Abstract
Many scholars and political leaders have recognised India as a rising or emerging power in global politics (Gordon, 2014; Hall, 2014; Pant, 2008). Sullivan’s volume argues that these views are basically dominated by either US-centric scholarship or interest-based accounts of global politics (pp. 1–3). Sullivan claims that till now no work has explored a diversified reading of India’s rising profile in international politics and its growing global aspirations from non-Western states’ perspective (p. 4). Hence, the central objective of this book is to explore, from an Asian or non-Western perspective, India’s position on important global issues, processes and institutions, including climate change, development cooperation, nuclear politics, world trade and UN Security Council reforms.
The Foreword by Ranjan Mathai, former High Commissioner of India to the UK, stresses that post-independence India emerged as an Asian power, playing a crucial role in Asian and world politics during the Cold War period. It led the non-alignment movement, Afro-Asian solidarity and South–South cooperation (G-77). However, these forums, organised along principles evolved from India’s historical and cultural legacies and Gandhian views, are now facing and addressing new challenges.
Sullivan’s introduction presents the volume’s rationale, objective and methodology and prepares a comprehensive reading of subsequent chapters. The book’s main argument sets three key objectives (pp. 2–3), first to pursue greater diversity in contemporary readings of India’s global role. Since the major Western powers define India’s profile according to their interests, these do not converge with those of non-Western countries and offer different evaluations about India’s rise of India in world affairs. Some literature even challenges suggestions that India is an important global player. Second, to evaluate India’s self-perception regarding its global role and rising profile. Third, to develop better understanding of international global politics, as understood, experienced and shaped by non-Western emerging powers. Sullivan presents multiple readings of India’s global role in world politics, noting that India sometimes projects itself as a global player, while also hesitating to claim prominence (p. 22). This perspective, from an eastern outlook, presents various non-Western perceptions of India’s global significance and rise in a new light.
The nine chapters on India’s relations with particular non-Western countries are each written by an expert of the respective countries/region and all provide a historical background for an in-depth understanding of India’s relations with the respective countries. In Chapter 2, Nicola Horsburgh focuses on China’s view of nuclear India and examines the bilateral nuclear dynamics since the 1974 peaceful nuclear explosion to the nuclear supplier group waiver in 2008. A nuclear power is always perceived as a security threat by its neighbours. Horsburgh examines China’s security concerns, showing that Nuclear India challenges China’s regional and international status and position as the sole declared nuclear weapon state and rising power in Asia (p. 43). Despite such threat perceptions, cooperative and competitive elements mark the relationship of both countries with respect to economic engagement, convergence of India–China’s interest on climate and global trade, and strategic considerations.
In Chapter 3, Yuka Kobayashi explores the Chinese factor in Japan’s foreign policy towards India. Though India–Japan relations can be viewed through a realist and liberal framework, constructivism largely shapes both states’ behaviour, mainly focused on emotive issues, values, beliefs, identity, norms and ideas which are reflected in climate-related and nuclear matters in relations between the two countries (p. 53). Politically and economically, India and Japan have been natural partners, while some relations have been uneasy. Post-Cold War, the rise of China, UN reforms, maritime security, counter terrorism and environment generated convergence and brought these two countries closer together. In Chapter 4, Danielle Chubb focuses on South Korean perspectives of India, shaped by two key factors, security cooperation between the two countries and shared concerns about China’s influence in the Indian Ocean region.
India’s centuries-old linkage with African countries has always been strengthened through trade and diaspora connections, while shared colonial legacy and India’s role in anti-colonialism and anti-racism drew it closer to African nations. In Chapter 5, Christopher J. Lee provides a brief historical overview of the India–South Africa relationship, showing how ideological, organisational and interpersonal factors played crucial roles (p. 79). South Africa’s multilateral engagement with India through the BRICS, IBSA and BASIC groupings is viewed as a way to counterbalance the political and economic influence of the Global North. In Chapter 6, David Harris and Simona Vittorini explore what development cooperation means for India and certain African states, investigating recently changing Indian imperatives in development partnerships. The authors find that India’s development cooperation in Africa is often responsive rather than proactive and is predominantly driven by African demands (p. 100).
Chapters 7 and 8 explore India’s relationships with Latin American nations, spread across strategic, economic and cultural issues. Two significant LatAm perspectives on India’s global role are covered. Chapter 7 contends that Brazil perceives India as its Eastern Brother, and a key BRICS partner in international trade negotiations, building on shared values, interests and aspirations for a more equitable world order. In Chapter 8, Estrada Harris explains Mexico’s criticism of India’s nuclear status and UN Security Council ambitions.
India’s engagements with Arab states, covered in Chapters 9 and 10, have recently become more important and India’s responses regarding the Arab Spring in the Middle East have been cautious. Adid-Moghaddam argues in Chapter 9 that shared historical experience served as a major foundation for solidarity, mutual understanding and close ties, particularly elucidating that Iranian foreign policy towards India is characterised as civilisational, defined by history and common interests (p. 159). Omar Sharaf in Chapter 10 discusses India’s stake in the Syrian crisis, showing how Indian foreign policymakers responded to the on-going conflict and how competing parties in Syria view India’s role. This civil war has brought a great challenge for India’s external relations with key states in the region.
In Chapter 11, Natasha Kuhrt argues that the cordial Indo-Russian relations of the past underwent a change after the Cold War, but today both have accommodated their relationship with each other. India will retain an important place in Russian foreign policy, mainly for three reasons: To counterbalance China at international and regional levels, to play a greater role in the UN and BRICS, and relating to sovereignty and self-determination in defence of Chechnya, like in Kashmir (p. 175). The central discussion of this chapter, though, concerns Afghanistan’s role and impact in the relationship of both countries over time.
While the book presents a comprehensive outlook of India’s engagement with the world, it does not cover India’s South Asian neighbours, which may be a shortcoming (Basrur, 2009). Also missing are French, German and other European perspectives, while there is merely a telegraphic discussion on Australia, though it is important for the Indian establishment to know how India is viewed in Australia. Despite such gaps, the book succeeds in presenting key non-Western countries’ view of India’s contemporary role in global politics. Both methodologically and epistemologically, it represents a refreshing shift from US-centric accounts to alternative narratives. This book is undoubtedly helpful for students, researchers and policymakers in India and abroad.