The Exodus of Moldova: Understanding the Migration Dilemma

Abstract

This paper explores Moldovas unique context within migration studies, highlighting its potential to enhance theoretical frameworks on migration. Despite its small size, Moldova has a significant portion of its population working abroad, offering insights into both migration and immobility. The study examines Moldova's dual migratory flows toward the European Union (EU) and Russia, influenced by cultural, historical, and economic ties. Contrary to conventional views, the context of Moldova reveals that financial accessibility and robust social networks do not always result in increased migration aspirations in migration decisions. It also addresses the interconnected issues of human trafficking and migration, emphasizing often-overlooked social dimensions. Positioning Moldova as a valuable “migration laboratory,” this study aims to generate academic interest and propose new research directions to refine migration theories.

Keywords

Moldova migration dynamics immobility migration flows human trafficking

Introduction

Moldova is an understudied area within migration studies, though including it in scholarly research could significantly enrich the field and expand theoretical frameworks related to migration trends. Studying migration from Moldova presents unique opportunities for advancing our understanding of migration dynamics in several keyways.

First, I use “migration laboratory” to refer to a specific geographical or social setting characterized by widespread and diverse migration patterns, offering a unique and rich environment for examining the various effects, causes, and consequences of migration. In such a setting, the patterns of migration are so strong or distinct that it almost seems as though they have been orchestrated by design in a laboratory, which is why this conceptualization is particularly apt. Moldova, despite its small size, has a notably high proportion of its population residing and working abroad, making it an invaluable “migration laboratory” for studying both migration and immobility. This concept allows researchers to observe, analyze, and understand migration as a social process and draw lessons that may be applicable to other contexts. Within this conceptual framework, Moldova serves as a natural experiment, providing valuable insights into the patterns of migration.

Secondly, while much research focuses on the reasons why people leave, examining why a substantial portion of Moldovans choose to stay can yield valuable insights into the barriers to migration and the factors influencing immobility (Gruber 2021; Schewel 2020). As one interviewed Moldovan migration policymaker observed, “Everyone who wanted to leave Moldova left, so you have only the ones who really wanted to stay here.” Understanding the reasons behind their decision to stay is intriguing and significant (Bogdan 2024). Exploring these nuanced choices could deepen our comprehension of migration theories and offer a more balanced perspective on human mobility (Schewel 2020).

Thirdly, Moldova exhibits two distinct migratory flows: one toward the EU and another toward Russia. This dual pattern prompts theoretical inquiries into the motivations and influences driving these divergent migration paths. Cultural, historical, and economic ties to these regions, along with geopolitical factors, play significant roles in shaping these decisions. Moldova's strategic positioning between Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union creates a unique context for migration, influencing both the volume and direction of migratory flows (Mosneaga 2012b). Investigating why some Moldovans prefer the EU while others opt for Russia could uncover broader theoretical principles applicable to migration studies globally.

Fourthly, while many studies attribute migration from Moldova primarily to poverty and unemployment (IOM 2021), this perspective can be overly simplistic. Contrary to general assumptions, poorer individuals are not always the most likely to migrate internationally, as such moves often require substantial financial and social resources (De Haas 2011, 2020, 2021). Moldova challenges this notion through two main factors (Bogdan 2023). (a) The financial costs for Moldovans traveling to either the EU or Russia are relatively low and manageable. (b) Virtually, all Moldovans have close relatives or friends living and working abroad, providing robust social networks that facilitate migration (Tabac and Gagauz 2020; Vremis 2012). These factors illustrate that financial accessibility and strong social ties are critical enablers of migration for some Moldovans but not for others (Bogdan 2023). This raises the question: why do these factors play a decisive role in a positive way for some, while the same factors are perceived negatively by others?

Moreover, it is crucial to examine the culture of migration that pervades Moldovan society. Migration is often seen not just as an economic necessity but as a rite of passage or social expectation (Bogdan 2020). This cultural aspect has not been extensively studied in Moldova but holds significant implications for understanding broader migration trends. In other parts of the world, research often includes these cultural dimensions (Cohen and Sirkeci 2021); however, because Moldova is an understudied region, it has largely been excluded from this perspective.

Furthermore, this exploration aims to draw attention to the often-overlooked social aspects of migration, particularly in the context of Moldova. The country struggles with significant issues such as human trafficking, closely associated with trends in migration (Bogdan 2019; Nazaria et al. 2023). Addressing these facets provides a more thorough understanding of migration, informing both theoretical perspectives and practical approaches to these urgent challenges (Bogdan 2022). Additionally, investigating the societal consequences of high levels of out-migration—such as its impacts on family structures, local economies, and community cohesion—can provide more nuanced and detailed insights. While these factors have been explored to some extent within the Moldovan context, they have not received the comprehensive attention they deserve.

In sum, this essay will outline the following: the distinct migratory flows toward the EU and Russia, the noneconomic factors driving migration and immobility, the cultural perceptions and societal impacts of migration in Moldova, and the complexities related to human trafficking. Insights from personal and existing research will support these arguments. By examining these dimensions, I aim to highlight the importance of Moldova in migration studies, potentially leading to a broader understanding and more nuanced theoretical advancements within the field.

Moldova

Moldova's unique historical connections to Romania (was part of it) and its annexation by the Russian Empire in 1812 have created a rich, dual heritage. This heritage has fostered a bilingual society where Romanian is the official language and Russian is widely spoken (Educației, Cercetării and Al Republicii 2018; Nistor 2017). After gaining independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Moldova experienced significant ethnic and linguistic tensions. These tensions contributed to separatist conflicts, including the ongoing frozen conflict in Transnistria and the autonomous status of the Gagauz Republic (Nantoi et al. 2012).

With a current population of 2.6 million, Moldova's transition to independence led to the removal of migration barriers and a subsequent emigration wave, particularly as sociopolitical conditions worsened. Soviet-era propaganda had discouraged migration by portraying life outside the Union as impoverished and capitalism as immoral (Lasswell 1951). While internal migration within the Soviet republics was not uncommon, crossing international borders was heavily constrained.

During the Soviet period, Moldova's economy prospered, producing various goods such as fruits, vegetables, furniture, textiles, and wine (Haynes 2020). Its economic success was bolstered by proximity to Soviet markets and a reliable transportation infrastructure (Tărîță 2023). However, the postindependence era brought significant economic challenges (Waters 1997), including factional politics (Waters 2013), factory closures, privatization, and corruption (Educației, Cercetării and Al Republicii 2018), resulting in high unemployment rates. These adverse conditions drove many Moldovans to seek employment opportunities abroad (Căldare 2012).

Estimates indicate that as much as one-third of the Moldovan population now resides and works abroad (Zdg 2023). Regardless of exact numbers, it is evident that a substantial portion of Moldovans live outside their native country. Existing research identifies high unemployment and poverty, coupled with political instability, as primary drivers of migration, while labor exploitation and human trafficking remain significant consequences of extensive emigration (Gagauz 2018).

Two Opposing Flows of Migrants

In the 1990s, as migration began to take hold in Moldova, two primary migration streams emerged: one directed toward Commonwealth of Independent States countries, particularly Russia, and the other toward EU countries. Initially, Moldovan migrants focused their efforts on Italy and Spain within the EU, but over time, they expanded their destinations to include all EU member states (Mosneaga 2012a). These two distinct migration patterns, shaped by Moldova's unique cultural and political landscape, exhibit different characteristics and merit separate discussions.

The migration flow toward Russia is predominately characterized by temporary, often seasonal, migration. Many Moldovans travel to Russia for short-term employment, typically lasting one or two seasons each year, to earn supplementary income. Frequently, these short-term stints evolve into longer or even permanent stays as the need for stable income grows. A significant portion of these migrants initially work unofficially, a consequence of the bureaucratic hurdles involved in acquiring work permits, especially in major cities such as Moscow. The complexities of obtaining official work contracts in Russia posed a significant challenge for Moldovans when they first began to migrate.

The migration flow toward Russia received a substantial boost as a spillover effect following the dissolution of the Soviet Union (Tabac and Gagauz 2020). For many Moldovan migrants, relocating to other former Soviet republics was perceived as easier and more familiar compared to migration to the EU, which at the time was characterized by smuggling and illegal border crossings. Despite these challenges, a notable number of Moldovans were undeterred and chose to migrate to the EU, driven by the promise of better economic opportunities and a higher standard of living. Motivated by diverse factors beyond just economic hardship, such as the pursuit of better educational and professional opportunities or the desire for a different lifestyle, these migrants were willing to face the risks and uncertainties associated with illegal migration routes. This included dealing with high smuggling fees and the potential for exploitation, demonstrating their strong drive to seek a better future despite the considerable obstacles.

Undoubtedly, financial betterment accounts for some of the migration motivations (Vremis 2012), but it does not fully encompass the complexity of the phenomenon. For instance, one former immigrant who traveled illegally in the 1990s explained her rationale for using her sister's passport to enter Italy: “Well, I thought no pain, no gain. I need to risk if I want to succeed.” Notably, she was not in a dire economic situation but was enticed by her sister's financial success and sought to replicate it. This highlights that her motivation was not purely economic.

Additionally, some research revealed that people who migrated illegally in the 1990s were not solely driven by a desire to escape poverty and improve their financial situation (Tărîță 2023). For some, migrating to the EU was also perceived as a socially desirable endeavor at the time. The precise motivations behind these risky migration decisions remain unclear. Furthermore, the restriction on migration during the Soviet Union appears to have influenced the curiosity toward the EU, playing a significant role in shaping those migrationdecisions. Due to the paucity of academic research on this subject, these observations are among the preliminary insights derived from my studies (Bogdan 2020, 2023, 2024).

The existing literature acknowledges that Moldovan circular migration to the Commonwealth of Independent States and EU has been heavily influenced by both - the direction of migration and the nature of employment in the destination countries (Mosneaga 2012a). Older data indicate that rural men with secondary or vocational education typically engaged in seasonal labor migration to the Commonwealth of Independent States, while EU migration was primarily undertaken by women with higher education (Mosneaga 2012a). However, over the past decades, these trends have shifted significantly. With increased access to the EU and greater freedom of movement, the diversity and variety of individuals traveling to Russia have expanded, enriching the cultural exchange and experiences for all involved. The driving factors for these migrations differ significantly: survival needs often have pushed migrants toward the Commonwealth of Independent States, whereas the allure of better opportunities have pulled migrants toward the EU. Additionally, in the past, visa restrictions and high travel costs particularly impacted EU migration, resulting in longer stays compared to those migrating to the Commonwealth of Independent States.

During the 1990s, Moldovans faced significant barriers to migrating to the EU due to stringent entrance policies (Tabac and Gagauz 2020). The difficulty in legally entering the EU not only heightened the risks for migrants but also fostered an underground economy that preyed on their vulnerabilities (Vremis 2012). Consequently, these restrictive immigration measures led to an increase in smuggling activities and exacerbated instances of human trafficking (Bogdan 2022). In addition to this, there is almost no reliable research on the extent of human trafficking, further complicating efforts to address the issue effectively (Bogdan 2019).

Previous explanations for Moldovan migration patterns primarily centered on stringent entrance policies and the associated rise in smuggling and human trafficking during the 1990s (Gagauz 2018). However, this explanation is no longer sufficient, as travel to the EU has become more accessible and affordable for Moldovans (Mosneaga 2012b). The visa liberalization regime now allows easier travel to the EU, yet many still face severe instances of labor exploitation and human trafficking (Vremis 2012). Additionally, a significant number of Moldovans hold Romanian citizenship, which grants them the right to move, work, and live in other EU countries (Căldare 2012). This status also enables them to report exploitative situations and obtain official employment. Therefore, I argue that former explanations are inadequate for the current migratory situation in Moldova. Despite these changes, migration trends remain largely unchanged, indicating that other underlying factors continue to influence these patterns.

Moldovan Culture of Migration

Culture and migration are directly connected, forming what is often called a “culture of migration” (Cohen and Jónsson 2011). This phenomenon involves heightened tendencies in certain communities to view migration as a solution to social status, unemployment, and relative deprivation. Scholars have examined cultures of migration at various levels—family, village, region, or nation—using different degrees of theoretical sophistication and empirical rigor (Cohen and Jónsson 2011). However, the concept of a culture of migration is not widely recognized in Moldova. It provides a compelling alternative explanation for why some people might choose to migrate without being driven by poverty and despite having other opportunities at home (Bogdan 2024), yet it has not been extensively studied in the Moldovan context.

What started as circular and short-term migration, also known as seasonal migration, has evolved into a “culture of migration,” where people are socialized to see migration as a viable option alongside staying home (Anonymous source). In Moldova, migration is seen as challenging but also rewarding, giving potential migrants a wide array of choices regarding the type of migration they wish to pursue.

For example, in some Moldovan communities, individuals are influenced by this culture of migration, viewing it as a viable alternative to their life at home. Conversely, within the same communities, there are individuals who choose not to migrate because they have witnessed firsthand how their neighbors became wealthier through migration but also lost touch with their children and divorced their partners. These contrasting perspectives prompt the question: why does the culture of migration motivate some individuals while deterring others? This is an area that warrants more extensive research to understand the varying impacts of migration culture on different segments of the population.

Immobility: Individual-Level Barriers to Migration

While it might seem intuitive for those in stable situations to stay and for those facing difficulties to seek opportunities elsewhere, it is less understood why some economically disadvantaged individuals in Moldova choose not to migrate despite their struggles. Structural barriers often impede the mobility of marginalized groups, contributing to socioeconomic disparities. Concerns about social status, anticipated mistreatment, and exclusion abroad can influence lower-income individuals’ decisions to stay, contradicting assumptions about their indifference to status decline at home. These decisions are shaped by complex factors, including limited adaptability to new environments, uncertain prospects for success, and constrained long-term planning due to Moldova's weak social security systems, which stem from post-Soviet inequalities (Bogdan 2024).

The Republic of Moldova has faced significant depopulation, especially in rural areas. However, regions with a winegrowing tradition and burgeoning rural tourism have retained much of their active labor force (Ana and Jantsch 2023). These rural areas resist adverse population dynamics by examining residents’ interactions with their environment and sense of place in a Moldovan winegrowing region. Traditions of wine production, homeownership, family cohesion, land ownership, and appreciation of the rural area and lifestyle play crucial roles in fostering place attachment (Ana and Jantsch 2023). The “taste of place” found in wine and local foods offers a sensory experience that intertwines with socioeconomic and ecological aspects, supporting residents’ decisions to stay.

Migrants’ experiences and media narratives heavily influence those who choose to stay, shaping perceptions of migration as an identity-altering and potentially threatening process, with fears ranging from discrimination to exploitation and trafficking (Bogdan 2020, 2022, 2023). Social factors such as family, geography, culture, and social networks significantly influence migration decisions and are closely interconnected with structural factors such as inequality and poverty.

Furthermore, the “culture of poverty” plays a role in the migration decision-making process for poorer individuals. Contrary to the argument that economic irrationality in migration decisions may stem from incomplete or inaccurate information (Gigerenzer and Selten 2001), I argue that poorer migrants make informed decisions based on selective but accurate information (Bogdan 2023). Social inequality strongly influences these decisions, with wealthier individuals having more exposure to travel and language learning opportunities, expanding their perspectives beyond Moldova. Meanwhile, poorer individuals often lack these opportunities, limiting their consideration of life outside their communities and country.

Gender Dynamics and Migration

Another area of interest in studying migration in Moldova is its gender aspect.

Notable differences in perceptions and experiences regarding migration exist between men and women (Vanore and Siegel 2015). Women often demonstrate greater adaptability to new environments abroad, making it easier for them to integrate into new societies and form social connections (Tabac and Gagauz 2020). This adaptability often leads to women engaging in longer-term migration, particularly to Italy and Spain, where they frequently divorce their partners, take their children, and remarry foreign men.

These gender differences highlight the importance of studying women migrants separately from men to understand the unique factors influencing their migration decisions and experiences (Donato and Gabaccia 2015). Women's migration often leads to increased financial independence and decision-making power (Peleah 2007), challenging traditional gender norms within Moldovan households (Keough 2006). This shift is perceived as threatening in a paternalistic society, where increased earnings and control over income by women can disrupt the traditional family hierarchy (Peleah 2007). Additionally, female migrants often adopt behaviors observed in the host country, further complicating family dynamics (Peleah 2007). For example, Gagauz women working in Turkey face societal blame for perceived social disorder and navigate a moral economy that justifies their migration within neoliberal frameworks (Keough 2006). These observations show the empowerment of women through migration, the resulting tension within traditional family structures, and the societal pressures faced by female migrants.

Other Research

The literature on Moldovan migration encompasses other aspects including social remittances, generational change, and reintegration challenges. Some revealed how factors such as educational level and socio-legality of residence, as well as generational differences, shape these remittances, highlighting the increased social mobility and cosmopolitan affiliations among younger migrants (Cingolani and Vietti 2020; Drbohlav and Dzúrová 2021). Others found that return migrants face significant reintegration challenges due to inconsistent policy implementation in Moldova (Ianioglo et al. 2021), while others argued that children of migrant parents exhibit increased conduct problems but not necessarily worse emotional symptoms (Vanore, Mazzucato and Siegel 2015). These findings collectively highlight the importance of Moldovan migration experiences and set the stage for concluding remarks.

Conclusion

Moldova's migration patterns present a rich field of study, shedding light on the diverse factors that influence migration decisions. The dual migratory flows toward the Commonwealth of Independent States and the EU reveal distinct motivations shaped by cultural, historical, and economic ties. Although financial improvement is a notable driver, the culture of migration and social dynamics also play critical roles.

Moldova's unique context shows that migration is not solely driven by economic necessity but by a variety of social, cultural, and individual factors. Gender-specific migration behaviors and the “culture of poverty” highlight the varied experiences and motivations of different demographic groups. Furthermore, regions with strong cultural practices, such as those engaged in winegrowing, demonstrate how local identity and place attachment can counteract the broader trend of depopulation.

Future research should probe further into these processes to refine migration theory, offering more understanding of these varied phenomena. The knowledge acquired can then inform the formulation of specialized policies and interventions that meet the specific needs of Moldovan migrants and those who choose to remain. By studying these distinct behaviors, scholars can enrich the theoretical literature of migration, while policymakers can draft more effective measures to support both potential migrants and their communities.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Ludmila Bogdan

References

Ana

Jantsch

. 2023. “Living, not Leaving the Village: Place Attachment and Rural Livelihoods in the Republic of Moldova.” Creşterea Economică În Condiţiile Globalizării, 219–30. https://doi.org/10.36004/nier.cecg.II.2023.17.10

Bogdan

. 2019. “Research on Human Trafficking in Moldova: A Review of Literature.” Journal of Human Trafficking 5 (4): 336–47.

Bogdan

. 2020. “Public Perception of Human Trafficking: A Case Study of Moldova.” Comparative Migration Studies 8 (1): 42.

Bogdan

. 2022. “Human Trafficking, Information Campaigns and Public Awareness in Moldova: Why do Antitrafficking Organizations Operate Under Inaccurate Assumptions?” International Migration 60 (5): 165–82.

Bogdan

. 2023. “Navigating Migration Risks: The Role of Risk Perception and Information Engagement Among Moldovans.” Journal on Migration and Human Security 11 (4): 315–32.

Bogdan

. 2024. “Immobility in Moldova: Beyond the Migration Paradigm.” International Migration 62 (2): 199–214.

Căldare

2012. “Impactul Migraţiei Asupra Securităţii Statelor: Cazul Republica Moldova.” Administrarea Publică 75 (3): 76–81.

Cingolani

Vietti

. 2020. “My Parents Fell Behind’: Social Remittances, Integration and Generational Change Among Moldovan Immigrants.” Journal of International Migration and Integration 21 (4): 1097–113. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-019-00701-z

Cohen

Jónsson

. 2011. Connecting Culture and Migration. Oxford, UK: Migration and Culture.

10.

Cohen

J. H.

Sirkeci

. 2021. “Handbook of Culture and Migration: An Introduction.” In Handbook of Culture and Migration, 1–4. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing.

11.

De Haas

2011. The Determinants of International Migration .

12.

De Haas

. 2020. “Paradoxes of Migration and Development.” In Routledge Handbook of Migration and Development, 17–31. Oxfordshire: Routledge.

13.

De Haas

. 2021. “A Theory of Migration: The Aspirations-Capabilities Framework.” Comparative Migration Studies 9 (1): 1–35. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40878-020-00210-4

14.

Donato

K. M.

Gabaccia

. 2015. Gender and International Migration. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

15.

Drbohlav

Dzúrová

. 2021. “Social Remittances Upon Closer Examination: Moldovan Migrants in Prague, Czechia and Turin, Italy.” Problems of Post-Communism 68 (3): 247–60. https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2020.1760723

16.

Educației

Cercetării

CȘI

Al Republicii

. 2018. Republica Moldova. Notă Informativă. Accesibil on-Line: Https://Mecc.Gov.Md/Ro/Content/s-Dat-Start-Programului-de-Educatieparentala-La-Distanta-Pentru-Familiile-Cu-Copii-de-0-7.

17.

Gagauz

2018. “Situația Demografică a Republicii Moldova: Starea Actuală, Factori Determinanți și Perspective Pentru Deceniile Următoare.” Creşterea Economică în Condiţiile Globalizării 2018: 7–16.

18.

Gigerenzer

Selten

. 2001. Rethinking Rationality .

19.

Gruber

2021. “Staying and Immobility: New Concepts in Population Geography? A Literature Review.” Geographica Helvetica 76 (2): 275–84. https://doi.org/10.5194/gh-76-275-2021

20.

Haynes

2020. Moldova: A History. New York: Bloomsbury Publishing.

21.

Ianioglo

Tabac

Pahomii

Ceban

Onofrei

. 2021. “Return Migration in the Republic of Moldova: Main Issues and Opportunities.” International Migration 59 (3): 162–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/imig.12737

22.

IOM. 2021. Studiul datelor privind migrația, produs de GMDAC al OIM Raport pentru MOLDOVA. https://moldova.iom.int/sites/g/files/tmzbdl1626/files/documents/GMDAC%2520MOLDOVA%2520Report_RO_010621_rev.pdf.

23.

Keough

L. J.

2006. “Globalizing ‘Postsocialism’: Mobile Mothers and Neoliberalism on the Margins of Europe.” Anthropological Quarterly 79: 431–61.

24.

Lasswell

H. D.

1951. “The Strategy of Soviet Propaganda.” Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 24 (2): 66–78. https://doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/1949.003.0007

25.

Mosneaga

2012a. Circular Migration of the Population of the Republic of Moldova .

26.

Mosneaga

. 2012b. Republic of Moldova Immigration: Volume and Policy .

27.

Nantoi

Iovu

Boțan

Cantarji

Reabcinschi

Gremalschi

. 2012. Integrarea Grupurilor Etnice si Consolidarea Natiunii Civice in Republica Moldova. https://ipp.md/en/2012-10/romana-integrarea-grupurilor-etnice-si-consolidarea-natiunii-civice-in-republica-moldova/.

28.

Nazaria

Ciubotaru

Lozan

Terzioglo

. 2023. “The Health Impacts on Victims of Human Trafficking in the Republic of Moldova.” Journal of Human Trafficking 9 (4): 461–73. https://doi.org/10.1080/23322705.2021.1935147

29.

Nistor

2017. Istoria Basarabiei. Bucuresti: Humanitas SA.

30.

Peleah

2007. “The Impact of Migration on Gender Roles in Moldova.” Development and Transition 8: 14–7.

31.

Schewel

2020. “Understanding Immobility: Moving Beyond the Mobility Bias in Migration Studies.” International Migration Review 54 (2): 328–55. https://doi.org/10.1177/0197918319831952

32.

Tabac

Gagauz

. 2020. Migration From Moldova: Trajectories and Implications for the Country of Origin. Migration From the Newly Independent States: 25 Years After the Collapse of the USSR, 143–168.

33.

Tărîță

2023. “Ideological and Local Influences on the Urban Area in SSR Moldova (1944–1990).” Trimarium 4 (4): 119–39. https://doi.org/10.55159/tri.2023.0104.04

34.

Vanore

Mazzucato

Siegel

. 2015. “Left Behind but not Left Alone: Parental Migration & the Psychosocial Health of Children in Moldova.” Social Science & Medicine 132: 252–60. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.08.040

35.

Vanore

Siegel

. 2015. “The Evolution of Gendered Migration Trajectories From Moldova & Georgia.” Comparative Migration Studies 3: 1–21. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40878-015-0001-z

36.

Vremis

2012. Extended Migration Profile of the Republic of Moldova (IOM). https://publications.iom.int/system/files/pdf/110_emp_report_updated.pdf.

37.

Waters

1997. Problems, Progress and Prospects in a Post-Soviet Borderland: The Republic of Moldova. Durham: Conflict Studies Research Centre.

38.

Waters

. 2013. “Security Concerns in Post-Soviet Moldova.” In Security Dynamics in the Former Soviet Bloc, 133–50. Oxfordshire: Routledge.

39.

Zdg. 2023. Populatia Moldovei. Chisinau: Ziarul de Garda. https://www.zdg.md/stiri/stiri-sociale/populatia-r-moldova-a-fost-calculata-in-premiera-dupa-o-noua-metodologie/ .