Abstract
In this paper, I explore how newcomer youth navigated identity, agency, and adaptation through music education at the Youth Music Program (YMP) in Canada. By analyzing their musical actions, this paper challenges dominant vulnerability narratives and highlights students’ creative and adaptive capacities. Drawing on critical ethnography and sociological perspectives on musical agency, findings suggest that participatory music-making fosters belonging, identity negotiation, and social inclusion. Through improvisation, composition, and collective performance, students demonstrated flexible mobility and cultural integration. I conclude by underscoring the role of music education in shaping social interactions and reimagining belonging in the Canadian context of human mobility.
Over the past few decades, societies worldwide have experienced significant demographic changes due to immigration and displacement (Landau & Achiume, 2017). In explaining the widespread transformation occurring globally, Bauman (2012) used the metaphors of fluidity and liquidity, portraying social change as a dynamic force that moves through obstacles, dissolves barriers, and reshapes structures as it interacts with them. Through this metaphor Bauman (2012) illustrates how social norms shift or remain fixed in response to change, affecting societies and individuals differently.
In response to social change, many countries have opened borders and have sought to redefine their relationships with mobile populations, often reshaping their policies and structures to accommodate growing numbers of immigrants and refugees (Ambrosini, 2021; Fleras, 2021; Kyeremeh et al., 2019). These kinds of responses, however, are often influenced by dominant social discourses and colonial practices, which can lead to privileging certain migratory experiences while marginalizing others (Fleras, 2021; Kyeremeh et al., 2019; Pinson & Arnot, 2007). Bauman’s (2012) concept of fluidity is particularly relevant to understanding the experiences of immigrants and refugees, as their processes of migration and resettlement involve navigating and adapting to constantly shifting social, cultural, and structural forces. This adaptation process is ongoing and is highly significant for mobile peoples’ identity development and agency.
Unlike the U.S., where mobile populations often face marginalization (Bloemraad, 2006), Canada has framed immigration as integral to its national identity (Saberi, 2022). Despite positive perceptions of immigration (Fleras, 2021; Ibbitson, 2011; Kelley & Trebilcock, 2010; Kyeremeh et al., 2019), newcomers’ diverse experiences are often generalized, with an emphasis on assimilation over belonging. Within this larger sociopolitical context, music education, as both a form of personal expression and a social practice, provides a base where these fluid processes of adaptation and identity formation can be explored and made meaningful. In this way, the role of music education can extend beyond individual artistic development and become integral to understanding how individuals navigate a rapidly changing world.
This study situates itself within the growing body of literature examining the role of music education in fostering identity and agency among immigrant students (Karlsen, 2011, 2013, Karlsen & Westerlund, 2010; Kenny, 2018; Rinde & Kenny, 2021; Ripani, 2023). The concept of “transitional experiences” in this study refers to the ongoing processes of cultural, social, and linguistic adaptation that newcomers navigate as they integrate into a new society. Based on the literature on community music and music education, I contend that focusing on better understanding all the social dimensions of immigration, particularly those concerning community building and cultural exchange, is crucial to better support newcomers in their adaptation processes (Campbell, 2017; Higgins, 2012; Higgins & Bartleet, 2018; Turino, 2008).
I use the term newcomer to refer to all individuals who have moved from various places outside of Canada and now reside here, regardless of their citizenship status. Knowing the conceptual differences in the categorization of newcomers according to their citizenship status is not relevant as I aimed to relate, interact, respond, better understand, and portray the individual realities of each student. For this paper, the concept of newcomer suggests that fleeing or moving from one country to another involves a process of adaptation to be able to participate socially and politically in the new country.
As Karlsen and Westerlund (2010) stated, “individuals who face pluralistic realities are still able to maintain a coherent experience of self” (p. 229). How newcomers navigate between and within pluralistic realities shapes their understanding of what it means to be and live within a new space—an understanding that is far more relevant to music education than their citizenship status. Music education, as both an art form and a social practice, is seen in this paper as offering opportunities for newcomers to engage with and navigate their identities in a context of social transformation. I then explore how newcomer participants, perceive the role of music education, using the concepts of agency and adaptation as frameworks (Karlsen, 2011; P. L. Carter, 2006).
Research context
The study was designed in 2018 to provide insights into how music education could play a role in shaping the social and emotional adaptation of immigrant youth in Canada, contributing to both the practice of music education and the broader field of immigrant and refugee studies. The Youth Music Program (YMP) was conceived in 2016 as a music program offered “for students of immigrant and refugee backgrounds who recently arrived in Canada” (Ocádiz, 2023, p. 60), and was implemented and developed in collaboration with organizations that offered settlement services between 2016 and 2018 in Ontario, Canada. Two community centers served as the research sites and hosts of the YMP. This study received IRB approval, with informed consent obtained from all participants, including parental consent for minors. To ensure confidentiality and protect participants’ identities pseudonyms were assigned to all participants and the community centers.
Two groups of participants, which included a total of 16 students ranging from 11 to 26 years old, represented the unit of analysis. I collected data between the months of January and August 2018. Information about the centers was gathered from their publicly available websites; however, these are not cited to protect the anonymity of participants.
The group from the Community Center 1 (CC1) included seven participants aged 15 to 26 years, of whom only four participated in a 1-hr-long post-performance interview. In contrast, the group from the Community Center 2 (CC2) consisted of 11 participants aged 11 to 15 years, with 8 completing individual interviews with community connectors present at the program’s conclusion. The participants from both centers combined, myself included, represented diverse ethnic and sociocultural backgrounds, including Azerbaijani, Brazilian, Colombian, Eritrean, Iraqi, Lebanese, Mexican, Palestinian, Saudi Arabian, Syrian, and Turkish. All participants were able to communicate in English, both verbally and in writing, while also drawing on other languages when helpful for communication within the group.
All sessions took place at the university where I was a doctoral student at the time in a classroom where we had access to electric and acoustic guitars, bass guitars, drum sets, ukuleles, keyboards, Orff instruments, and assorted percussion instruments, with small cubicles for group work. Some participants came having already played instruments or having had voice lessons outside of the program, but all participants were guided to play, compose, and improvise in all or one of the instruments of their interest. All songs were learned aurally with my support.
Community Center 1 (CC1)
This was a community organization that aimed to help newcomers in their transition into Canadian society, and to promote “intercultural awareness and understanding.” The general settlement services provided here included housing, employment, translation services, and community connections.
At CC1, Newcomer Youth Connections (NYC) supported the YMP’s implementation, though leadership changes influenced program outcomes. The musical outcome of the program during the first year (2017) comprised an audio recording of a composition made by five participants, and the following year (2018), a group of seven performed a concert at a theatre summer festival. The experiences described in this paper only include participants from 2018 as this is the year that the research study was designed. The community connector who was present at the end of the program, although initially agreeing to participate in the study, did not consent to allow an audio recording of the interview nor to take written notes from our conversation.
Community Center 2 (CC2)
This center is a community focal point that “operates as a family, child, and youth community enrichment center” to support and foster “the development of community-based and community-driven projects that nurture and enhance a healthy quality of life” of the individuals living in the surrounding neighborhoods. The center also provided newcomer settlement services which offered information and referral to services such as education, health, and recreation, labor market access such as job search workshops, and connection and orientation with community members.
The YMP at this center took place in 2018 with the collaboration of two community connectors, Rose and Ben, who focused on engaging youth between 11 and 15 years old. Rose, the primary contact, organized an information session with parents before the program and research study began. The program was advertised to the community through posters around the center, and the community connectors were responsible for recruitment, distributing LOIs, and registering youth interested in participating. I attended the information session, delivered a brief presentation about the program, and answered questions from participants and their families. The musical outcome of this group was a performance attended by families, employees, and community connectors at the center. Rose and Ben, who were essential to the development and implementation of the program, were also interviewed, with their interviews audio recorded.
The following research questions guided the study:
RQ1: How do immigrant youth exercise agency and navigate identity through their participation in the Youth Music Program (YMP)?
RQ2: In what ways does creating spaces for personal storytelling allow immigrant and refugee youth to shape their identities and express their musical practices?
Methodology
Ethnography is understood both as a method—long-term immersion in a phenomenon—and a result, referring to the written representation of the findings (Van Maanen, 2004). This duality helps capture the complex processes that guided the inquiry itself as well as the methods employed during the research study. As a methodology, ethnography framed this research to portray and explain a social group and situations within their real-life contexts (Cohen et al., 2013). Considering that ethnography at its core fosters an understanding of how people experience their realities and emphasizes the dynamic interplay between researchers and participants, it allowed me to explore a social phenomenon by observing and analyzing the behaviors of individuals in a specific social event (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2019).
Historically, ethnographers used to engage with communities in ways that reflected colonial power dynamics, as researchers often framed the communities they studied as “other” (Spradley, 2016). This outsider perspective, while seeking to describe cultural differences, often overlooked the agency of the communities themselves. Over time, critiques of these traditional ethnographic approaches led to the development of postmodern methodologies, including critical ethnography and autoethnography. These frameworks prioritize the voices and experiences of participants and encourage a more reflexive, co-constructed approach to research (Madison, 2011; Thomas, 1993). In this study, critical ethnography serves as a framework and refines social theory by addressing political and social issues (Thomas, 1993) by integrating newcomers’ voices and my perspectives from my position as a researcher and educator. Acknowledging my role in the study is then essential to producing reflexive critical ethnographic work (Madison, 2011), which in turn allows me to assess how my actions and interactions with participants shaped the research outcomes and explicitly include this active participant role within this ethnographic study. This aspect allowed for the analysis of newcomers’ personal stories of migration, settlement, belonging, and social inclusion from a place of trust. Additionally, it provided a lens to explore pedagogical complexities and interrogate the sociopolitical discourses that shape these experiences (Cohen et al., 2013; Madison, 2011).
Methods of data collection
Being a full participant as an educator challenges the traditional notion of ethnographic studies that seek detachment from participants. Methodologically speaking, however, I used rigorous approaches to data collection and triangulation to ensure the information portrayed in this article followed participants’ viewpoints and understandings in addition to my explanations and perceptions (Madison, 2011).
Video recordings captured students’ interactions and engagement, offering deeper insight into their learning processes. Alongside video analysis, I reflected on my pedagogical decisions and teaching approaches throughout the program. After each session, I documented my thoughts in a research journal, aiming to capture the evolving dynamics between myself, the students, and music. This reflective journaling served as field notes and allowed for introspection on the relationships and learning processes unfolding within the sessions. By combining video analysis with reflective journaling, I was able to develop an understanding of the program’s development and the shifting experiences of the participants.
In addition to these methods, one 1-hr long interview was conducted at the end of the study, with one of the community connectors present and with the consent of participants and their guardians in the case of minors. These interviews provided a setting where participants could share their migration stories and reflect on how their involvement in the YMP influenced their sense of identity, belonging, and connection to the broader community. These interviews were the primary source of data for this article, as they highlight the participants’ narratives and the impact of the program on their lives.
Each session concluded with participants sharing reflections on index cards, to which I responded, fostering ongoing dialogue. This method not only allowed participants to engage in deeper self-reflection but also provided immediate feedback on their perceptions of the sessions. It served as a valuable tool to follow up on subtle, unspoken aspects of their experiences that might have been overlooked in verbal interactions.
These dialogic methods align with the principles of critical ethnography by foregrounding participants’ voices, emphasizing co-constructed knowledge, and challenging traditional researcher-participant dynamics (Cohen et al., 2013; Madison, 2011; Thomas, 1993). Together, the interviews and written dialogues allowed for a nuanced understanding of the participants’ individual and collective experiences, situating their narratives within the larger social and cultural contexts of migration and integration.
By analyzing the life stories shared during the interviews, I was able to explore how personal experiences of migration and settlement influenced participants’ identities and their engagement with music. As Barrett and Stauffer (2009) and Kallio (2015) emphasize, life stories provide a lens through which individuals make sense of their lives and social worlds. These stories, shared in both group settings and individual interviews, were integral to shaping the curriculum and pedagogical approaches within the YMP. This iterative process of analysis reflected the core tenets of critical ethnography, which values co-constructed knowledge and emphasizes the agency of participants in the research process (Cohen et al., 2013).
Pedagogy
At the YMP, pedagogical decisions and repertoire selection were guided by student agency, prioritizing music that aligned with students’ tastes and goals rather than relying on pre-determined structures or repertoires meant to represent their backgrounds (Ocádiz, 2023). Listening sessions at the start of each class allowed students to share and choose music, ranging from pop songs in English and Arabic to Azerbaijani traditional pieces (Ocádiz, 2023). These selections reflected their cultural experiences, personal preferences, and emotional connections, fostering a sense of continuity with their identities (Karlsen, 2013; Ocádiz Velázquez, 2020; Ocádiz, 2023). As a teacher, my role was to facilitate learning by respecting and engaging with their choices, modeling active participation, and fostering a collaborative, inclusive environment. Music education at the YMP, like many community-based settings, created a space where newcomer youth could exercise agency, express their identities, and navigate the complexities of adaptation. This provided participants with an opportunity to (re)negotiate their place in a new society, reflecting the fluid and evolving nature of their identities as they engaged with diverse social contexts (Karlsen, 2013).
Musical agency as framework for analysis
The analysis of this data was intersubjective, as meanings and interpretations were co-constructed through interactions between the participants, myself as the teacher-researcher, and the broader social discourses surrounding migration and integration in Canada (Seale, 2012; Phillips, 2016). The content of the three main data sources (field notes, interviews, and index cards) was coded offering the following themes.
Field notes offered the themes of purposeful use of language when giving instructions, students’ responses to teacher and peers, students’ musical learning, students’ agency in repertoire selection, students’ development of a musician and performer identity, and students’ English language development. On index cards, students expressed their interest and enjoyment in learning music-related concepts. These were: improvisation and composition, suggestions and aspects of technique on specific instruments, learning music theory, and playing instruments. In interviews, the main themes were hardships during immigration processes, their musical development, their development of a collective sense of belonging throughout the music program, English language learning struggles, and the development of friendships.
From these themes, I identified in literature that Karlsen’s (2011) categories of musical agency could serve as a framework for analysis. The notion of musical agency, defined as “a capacity for action about music or in a music-related setting” (Karlsen, 2011, p. 110), was key to understanding how the newcomers in this study engaged with music, as music education, in this context, is enacted through the actions of those engaging with it. Thus, the relationship between music, action, and the broader social context of mobility provided the framework for analysis within the YMP.
Newcomers demonstrated musical agency when they used music to articulate, negotiate, and redefine their sense of self (Green, 2012; Karlsen, 2011). Rather than only learning musical techniques or imitating others, the participants engaged in musical action by making sense of their experiences in new environments through music. They were “acting in and through music” (Karlsen, 2011, p. 118), engaging in musical practices that were connected to their identities and their adaptation to new social contexts. Building on Karlsen’s (2011) understanding of individual musical actions, this study identified two forms of individual musical action in the experiences of newcomer youth: (1) music for shaping self-identity and (2) music for developing music-related skills, and a collective musical agency which refers to the capability of individuals to collaborate and achieve shared goals, in this case through music (Barnes, 2000). While Karlsen’s framework includes other categories, such as music for self-regulation and self-protection, these were not as prominent in the data collected from this study.
The notion of acting musically—as defined by Karlsen (2011)—goes beyond recognizing individual agency in music learning. It emphasizes the ability to move sympathetically with others, express emotions collectively, and foster a sense of companionship through music. This was evident in two areas: student interviews on their musical experiences, and index card reflections. These reflections were supplemented by video recordings of the classes, my journals as a music teacher-researcher, and the lesson plans I wrote before each session—all of which were analyzed through Karlsen’s (2011) sociologically-inspired understanding of musical agency.
By framing the analysis of newcomer youth experiences through a sociological lens of musical action, this study expands the understanding of immigrant and refugee students’ music learning. Rather than reducing these experiences to simplified narratives of adaptation, this approach offers a more nuanced view, considering the agency and social interactions of the students in musical contexts. For music educators and researchers, this perspective encourages a broader view of how newcomer youth engage with music education, offering new insights into how music can facilitate identity formation, social inclusion, and collective belonging.
Findings and discussion
Flexible mobility
If I moved away from Canada somewhere else, and I heard there was a music program, I would join. If I heard their music, I might start playing and making new friends because of that, because I am good [at it] (Ilam, interview, September 12, 2018).
Newcomers in the YMP described challenges related to navigating the boundaries of language, behavior, and social interaction (Allsup, 2010). Alya, a 14-year-old who moved from Syria to Turkey and then to Canada, highlighted her struggle but also conveyed a sense of flexible mobility. She expressed how she was gradually adapting and reconciling the different aspects of building a life in a new country. Similarly, Ulla, an 18-year-old newcomer from Syria, shared her own experience of adaptation, emphasizing the ongoing process of adjustment as she reconciled her past with her new environment in Canada.
For Alya, learning new languages (Turkish and English) and forming relationships were key to adapting to different societies. She reflected on her transition through a lens of resilience, recognizing the challenges and the process of adaptation. Alya described her most difficult experience as moving during times of war: “It was so hard. . . I had to take care of my sister and make sure my family was okay. It felt like a movie.” She acknowledged her emotional challenges, explaining how she struggled: “In Syria, I was smart and got good grades. But when I went to Turkey, I didn’t understand the language. . . I cried every day.” However, she eventually adapted: “I learned their language and things started to get better.” Reflecting on her move to Canada, Alya shared:
First, it was hard. In Syria, I learned English but didn’t think much of it because we don’t use it there. When I came here, I didn’t care about grades at first. It was tough until I came to the center and made new friends. That helped me a lot (Alya, interview, September 12, 2018).
Alya and Ulla both expressed flexibility when they acknowledged a sense of discomfort experienced during their mobility, but they also expressed a sense of resilience in their adaptive processes while living in Canada.
In individual interviews, students shared their past and present experiences, highlighting their desires to adapt to a new social setting through music, as well as their resistance to or embrace of aspects of their ethno-specific communities. Observations and analysis of the video-recorded sessions confirmed these reflections.
Samir, a 14-year-old newcomer who moved from Iraq to Lebanon and then to Canada, spoke about the challenges he faced upon arriving in Canada. He recalled the difficulty of being placed in school shortly after his arrival: “I started going to school, and the first day was a little bit hard because I didn’t speak English. . . Now, I speak English really well” (Samir, interview, September 12, 2018). Samir’s statement demonstrates how his sense of self-efficacy developed through language acquisition and social adaptation.
As the interview progressed, Samir expressed how his reality had changed, reflecting a sense of agency and engagement in shaping his experience. He explained, “I want to go to another high school, but the teachers told me to go to this other one because there are more Arabic speakers, and they can help you. But I didn’t want that because I am living here” (Samir, interview, September 12, 2018). Samir’s desire to integrate into an English-speaking environment reflects his sense of agency in navigating his new life in Canada. He further emphasized this by stating that most of his friendships were with English-speaking youth rather than Arabic-speaking peers: “I’m going to that high school this year, but in Grade 10, I’ll go to the other one because my friends are there, and they all speak English” (Samir, interview, September 12, 2018).
Individually, Alya, Ulla, and Samir demonstrated a conscious awareness of the diverse experiences they have lived and continue to navigate. Samir’s desire to attend a school with his English-speaking friends illustrates how, despite their efforts to integrate, newcomers are often perceived by others as “racial and ethnic beings” (P. L. Carter, 2006, p. 305). This perception is frequently reinforced during the early months in school or at community centers, where support services are designed to help newcomers “integrate better and faster” by teaching them “culture, language, behavior, and social skills” (Rose, interview, September 7, 2018). However, for many of these newcomers, their “racial and ethnic individualities” hold more relevance to outsiders than to themselves. Samir’s experience exemplifies this dynamic, where his ethnic identity is foregrounded by the expectations of others, rather than his sense of self.
As P. L. Carter (2006) notes:
Racial and ethnic individualities emerge in the contexts of macrostructural, cultural, and personal levels; they are neither static nor one-dimensional, and their meanings as expressed in schools, neighborhoods, peer groups, and families vary across time and space (p. 305).
Samir’s experience of being placed in an environment based on his perceived ethnicity—despite his desire to engage more fully with English-speaking peers—illustrates how structural factors influence newcomers’ agency and sense of belonging.
When support services do not account for newcomers’ ability to navigate and traverse boundaries imposed by larger social structures, aspects of their musical agency can be overlooked or dismissed. As Karlsen and Westerlund (2010) argue, agency “concerns the relation between the macro-level of societal structures and the micro-level of individual agents” (p. 93). In this context, agency also implies recognizing newcomers as active participants in their own experiences, while understanding the larger social structures that shape those experiences.
Singing Mawtini (my homeland)
At the YMP, students often spoke about their experiences with music education in school and how they used music to construct, reinforce, and sometimes repair their sense of self (P. Carter, 2010; Green, 2012). This aligns with Karlsen’s (2011) concept of “acting musically to shape one’s ‘self’” (p. 112). A clear example of this can be seen during a session when students were asked to form groups and practice playing a song together.
While their choices were open, all students selected “Mawtini,” an Arabic song some identified as the “Syrian national anthem” (video-recorded session, August 2, 2018). This choice may be understood through the lens of music as a tool for shaping identity (Karlsen, 2011). Singing a song that associates oneself with a nation could be seen as a way of negotiating a sense of belonging. Anderson (1991) argues that national anthems, when sung collectively, create a shared sense of unity, even among strangers. He describes this as “an experience of simultaneity,” where individuals, despite being unknown to each other, express a collective identity through the act of singing together (p. 145). For Anderson (1991), the nation is an imagined community, one that is shaped, adapted, and transformed over time (p. 141).
For the YMP participants, singing “Mawtini” was less about connecting to a nation and more about connecting with one another. By choosing this song, they found a shared cultural connection that allowed them to come together musically in a moment of collective experience (Stauffer, 2012). Though the song carried national significance, for some participants, its relevance was more about its familiarity and the emotional connection it fostered in the group. Manuel, an 11-year-old newcomer born in the U.S. who had lived in Colombia before moving to Canada, was the only participant who did not know the song. Despite his lack of a personal or national connection to “Mawtini,” it became part of his musical experience as he engaged with his group in playing and performing it (index card, Manuel, August 2, 2018).
“Mawtini” has historically been a protest song known among Iraqis, Syrians, and Palestinians (Rabinowitz & Abu-Baker, 2005), and it was extremely relevant when speaking about establishing connections, showing agency, and creating new ties in Canada. Reflecting on this session, I noted in my journal:
“Mawtini” is important to them. . . During rehearsal, I accidentally left it out of the program, and Naeem asked why we weren’t singing it. They wanted to sing “Mawtini.” The discussions as they practiced it were intense. The tone, volume, and intention in their voices, as they debated how it should be performed, were passionate. It seemed vital that Naeem knew the lyrics and that it was performed “right.” I couldn’t fully understand what they were arguing about, as I don’t speak Arabic, but I let them continue until they resumed practicing. (teacher-researcher reflective journal, September 1, 2018).
This moment reveals a clear sense of agency among the students. The choice to sing “Mawtini” was not just about the song itself, but about how it reflected their individual and collective agency in shaping their identities through music.
Regardless of the national associations of the song, their investment in its performance highlighted its relevance to them at that moment. This aligns with Karlsen and Westerlund’s (2013) understanding of agency as rooted in personal experiences shaped by larger sociopolitical contexts. In this case, the students’ engagement with “Mawtini” reflected their active participation in constructing a sense of self and community, both within their group and within the broader socio-cultural framework, and they made all the decisions regarding the interpretation of the song.
Musical purposes and collective musical agency
At the YMP, students’ expressions of musical agency were closely linked to both the development of music-related skills and the construction of collective musical actions (Karlsen, 2011). Their eagerness to develop skills such as improvisation, composition, music theory, and instrumental performance reflected a desire to engage more deeply in musical interactions, both individually and collectively (Karlsen, 2011, p. 114). This ongoing development, as students demonstrated through their interest and active participation, served not only as an individual pursuit but also as a means of negotiating and enhancing their opportunities for collective music-making.
The YMP’s purpose, both in discourse and practice, centered around using music as a tool for building relationships and fostering shared experiences. Students expressed a strong sense of collective agency, particularly in their ability to navigate social encounters, coordinate musical actions, and affirm collective identity through music. The importance of collective music-making, as identified in the literature (Karlsen, 2011; Kenny, 2018; Small, 1998), was particularly evident through the ways students held each other accountable, coordinated their actions, and collaborated musically. This collective engagement was often expressed through improvisation, composition, and collaborative performances, as well as through discussions on technique, musical understanding, and group dynamics.
Reflective journal entries offer further insight into how pedagogy influenced collective musical agency. For instance, students’ growing ability to listen to one another and repeat the language I used in instruction suggested a developing sense of accountability within the group (teacher-researcher reflective journals, August 14, 16, 23, 2018). This process of repetition and modeling, though initially guided by my instructions, became an expression of the students’ capacity to regulate their actions, reinforcing their collective agency. As Karlsen (2011) suggests, agency involves both individual and collective actions that are socially constructed, and influenced by the larger social context in which they occur.
A key example of this development is illustrated by Naeem, a 12-year-old newcomer who initially struggled to communicate with words but by the end of the program was actively collaborating with peers, demonstrating enjoyment, and became in the lead singer in “Mawtini” (filmed sessions, August 21, 2018; September 15, 2018; teacher-researcher reflective journal, September 1, 2018). Naeem’s ability to recall interactions and describe his musical experiences with peers in detail demonstrated his growing sense of musical agency and collective accountability (semi-structured interview, August 31, 2018). His narrative, which included descriptions of specific collaborations and performances, reflected the emerging sense of musical companionship within the group. Through his engagement, Naeem not only recognized his role in the music-making process but also acknowledged the presence and contributions of his peers, reinforcing the idea of shared musical agency (Karlsen, 2011; Karlsen & Westerlund, 2015).
Concluding remarks
The social context surrounding newcomer youth explored in this paper reflects the urgent need to develop broader discourses of mobility, belonging, and adaptation. These discourses, whether explicit or not, shape individuals’ practices and their interactions within various sociocultural frameworks (Turino, 2008). By focusing on the experiences of newcomer youth, this study offers insights into how music can function as a tool for navigating social instability and mobility. This perspective challenges static, often deficit-based views of newcomers, suggesting instead that their engagement with music represents a dynamic process of adaptation and agency.
For music education, the key lies in viewing students not solely as vulnerable subjects but as active participants who can explore, adapt, and reshape their identities and environments through music (Ocádiz, 2023). Recognizing these capabilities opens up possibilities for music educators to connect with students on a deeper level, focusing on adaptability and responsiveness in music-making. In doing so, musical actions become both individual and collective expressions of self, shaped by social context and intercultural exchange (Froelich, 2007).
As Karlsen (2013) notes, the complexities of music education for students from diverse backgrounds require ongoing dialogue around content integration and cultural recognition. However, it is important to remember that the lived complexities of these students may not be fully captured through traditional repertoire or curriculum alone. Rather, the actions and practices of both students and educators—how they engage musically and interpret their surroundings—are equally critical in understanding their musical agency.
At the YMP, students demonstrated their ability to navigate diverse realities with the help of music, engaging in a range of musical practices that spanned pop songs, traditional melodies, and collaborative improvisations and compositions (Karlsen, 2011). Through these actions, students were not passive recipients of education; they were musical agents, shaping both their individual experiences and their social environments (Westerlund, 2002). This process of active participation in musical meaning-making challenges the notion that music education for newcomers should be solely about integration into a dominant culture. Instead, it highlights the importance of viewing musical engagement as a way for students to express their identities and negotiate their place within multiple, shifting contexts. Through performance and collaboration, students navigated adaptation, offering insights into music education’s role in newcomer integration. These insights may in turn challenge educators and community facilitators to think critically about the role of music in shaping identities, fostering collective agency, and navigating the complexities of social belonging.
Footnotes
Author’s Note
This study was part of a doctoral dissertation published in 2020.
Author contribution(s)
Data availability statement
The data supporting the findings of this study are available from the author upon reasonable request.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Ethical approval
Ethical approval for this research was obtained from The University of Western Ontario IRB review committee, and all participants provided written informed consent prior to their participation in the study.
