However, he is learning to reshape his beliefs pertaining to socially ascribed gender roles for mothers and fathers: The first time I held my daughter, I saw it as, I need to step up and take care of my family. I can’t let them down. . .. I was taught that the man does this and the woman does that. Man provides, women help take care of the child. She [child’s mother] thinks we should do it together. I think I should provide so, I’m trying to adapt to how she likes both of us doing things. I’m trying to adapt to that.
Protective Factors
When asked what types of resources adolescent fathers would find useful, participants expressed that it would be helpful to know more about infant care, their role as a father, and potential relationship transitions that might be expected with the mother of the baby. Tim recommended programs such as parenting classes, therapy, and family and relationship counseling to alleviate stress and prevent depression: If they’re feeling like me, I would say therapy and parenting classes and just anything that a father needs to try to learn how to take care of his son or how to prepare for fatherhood. . .. Therapy because during the pregnancy we both—well, she went through depression and I kind of did too.
Adolescent fathers also expressed the need for classes that can help them find gainful employment, prepare for job interviews, and manage their finances. Some fathers, like Mike, suggested that being offered services and resources may be viewed more positively by fathers who have difficulties asking for assistance: It’s probably a pride thing, but fathers would love the help without having to ask for it, so they don’t seem like they’re desperate or they’re weak. . .. Say you’re with an organization that provides these services for people who are low-income or whatever, rather than asking, “Do you need help with this?” be like, “Oh, hey, this is what we do. Can we just see real quick, if you’ll qualify for this? You know, this is what you could get. . .”
Several participants applauded the efforts of the community-based fatherhood program they were currently attending. They conveyed that the program enabled them to form positive relationships with other fathers, gain mentorship, and obtain advice on father-related topics. Justin explained how the program has impacted him: I would say, when I first go into this fatherhood campaign, man, it was so great. They helped me out so much. . .. Talking with other fathers helped. I joined the class to talk with other young fathers to see how they handle their situation. Maybe get a little guidance from them, you know? Jim’s [instructor] class, also helped me a lot. He likes to help people. It made me realize my problems are very small compared to other peoples’ problems. He makes me focus on the positive.
Although some participants did not have a close relationship with their own fathers, other individuals such as their grandfathers, uncles, stepfathers and neighbors became father-figures. These men gave caregiver support and parenting advice as participants transitioned to fatherhood. In most cases, they also became role models to adolescents, such as Tomás: My uncle’s pretty much my father figure.. . . He was pretty much providing for us and helping out my mom and stuff. My mom, being a single mother, the bills always had to come first. My uncle was always the one that he’d go in and he’d take us, you know. He always treated us like we were his kids.
Discussion
The present study consisted of 17 Hispanic adolescent fathers between the ages of 16 years and 23 years. Through the lens of the life course theory, this study examined how adolescent fatherhood is shaped by the psychosocial context of their environment. The adolescents’ stories reveal a complex picture, describing the multiple hardships these young men encounter, as well as their strengths in facing these challenges. Their narratives illustrate that becoming a father offers opportunities, not just obstacles.
Contrary to negative stereotypes about adolescent fathers as distant and uninterested (Frewin et al., 2007; Parra-Cardona et al., 2008), their beliefs concerning familismo was consistently threaded throughout their narratives about their children. The majority of the adolescents expressed their overwhelming desire to provide for their family and their child, with many pointing to their provider role as one of their primary duties. Being a father introduced purpose and meaning that had been largely absent in their lives, and motivated them to turn away from negative, unhealthy behaviors such as substance use, criminal activity, and gang involvement. Many of the participants were making sincere attempts to have a more productive life and ensure a better future for their children by working full time and/or going to school. These findings support previous research that found fatherhood as a critical experience that could lead to positive behavioral change in adolescent males (Lesser et al., 2007).
Several of the participants described having fragmented relationships with their families, including their own fathers. Thus, most of them negotiated their identity and role as a father through other father-figures such as their older brothers, grandfather, uncles, and stepfathers. However, these adolescents expressed a void in their lives and felt a sense of loss at not having a close bond with their own fathers. Despite this, fatherhood acted as a catalyst, activating a deep sense of responsibility and duty. These beliefs reflect the cultural value of machismo, which encourages fathers to be dedicated to the welfare of their loved ones (Falicov, 1998). Adolescent fathers aspired to protect their child and provide them with positive experiences during their childhood. Many of them believed that upholding their paternal duties offered a way to distinguish themselves from their fathers. Being present and involved in their child’s life provided emotional healing for adolescents who did not have positive memories with their own fathers.
Adolescents were appreciative of the time spent with other fathers and explained that parenting classes provided a positive environment for support. Adolescents were able to openly discuss their concerns, thereby allowing them relate to each other’s experiences. These encounters gave way to opportunities for encouragement and exchange of information related to fatherhood. The father-inclusive parenting program also provided much needed guidance and mentorship to adolescents to help ease the stress of being first-time parents. In general, group meetings have been well received by Hispanic adolescent males (Parra-Cardona et al., 2006) because this approach can decrease their sense of shame at revealing their problems, and may give these young men “a sense of being part of a community of equals rather than being singled out” (Falicov, 1998, p. 198). Collectively, their reflections of the parenting classes and fatherhood program underscores the importance of personalismo in establishing trust, or confianza.
The responses of the participants indicate multiple factors that influenced their mental well-being. These varied from not being able to see their child, interpersonal conflict with the mother of the baby, and stressors related to lack of support, neighborhood violence, and socioeconomic hardship. Other adolescents recognized that their depressive symptoms stemmed from traumatic experiences during their childhood (i.e. domestic violence, abuse, racism, household substance use, etc.). Traumatic events often lead victims to feel that their environment is unsafe and unpredictable (Forbes et al., 2013). These perceptions can negatively impact their ability to manage daily stressors and may lead to adverse mental health outcomes. In this case, adolescents may experience psychological distress as they are trying to cope with previous experiences while simultaneously attempting to adapt to their role as a father (Skjothaug et al., 2015). Having a history of trauma also increases risk for behavioral health problems, such as substance use and mental illness, that could persist for many years after these events have occurred (Leitch, 2017; Skjothaug et al., 2015).
Nurses who work directly with adolescent mothers are at the frontlines of care and ideally positioned to also work to engage adolescent fathers in discussions about their own health needs. The quality of relationships adolescent fathers have with their significant others (i.e. mother of their child and family members), and the types of support they receive are likely to impact their mental health. Assessing the dynamics of these relationships, particularly between the adolescent father and the mother, is an important step that may aid the development of future interventions to effectively address the needs of young parents. Referrals to counseling, may fortify these relationships and the co-parenting by focusing on communication skills and effective conflict resolution (Singley & Edwards, 2015). The participants’ responses reflected values consistent with familismo. Therefore, counseling sessions focusing on healing wounded relationships with parents, particularly their fathers, are indicated. Helping them heal from these relationship wounds can assist adolescent fathers to move from dependence, to a mature, successful familial interdependence (Oscos-Sanchez & Lesser, 2007).
Many of the fathers in this study felt isolated and were not comfortable divulging their concerns so openly. Some participants attributed these beliefs to social expectations and cultural norms that embrace men as being strong and invulnerable. However, others also felt that it was inappropriate to draw attention to their concerns. Anticipatory guidance is a proactive strategy that can be utilized by nurses to engage and involve fathers who may not feel comfortable speaking out. Through this approach, nurses can initiate discussions related to the adolescent fathers’ most pressing concerns. Engaging them in these conversations and readily sharing valuable information and resources may empower adolescent fathers and alleviate their worries regarding parenthood. The current findings underscore the need for a family-centered approach during the perinatal period. During health care visits and parenting classes, it is important for nurses to convey personalismo by welcoming fathers to appointments and by encouraging them to make decisions that foster family well-being. Supporting and validating their aspirations to be involved in their child’s life can strengthen the ground for fathering and help adolescent fathers feel more at ease so they can actively participate during the perinatal period.
Adolescent parents may encounter multiple stressors that increase their risk for developing mental health conditions as well as substance use disorders (Hodgkinson et al., 2014). The results of this study are consistent with previous findings that neighborhood violence, childhood trauma, discrimination, personal hardship, and stressful relationships were related to substance use, conduct problems and depressive symptoms among young fathers (Divney et al., 2016; Skjothaug et al., 2015). Studies like these broaden our understanding of factors that influence mental and behavioral health in adolescent fathers and are therefore warranted. Future studies should also consider exploring adolescent fathers’ perspectives on childhood trauma especially because higher rates of depression have been reported in adolescent fathers than older fathers (Y. Lee et al., 2012).
An assessment of their psychosocial environment, psychiatric history, and childhood trauma is necessary to help nurses identify at-risk fathers. Unaddressed issues concerning substance use, depression, and childhood trauma may produce negative long-term effects such as difficulties in parenting, greater relationship conflict, and poor mental health among fathers, and greater adverse behavioral outcomes in their children (Ramchandani et al., 2011; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2014). Therefore, it is critical to provide referral and follow-up services for any pertinent issues identified during the nurse’s assessments.
Not only were the participants managing their daily responsibilities and duties as a father but some were also coping with substance use, emotional distress, violence, and involvement with the juvenile system and Child Protective Services. Comprehensive, multidisciplinary models of care are critical to targeting the needs of adolescent fathers. The types of services offered should include resources to improve their access to mental health and substance use care, legal and housing assistance, and gang desistance programs, as well as educational and employment opportunities (Kiselica & Kiselica 2014; SmithBattle et al., 2019). Education on father-friendly services and knowledge of teen fathers’ strengths and vulnerabilities may benefit nurses who work directly with this population. Nurses are also encouraged to obtain training in trauma informed care since its principles foster trustworthy collaborative care (SmithBattle et al., 2019), which are necessary for promoting and developing confianza (trust) in adolescent parents.
Adolescent fathers report that they are more likely to become involved in parenting programs that address their specific concerns such as obtaining gainful employment, conflict resolution with the mother of their baby and the legal system (Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014). It has also been suggested that if fathers are incorporated into parenting services along with mothers to promote coparenting, father engagement may be improved and sustained over a longer period of time (Lundahl et al., 2008; Parra-Cardona et al., 2006). Community-based, father-inclusive programs could be helpful in providing these services and may especially benefit adolescent fathers who do not readily attend or interact with health care providers during routine prenatal and well-child visits. Although more father-inclusive programs are emerging, rigorous evaluation research is indicated to examine its efficacy on outcomes such as father involvement, co-parenting, mental health, and partner relationship quality (J. Y. Lee et al., 2018).
There are limitations to the current study that warrant consideration. The study participants were Hispanic adolescent fathers who were referred by CPS to attend parenting classes at a father-inclusive community-based program. Therefore, their responses and experiences may be unique to this group. Convenience sampling was utilized rather than purposeful sampling, which is the preferred method in qualitative research. However, this sampling method served the purpose of the study, which was to understand Hispanic adolescent fathers’ view on fatherhood and how their perception of parenthood is shaped by the life events they have experienced or are experiencing. Finally, the authors acknowledge that the use of a theoretical framework may influence the way their data was perceived. Therefore, findings must be viewed with caution and within the scope of the Life Course Theory.
Findings from this study highlight the need to enhance service delivery to address the unique needs of adolescent fathers and promote positive health outcomes for young families. Having a child is a sentinel event that can be leveraged by nurses as a way to involve adolescent fathers during the perinatal period. Adolescent fathers’ well-being is an important component of perinatal health as it affects family functioning and has long-term implications for their child’s health. A family-centered approach is critical in giving fathers a sense of support and inclusivity. The perinatal period presents a window of opportunity to promote health in fathers. Nurses can be instrumental in assisting fathers as they transition into fatherhood by taking a proactive approach by actively working to engage these young fathers in their family’s and their own health and wellness care.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Ramon Juan Vasquez, Greg Marshall, and the staff members at San Antonio Fatherhood Campaign for their collaboration on this study. P.R would like to acknowledge the Center for Research to Advance Community Health for their support
Author Contributions
All authors have contributed to the preparation of the manuscript, have read, and approved the submitted manuscript. All authors listed meet the authorship criteria according to the latest guidelines of the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors and are in agreement with the manuscript. All relevant ethical safeguards have been met in relation to patient or subject protection, or animal experimentation, including, in the case of all clinical and experimental studies review by an appropriate ethical review committee and written informed patient consent. The research complies with the World Medical Association. The work is original and not under consideration by any other journal.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The project was supported by the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, National Institutes of Health, through Grant UL1 TR002645.
