Abstract
Background
Concerns about the possible effects of social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic highlighted several gaps in our knowledge about the association between social interactions and mental health. The current study aimed to characterize the unique effect of social interaction quantity and quality on daily depressed mood and loneliness and to identify the degree to which these processes operate at the within-person and between-person levels of analysis.
Methods
A community sample of 515 adults was recruited to participate in 75 days of daily surveys. Participants reported on daily feelings of loneliness, depressed mood, social interaction frequency, engagement in vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness. Linear mixed models were used to identify the effect of daily social interaction quantity and quality on loneliness and depressed mood and to characterize the degree to which these effects varied across individuals.
Results
Social interaction quantity and perceived responsiveness were negatively associated with depressed mood and loneliness at the within-person level of analysis. Perceived responsiveness was also negatively associated with depressed mood and loneliness at both the within-person and between-person levels of analysis. Random slopes analysis revealed substantial heterogeneity in the within-person effects.
Limitations
The non-experimental design of this study precludes drawing causal conclusions. Furthermore, demographic and/or geographic differences in the observed effects may limit generalization.
Conclusions
Engaging in more frequent, high-quality interactions may protect against daily depressed mood and loneliness despite one’s average level of these variables. Future research is needed to establish causality and identify the degree to which these findings generalize across samples and time.
Keywords
Introduction
Many have expressed concern over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic that widespread and prolonged social distancing measures—necessary for slowing transmission of the virus (Matrajt & Leung, 2020)—would result in harm to our mental health and well-being (e.g., Galea et al., 2020; Miller, 2020; Pfefferbaum & North, 2020). In a review published early in the pandemic on the effects of quarantine during past infectious disease outbreaks, Brooks et al., 2020 observed a variety of negative psychological sequelae, including depression, loneliness, post-traumatic stress symptoms, and emotional distress. These effects were more severe for individuals under quarantine for longer durations (i.e., several weeks), for those with greater fear of infection, and for those with inadequate tangible (e.g., monetary) and informational (e.g., clear guidelines from public health authorities) support. In contrast to the pandemics reviewed by Brooks et al., 2020, a far greater number of individuals have experienced quarantine-like conditions, and for a much larger period of time, during the COVID-19 pandemic.
These concerns are not unfounded. The relationships we form with others are critical to our survival as a species (Bugental, 2000) and, as such, we have evolved to depend upon regular, ongoing interactions with others for our mental and physical health. Individuals with poor quality social relationships are more likely to die prematurely (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2010), an effect that may be partially due to negative downstream effects such as impaired immune system functioning (Cole et al., 2011; LeRoy et al., 2017; Pressman et al., 2005) and increased risk of suicide (Calati et al., 2019; McClelland, 2020). Our interactions with others help us to regulate our emotions (Marroquín, 2011) and cope with stressors when they arise (Schwarzer & Leppin, 1989; Thorsteinsson & James, 1999). Crucially, although individuals with large and diverse social networks experience lower rates of loneliness and depression (Santini et al., 2015), the quality of one’s relationships may be particularly important. For example, data from two experience sampling studies suggest that individuals are less lonely when they spend time with intimate (i.e., family members, friends) versus non-intimate company (i.e., strangers, classmates; van Roekel et al., 2018) and that risk for depression is greater for those who spend more time with others whose presence they do not enjoy (van Winkel et al., 2017).
The concerns raised by public health authorities and researchers alike during the COVID-19 pandemic raise several important questions about the role of our relationships in daily mental well-being, particularly with respect to the connection between social relationships, loneliness, and depression. First, it is crucial to differentiate among the between-person (i.e., “trait”) and within-person (i.e., “state”) effects of social relationships on health. Between-person effects characterize the association between person-level characteristics and health outcomes and help to build an understanding of who is at increased risk of negative mental health outcomes as a function of social relationship factors. In contrast, within-person effects characterize the association between time-varying fluctuations in psychosocial phenomena and health outcomes, and thus help to build an understanding of why social relationships are associated with mental health. Although the majority of research on social relationships and health has focused on between-person effects, most theories on social relationships, loneliness, and depression pertain to within-person processes. For example, the interpersonal process model (IPM; Reis & Shaver, 1988), a theoretical formulation of how close relationships are formed, describes a within-person dyadic process wherein engagement in particular social behaviors foster feelings of closeness, trust, and connection among individuals. The evolutionary theory of loneliness (Cacioppo & Cacioppo, 2018), the prevailing theory of why and when we feel lonely, outlines a within-person process wherein changes in loneliness function to alert us to deficiencies in our relationships and motivate social affiliation. Social theories of depression, most notably the interpersonal theory of depression (Coyne, 1976; Starr & Davila, 2008) and the stress-generation hypothesis (Hammen, 1991, 2005), similarly describe within-person processes that contribute to the development and maintenance of depression over time. The degree to which social factors operate uniquely at the between-person and within-person levels of analysis, however, has not been well delineated. As it pertains to concerns regarding social functioning and mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic, a deeper understanding of the effect of social interaction at both the between- and within-person levels of analysis would help to identify who is at greater risk of increased loneliness and depressed mood as a function of social factors and how these changes would unfold over time.
Concerns about the effects of social distancing on mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic raise another critical question about the effect of social relationships on health: to what extent does the quantity versus quality of our social interactions predict changes in loneliness and depression? The research is clear that increased social engagement is associated with greater well-being and that socially isolated individuals are at greater risk of poor mental health (Leigh-Hunt et al., 2017). For example, retrospective (Srivastava et al., 2008) and momentary (Lucas et al., 2008; Sandstrom & Dunn, 2014) self-report data from undergraduate samples show that engagement in social interaction is associated with greater positive affect and subjective well-being, a finding that has since been replicated in an international sample of 243,075 participants from 166 countries (Kushlev et al., 2018). Less is known, however, about the effect of social interaction quality. Lucas et al., (2008) found that interactions with one’s romantic partner, friends, or family were associated with greater momentary positive affect than interactions with strangers, classmates, or coworkers, suggesting that interactions with more intimate members of one’s social network are qualitatively different and that these differences may account for downstream effects on affect. In a direct test of this hypothesis, Sun et al., (2020) observed that interactions characterized by greater self-reported and observer-rated depth and self-disclosure were associated with greater happiness, independent of the quantity of one’s interactions. Although this work highlights the potential differential effect of interaction quantity and quality on depressed mood and loneliness, these associations have not been directly examined. As it pertains to concerns regarding the effect of social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic, understanding the differential effects of interaction quantity (expected to decline) and quality (not expected to decline) would help to better forecast the potential effects of social distancing on our daily mental health.
Interaction-Level Processes and the Interpersonal Process Model
Social interactions form the basic building blocks of our relationships, and thus, the multiple health benefits incurred by having strong, trusting relationships is a product of our repeated interactions with others over time. Delineating the psychosocial processes that occur at the level of the interaction, then, is crucial to developing a stronger scientific understanding of how relationships affect mental health and ultimately identifying mutable processes amenable to intervention. This is particularly important considering evidence that existing interventions for loneliness are only moderately effective (Masi et al., 2011) and that the public health burden of depression is growing despite increased utilization of psychiatric services (World Health Organization, 2008).
The Interpersonal Process Model (IPM; Reis & Shaver, 1988) is a theoretical model of the interaction-level psychosocial processes that contribute to the development of close, trusting relationships over time. In essence, the IPM suggests that close relationships are formed and maintained as a function of repeated interactions characterized by a reciprocal exchange of self-disclosure and responsiveness. According to the model, when one’s self-disclosures are met with responses that communicate understanding, validation, and care (i.e., responsiveness), interpersonal closeness is fostered. Research suggests that self-disclosures of emotion are stronger predictors of closeness than disclosures of facts and information (Beike et al., 2016), and that both perceived and enacted (i.e., objectively coded) responsiveness mediate the association between self-disclosure and interpersonal closeness (Canevello & Crocker, 2010; Laurenceau et al., 1998). The interpersonal process described by the IPM is broadly applicable across relationship types (e.g., romantic, friendships) and has been replicated over several decades of research across scientific disciplines (Kanter et al., 2020; Laurenceau et al., 2004).
The Current Study
The overarching aim of this research was to identify the components of daily social interactions that are associated with changes in depressed mood and loneliness. Gaining a deeper understanding of these components and how they unfold over time will ultimately lead to more precise prediction (e.g., of the effect of structural changes in our social relationships) and effective intervention strategies that target social relationships and mental health. To address this overarching aim, we (a) investigate the relative contribution of daily social interaction quantity and quality (defined per the IPM as vulnerable self-disclosure and perceived responsiveness) on changes in loneliness and depressed mood, (b) explore the effects of social interaction quantity and quality at the between-person and within-person levels of analysis, and (c) explore whether these effects interact to form a more complex picture of the role of our social interactions over time.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participant Demographic Information.
Participants were presented with a description of the study and provided informed consent to participate. All procedures were approved by the University of Washington’s institutional review board prior to data collection. Upon enrollment, participants were asked to complete daily surveys every evening for 75 consecutive days using their mobile phone. Each survey contained roughly 3-minutes’ worth of content, and items were presented randomly to minimize inter-item proximity effects (Weijters et al., 2009). Every evening at 7:30pm, participants received a text message that directed them to a secure online data collection platform. Participants were required to complete the survey before 5:00am the following morning, however exceptions were granted as necessary (e.g., for night shift workers) as long as participants completed the survey prior to the end of their day (i.e., falling asleep). Participants were provided with a daily text message reminder if they did not complete the survey by 10:30pm each evening, and additional reminders by text message and/or email upon request. Participants were contacted via email upon missing two consecutive daily surveys to maintain adherence to the study protocol and problem solve technical issues as needed. In addition, we included a short thank-you video at the end of the surveys midway through the study to encourage continued participation. Compensation was provided in the form of raffle entries toward one of ten US$50 Amazon gift cards. Participants were given 5 entries for completing the baseline survey, 1 entry per daily survey completion, and an additional 50 entries upon completing ≥ 85% of the daily surveys.
A total of 28,027 daily surveys were completed by participants (M = 54.42 days, Mdn = 64 days, SD = 21.46 days). Over half of participants (51%) completed more than 85% of the daily surveys, and most participants (87%) completed more than 30% of the daily surveys. Survey completion rates were negatively associated with trait (i.e., mean value across the study period) depressed mood (r = −.25) and loneliness (r = −.21), and cisgender women (M = 56.3, Mdn = 64, SD = 18.5 days) completed more surveys than cisgender men (M = 50.4, Mdn = 62.5, SD = 23.8 days).
Measures
Depressed Mood
Depressed mood was measured using two items adapted from the Patient Health Questionnaire—2 (PHQ-2; Löwe et al., 2005). The PHQ-2 was originally adapted from the PHQ-9 (Kroenke et al., 2001) and has shown excellent diagnostic sensitivity and specificity vis-à-vis structured and semi-structured clinical interviews (Levis et al., 2020). The two items were “I felt down, depressed, or hopeless today” and “I had little interest or pleasure in doing things today.” Participants responded to each item using a Likert scale ranging from 0 (None of the time) to 10 (All of the time) with intermediate anchors “Some of the time” and “Most of the time” spaced evenly between. A total score was computed by taking the mean across both items such that higher scores represent greater depressed mood. Coefficient ω (Geldhof et al., 2014) indicated high between-person (.95) and within-person (.71) reliability.
Data Analytic Strategy
Linear mixed models (i.e., multi-level models, hierarchical linear models) were used to address our main study aims. Mixed models allow for the disaggregation of within-person (i.e., state) and between-person (i.e., trait) effects (Enders & Tofighi, 2007; Wang & Maxwell, 2015) and thus allowed us to examine the effect of social interaction on loneliness and depressed mood independent of person-level averages. Mixed models also enable the estimation of person-level heterogeneity around fixed effects, which is particularly important in light of the fact that causal processes in psychology, including social processes, are not homogenous (Bolger et al., 2019; Hamaker, 2012).
The effect of state (i.e., time-varying) social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness was modeled by subtracting each individual’s observations from their average value across the EMA period (i.e., person-mean centering). The effect of trait (i.e., time-invariant) social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness was modeled by subtracting each individual’s average value across the EMA period from the sample average (i.e., grand-mean centering). Given their known associations with loneliness and depressed mood (Hawkley et al., 2020; Kessler & Bromet, 2013; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001), we also included indicators of age, gender (0 = cisgender man), income, living arrangement (0 = lives alone), and relationship status (0 = single) in each model. Moreover, because these data were collected during the COVID-19 pandemic, and pandemic-related fears are associated with mental well-being (Brooks et al., 2020), we also included state and trait COVID-19 anxiety as a covariate in each model. Finally, the lagged outcome (i.e., previous day depressed mood/loneliness) was included in each model to control for stability in mood across days.
We used an iterative model building strategy wherein separate models were first constructed for each effect of social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness prior to estimating a full model that included all of these constructs. This strategy allowed us to identify changes in parameter estimates at each step, examine changes in model fit, and diagnose issues that may have occurred (e.g., with convergence). First, an “empty” intercepts-only model was estimated and subsequently compared against a model that included fixed effects for time (i.e., study day; 1–75) and weekend (0 = weekday, 1 = weekend). Then, time-varying and person-level variables were added sequentially, allowing us to carefully examine model performance as increasing complexity was introduced. Next, a random effect of each social interaction variable was added, which represents the unique effect for each individual around the average effect. The effect of the previous day’s depressed mood/loneliness was then added to control for stability in affect over time. A final model was estimated using restricted maximum likelihood estimation by including all three social interaction variables in the final model, testing all possible pairwise interactions among these variables, and subsequently estimating a model wherein only statistically significant interactions were included. A first-order autoregressive structure was placed on the residuals to account for the repeated measurements over time. All models were estimated using the “nlme” package (version 3.1-152; Pinheiro et al., 2020) for R (version 4.1.1; R Core Team, 2021). The R code for all analyses is included in the online Supplementary Material.
Results
Bivariate Associations
Descriptive Statistics and Correlation Matrix of Primary Outcomes and Predictors.
Note. Correlations among the person-mean centered (PMC) variables are represented below the diagonal and grand-mean centered (GMC) above the diagonal. PMC correlations were computed according to (Bakdash & Marusich, 2017) as implemented in the “rmcorr” R package (version 0.4.4; Bakdash & Marusich, 2021). All p-values < .001.
Moderate state and trait associations were also observed among all three social interaction variables. This validates the central dyadic process proposed by the IPM (i.e., the exchange of self-disclosure and responsiveness) and additionally suggests that greater social interaction quantity may bring about increased opportunity for engagement in vulnerable self-disclosure and perceived responsiveness. Nevertheless, these associations also raise the possibility that social interaction quantity and quality may not be independently associated with daily depressed mood and loneliness and necessitate the need for multivariate analyses.
Mixed Models
Effects of State and Trait Social Interaction Quantity, Vulnerable Self-disclosure, and Perceived Responsiveness on Depressed Mood and Loneliness.
Note. Coefficients are unstandardized. Standard deviations of the random effects are on the diagonal of the variance components matrices.
Depressed Mood
A positive lagged effect of depressed mood was observed (b = 0.26, 95% CI = 0.25–0.27), indicating relative stability in depressed mood from one day to the next. Lower depressed mood was observed on weekends compared to weekdays (b = −0.11, 95% CI = −0.15 to −0.07). Transgender and gender non-binary participants reported greater depressed mood than cisgender participants (b = 0.35, 95% CI = 0.01–0.70), as did those with higher trait (b = 0.24, 95% CI = 0.21–0.27) and state (b = 0.11, 95% CI = 0.10–0.13) anxiety about COVID-19.
Social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness were differentially associated with depressed mood, and the effect of each differed at the state and trait levels of analysis. The effect of trait social interaction quantity was small and non-significant (b = −0.07, 95% CI = −0.14 to 0.01); however, state social interaction quantity was negatively associated with depressed mood (b = −0.14, 95% CI = −0.15 to −0.12), an effect that was slightly attenuated on days where individuals perceived higher responsiveness than usual (Figure 1a; b = 0.01, 95% CI = 0.003–0.01). There was no main effect of state (b = 0.01, 95% CI = −0.01 to 0.02) or trait (b = −0.06, 95% CI = −0.12 to 0.01) vulnerable self-disclosure on depressed mood; however, a significant interaction emerged such that state vulnerable self-disclosure was positively associated with depressed mood for individuals higher in trait social interaction quantity (Figure 1b; b = 0.02, 95% CI = 0.002–0.03), lower in trait vulnerable self-disclosure (Figure 1c; b = −0.02, 95% CI = −0.03 to −0.01), and on days where individuals perceived greater responsiveness than usual (Figure 1d; b = 0.01, 95% CI = 0.003–0.01). State vulnerable self-disclosure was negatively associated with depressed mood for individuals high in trait vulnerable disclosure (Figure 1c). A relatively strong effect of state (b = −0.18, 95% CI = −0.19 to −0.16) and trait (b = −0.12, 95% CI = −0.20 to −0.05) perceived responsiveness was observed such that feeling understood and cared for at both the state and trait levels is associated with lower depressed mood.
1
Marginal effect plots of the significant interactions in the depressed mood model. Note. Scores on the x-axis are represented in standardized units. Lines are represented by (A) state perceived responsiveness; (B) trait social interaction quantity; (C) traitvulnerable self-disclosure; (D) state perceived responsiveness.
Random slope estimates for each of the state social interaction variables suggested that there was meaningful person-level heterogeneity around the fixed effects. To estimate the range of effects that pertained to most participants, we calculated the middle 68% of effects, corresponding with roughly one SD below and above the average (i.e., fixed) effect estimate. The effect of state social interaction quantity ranged from −0.24 to −0.04 for most participants, suggesting that engaging in more social interaction than usual was more strongly negatively associated with depressed mood for some individuals than others (who experienced little-to-no effect). Similarly, the effect of state perceived responsiveness ranged from −0.30 to −0.05 for most participants. As expected, given its near-zero fixed effect, the random slope estimates of state vulnerable self-disclosure ranged from −0.09 to 0.10, suggesting that engaging in more vulnerable self-disclosure than usual was negatively associated with depressed mood for some individuals and positively associated for others.
Loneliness
A positive lagged effect of loneliness was observed (b = 0.26, 95% CI = 0.25–0.27), indicating relative stability in loneliness from one day to the next. Loneliness was lower on weekends compared to weekdays (b = −0.11, 95% CI = −0.15 to −0.07), for older participants (b = −0.01, 95% CI = −0.01 to −0.002), and for partnered versus single participants (b = −0.31, 95% CI = −0.53 to −0.08). Loneliness was higher for those with greater trait (b = 0.20, 95% CI = 0.16–0.23) and state (b = 0.09, 95% CI = 0.08–0.10) anxiety about COVID-19.
The pattern of effects for social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness on loneliness was similar to the effects of these variables on depressed mood. The effect of trait social interaction quantity was small and non-significant (b = −0.02, 95% CI = −0.10 to 0.05), however state social interaction quantity was negatively associated with loneliness (b = −0.14, 95% CI = −0.16 to −0.13), an effect that was stronger on days where individuals engaged in more vulnerable self-disclosure (Figure 2a; b = −0.01, 95% CI = −0.01 to −0.004) and perceived less responsiveness (Figure 2b; b = 0.01, 95% CI = 0.001–0.01) than usual. The effect of state social interaction quantity was also slightly weaker for individuals higher in trait perceived responsiveness (Figure 2c; b = 0.01, 95% CI = 0.004–0.02). Neither trait (b = 0.03, 95% CI = −0.04–0.10) nor state (b = −0.01, 95% CI = −0.02 to 0.01) vulnerable self-disclosure was associated with loneliness, however a significant interaction emerged such that state vulnerable self-disclosure was negatively associated with loneliness for individuals higher in trait vulnerable self-disclosure (Figure 2d; b = −0.02, 95% CI = −0.03 to −0.01) and on days where individuals perceived less responsiveness than usual (Figure 2e; b = 0.01, 95% CI = 0.003–0.01). State vulnerable self-disclosure was negatively associated with loneliness for individuals high in trait vulnerable disclosure (Figure 2d). A relatively strong effect of state (b = −0.19, 95% CI = −0.21 to −0.17) and trait (b = −0.26, 95% CI = −0.35 to −0.18) perceived responsiveness was observed such that feeling understood and cared for at both the state and trait levels is associated with lower depressed mood. Marginal effect plots of the significant interactions in the loneliness model. Note. Scores on the x-axis are represented in standardized units. Lines are represented by (A) state vulnerable self-disclosure; (B) state perceived responsiveness; (C) trait perceived responsiveness; (D) trait vulnerable self-disclosure; (E) state perceived responsiveness.
Significant person-level heterogeneity was observed for the effects of state social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness on loneliness. The effect of state social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness ranged from −0.27 to −0.02, −0.11 to 0.10, and −0.34 to −0.04, respectively, for most (i.e., 68%) participants.
Exploratory Analyses
The effects of social interaction quantity and quality were similar, although not identical, for depressed mood and loneliness, raising the possibility that the observed effects may be a function of the covariance between these two outcomes. Indeed, a robust association between loneliness and depression has been found in previous research (e.g., Cacioppo et al., 2010; Hawkley et al., 2020; Lim et al., 2016). To explore this possibility, we estimated mixed models with state and trait loneliness and depressed mood included as predictors.
Loneliness was strongly associated with depressed mood at both the state (b = 0.43, 95% CI = 0.42–0.44) and trait (b = 0.46, 95% CI = 0.41–0.51) levels. When loneliness was included in the model, the effect of state social interaction quantity was attenuated (b = −0.08, 95% CI = −0.09 to −0.07) but remained statistically significant. The effect of state perceived responsiveness in this model was also attenuated (b = −0.09, 95% CI = −0.11 to −0.08), and the effect of trait perceived responsiveness became non-significant (b = 0.01, 95% CI = −0.07 to 0.08). Interestingly, a small but significant effect of trait vulnerable self-disclosure was observed in this model (b = −0.09, 95% CI = −0.15 to −0.03).
A different pattern of results emerged for the effect of social interaction quantity and quality on loneliness when depressed mood was included in the model. Depressed mood was strongly associated with loneliness at both the state (b = 0.44, 95% CI =0.42–0.45) and trait (b = 0.53, 95% CI = 0.47–0.59) levels of analysis. Similar to the model for depressed mood, the effect of state social interaction quantity was attenuated (b = −0.08, 95% CI = −0.10 to −0.07) but remained statistically significant. However, the effects of state (b = −0.12, 95% CI = −0.13 to −0.10) and trait (b = −0.20, 95% CI = −0.28 to −0.12) perceived responsiveness both remained significant in this model. Moreover, trait vulnerable self-disclosure was positively associated with loneliness (b = 0.08, 95% CI = 0.01–0.14) such that individuals who engaged in more vulnerable self-disclosure on average were lonelier.
Discussion
Concerns about the possible mental health consequences of social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic (e.g., Galea et al., 2020; Pfefferbaum & North, 2020; Pressman et al., 2005) highlighted several gaps in our understanding of the association between social relationships and mental health. Although indicators of relationship quantity (e.g., social network size) and quality (e.g., social support) are robustly associated with mental health (Santini et al., 2015), the degree to which these processes (a) predict unique variation in mental health outcomes and (b) operate at the within-person versus between-person levels of analysis has been understudied. Understanding these processes is crucial to predict the effect that changes in our relationships may have on mental health, to minimize the potential harm of policies that affect our social relationships (e.g., social distancing), and to develop effective intervention strategies that target social relationship functioning.
The primary goals of this study were to (a) identify whether social interaction quantity, vulnerable self-disclosure, and perceived responsiveness predict unique variation in daily depressed mood and loneliness, (b) determine the degree to which these processes operate at the within-person (i.e., state) and between-person (i.e., trait) levels of analysis, and (c) identify any potential interaction effects that may exist. Our findings indicate that interacting with others more frequently than one usually does, irrespective of one’s average amount of social interactions, may protect against depressed mood and loneliness. In fact, trait level social interaction quantity was not associated with either outcome. These results extend previous findings that demonstrate a negative association between daily social interaction quantity, loneliness, and depression, but conflate within-person and between-person variation (e.g., Carmichael et al., 2015; Nezlek et al., 2002). On the one hand, it may be possible that merely interacting with others more than usual produces psychological benefits independent of the quality of those interactions, for example by increasing one’s perception of the availability of social support (Ashida & Heaney, 2008; Uchino & Garvey, 1997). It is also possible, however, that this effect is capturing variation due to other sources of social interaction quality (e.g., trust, satisfaction, physical touch) that were not measured in the current study. Future research should explore this possibility by including additional facets of social interaction quality and assessing whether psychological processes (e.g., perception of social support availability) mediate these associations.
The effect of state vulnerable self-disclosure was more nuanced. For individuals higher in trait vulnerable self-disclosure, state vulnerable self-disclosure was associated with lower depressed mood and loneliness. This may reflect a difference in learning histories wherein engaging in vulnerable self-disclosure has been negatively reinforced for some by a reduction in negative mood, while others receive no such benefit. One possible explanation for this differential pattern of reinforcement may concern the nature of participants’ self-disclosures. As reviewed by Baddeley and Singer, (2009), self-disclosures that involve a pre-occupation with one’s own suffering or failed goal pursuits are less likely to be met with acceptance than disclosures of how one overcame such hardship. Thus, it may be the case that some participants engaged in disclosures that resulted in relational harm rather than closeness. Future research should explore this possibility.
We also found a positive association between vulnerable self-disclosure and both depressed mood and loneliness, but only on days where individuals perceived greater responsiveness than usual. This finding is in contrast to recent research by Imami et al., (2019), who found that positive affect increased as engagement in self-disclosure increased, but only when individuals also perceived greater responsiveness. From a theoretical perspective, the benefit of vulnerable self-disclosure is dependent upon the perception that the disclosure is met with an understanding and caring response (i.e., responsiveness; Reis & Shaver, 1988). Thus, we would expect the same pattern of findings as Imami et al., (2019) in this study. It is still possible, however, that any benefits vulnerable self-disclosure may have had were captured by its downstream effect on perceived responsiveness (i.e., disclosure brought upon opportunities for responsiveness). To explore this possibility more directly, data on social behavior and mental health outcomes need to be gathered with greater frequency than in the current study (i.e., by employing experience sampling methods), allowing for a fine-grained analysis of perceived responsiveness as a mediator of the association between vulnerable self-disclosure and mental health outcomes.
Reis, (2007) argued that perceived responsiveness lies at the heart of many interpersonal processes that are studied within the field of relationship science. Consistent with this idea, both state and trait perceived responsiveness in the current study were found to protect against depressed mood and loneliness. In fact, the potential role of state perceived responsiveness as a moderator of social interaction quantity and vulnerable self-disclosure as observed in this study is likely overshadowed by its main effect. In other words, when individuals perceived greater responsiveness than usual, depressed mood and loneliness meaningfully decreased, irrespective of changes in vulnerable self-disclosure and social interaction quantity.
The third aim of this study was to identify whether the effects of social interaction quantity and quality depended upon one’s state or trait levels of the other social interaction variables. Analyses revealed several statistically significant interaction effects. In some cases, these interactions effects were small relative to the main effects (e.g., state social interaction quantity
Limitations and Future Directions
There are several strengths of the current study, including the intensive longitudinal daily diary design, the differentiation of within-person and between-person effects, and the identification of heterogeneity in the observed effects via random slopes analysis. These strengths, however, come with notable limitations, and caution should be exercised in interpreting the results.
It is possible that our findings are a function of our sampling rate (i.e., daily), and that different results would be obtained if we sampled at shorter or longer time intervals. Thus, several important questions remain unanswered, such as whether the benefits of social interactions are experienced immediately (i.e., during the interaction) or if there is a delayed or even cumulative effect throughout the course of the day. For example, research suggests that laughter during social interactions predicts increased closeness, enjoyment, and positive emotionality in subsequent interactions that same day (Kashdan et al., 2014) and that enacted responsiveness predicts immediate (i.e., post-interaction) perceived responsiveness (Maisel et al., 2008). It is thus possible that the results of the current study generalize to the level of each individual interaction; however, future research is needed to test this hypothesis.
Importantly, we are limited in our ability to draw causal conclusions given the non-experimental design of this study. Although we offered what we consider to be the most plausible interpretations given our modeling strategy (i.e., each outcome as a residualized change score; Castro-Schilo & Grimm, 2018), theory (IPM; Reis, 2007), and the existing literature, we cannot rule out the possibility of reverse causality (i.e., depression and loneliness bringing about changes in our social interactions) or a “third variable” that accounts for changes in depressed mood, loneliness, and our social interactions. For example, depressed individuals tend to be more socially isolated than non-depressed individuals (Brown et al., 2011; Nezlek et al., 2002) and may be biased toward interpreting threat rather than acceptance in social interactions (Roberts et al., 2010). Lonely individuals may similarly exhibit a bias toward social threat (Bangee et al., 2014; Cacioppo, Balogh, & Cacioppo, 2015; Cacioppo, Bangee, et al., 2015). Future research would benefit from using an experimental design to establish causality of these effects.
Data for the current study were collected at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. It is thus possible that our findings are unique to the structure of social interactions during the pandemic and may not generalize to normal (i.e., non-pandemic) periods of social life. Although virtual forms of communication (i.e., phone, video-chat, instant messaging) are sufficient to facilitate interpersonal connection, in-person interactions may nevertheless be superior (Sherman et al., 2013). We did not differentiate between in-person and virtual forms of communication in the current study, and it is likely that many interactions occurred virtually due to the pandemic. Furthermore, participants may have interpreted the social interaction quantity item differently (e.g., how many people they interacted with, how much time they spent interacting with others). Future research should improve precision of this item, focus on replicating the current findings in a non-pandemic context, and explore whether the effects of social interaction quantity and quality on mental health are moderated by the use of technology (or lack thereof).
Generalizability of the current findings may also be limited by the nature of our sample, the majority of whom were white, cisgender women, in a romantic relationship, and lived in urban/suburban settings. It is possible that our findings reflect cultural processes that pertain to our sample and do not generalize well to individuals with different demographic characteristics. For example, evidence suggests that culture may influence the degree to which individuals experience somatic versus psychological symptoms of depression (Parker et al., 2001). Given that the items assessing depressed mood in the current study pertained uniquely to psychological symptoms of depression, our findings may not generalize to the experience of those with more heavily somatic presentations. Future research should attempt to replicate these findings in more culturally diverse samples in order to better understand the potential influence of culture on the association between social interactions and mental health.
Finally, the degree to which the current results reflect clinically meaningful processes is unknown given that these data were derived from a community sample of adults, the majority of whom were not clinically depressed or otherwise seeking psychiatric treatment. Research suggests that subthreshold depressive symptoms are associated with clinically meaningful levels of distress and dysfunction (Cuijpers & Smit, 2004; Lewinsohn et al., 2000), and that because depression is most accurately conceptualized as a dimensional construct (Kendler & Gardner, 1998; Slade, 2007), predictors of change along that dimension are important etiological factors (Nelson et al., 2017; Wichers, 2014). Nevertheless, future research would benefit from exploring these processes in clinical samples.
Conclusions
Concerns about the possible effects of social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic highlighted several gaps in our knowledge about the association between social interactions and mental health. The current study aimed to characterize the unique effect of social interaction quantity and quality on daily depressed mood and loneliness and to identify the degree to which these processes operate at the within-person and between-person levels of analysis. Results suggest that social interactions in general, and perceived responsiveness in particular, may protect against depressed mood and loneliness independent of one’s trait levels of these variables. Substantial heterogeneity in these effects was observed, however, and future research should focus on identifying factors that predict this heterogeneity.
Supplemental Material
sj-pdf-1-spr-10.1177_02654075211045717 – Supplemental Material for The effect of social interaction quantity and quality on depressed mood and loneliness: A daily diary study
Supplemental Material, sj-pdf-1-spr-10.1177_02654075211045717 for The effect of social interaction quantity and quality on depressed mood and loneliness: A daily diary study by Adam M. Kuczynski, Max A. Halvorson, Lily R. Slater and Jonathan W. Kanter in Journal of Social and Personal Relationships
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the University of Washington Population Health COVID-19 Rapid Response Grant.
Notes
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References
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