Abstract
This study examines the role of social media and influencers in promoting harmful physical stereotypes that increase adolescents’ vulnerability to eating disorders (EDs). Using a mixed-method approach, we analyse national and international news on EDs published by El País and El Mundo in 2024 (N = 24), along with a content analysis of 10 Instagram profiles of celebrities who have publicly acknowledged suffering from EDs. Although information about these disorders is abundant, adolescents do not always interpret it critically. Social media has become a space where unhealthy aesthetic ideals and unverified health content circulate widely. Influencers often reinforce extreme thinness and perfection, while messages on mental health or body diversity remain scarce. We also identify digital subcultures that normalise risky practices, including viral challenges and pro-anorexia communities. The study highlights the importance of enhancing media literacy, promoting positive role models and demanding greater accountability in content targeted at minors.
Keywords
Introduction
In the digital age, characterised by constant connectivity and the prominence of social media, the body has become a symbolic territory of dispute, especially among adolescents and young people (Cascino et al., 2023; Ruiz-Centeno et al., 2025). Through platforms such as Instagram, TikTok and Telegram, millions of users are exposed daily to a continuous flow of images and discourses that construct ideals of beauty, success and well-being (Georgiou et al., 2025). In this environment, influencers and celebrities have assumed an unprecedented role. These content creators – often without formal training in health, nutrition or psychology – exert considerable influence on their audiences, setting trends, establishing implicit norms about the body and promoting specific consumption practices (Wang, 2023).
This phenomenon entails significant risks. The credibility and reception of such messages can contribute to the onset or worsening of eating disorders (EDs) such as anorexia nervosa, bulimia or binge ED (BED) (Val et al., 2022; León-Hernández et al., 2023), as well as mental health issues (Hudon et al., 2025). Repeated exposure to hegemonic bodies, the idealisation of unattainable standards and the pursuit of social approval through likes and comments create a vulnerable environment for adolescents during identity development (Tiggemann et al., 2018; Portingale et al., 2024). Interactions on social media often become measures of personal worth and self-esteem (Dumas et al., 2017). Moreover, misinformation fosters harmful eating practices and health myths, frequently disguised as wellness advice circulating without regulation.
This article analyses, from a communicational and critical perspective, the treatment of EDs in two key areas of the digital media ecosystem: the general press and social media. Specifically, it examines the coverage provided by the newspapers El País and El Mundo, as well as the representation of the body, health and food in the Instagram profiles of celebrities who have publicly acknowledged having suffered from EDs.
The analysis revolves around two fundamental axes: on the one hand, the role of the media in raising awareness and framing EDs and, on the other, the way in which digital influencers reproduce or render these disorders invisible by promoting specific body standards on social media.
Theoretical framework
Misinformation and its effects on health: at-risk groups and the influence of psychology
The phenomenon of disinformation has gained increasing relevance over the past decade, posing a growing threat to democracy, freedom of expression and public health (Tandoc et al., 2021; Sádaba and Salaverría, 2022). Although global in scope and affecting politics, economics and education (Bovet and Makse, 2019; Ho et al., 2022), its consequences in the health domain are particularly concerning. Misinformation distorts perceptions of well-being, hinders healthy behaviours and can promote harmful practices (Boštíková and Marcela, 2024). During the COVID-19 pandemic, the scale of false information prompted the World Health Organization to define it as an infodemic – an excess of inaccurate content spreading faster than the virus itself (Vaezi and Javanmard, 2020).
Social media provides a fertile space for dietary misinformation, often framed as personal testimony or advice (Suárez-Lledó & Álvarez-Gálvez, 2021). Influencers and anonymous users promote miracle diets, challenges or supplements without scientific backing (Lofft, 2020; Vasconcelos et al., 2021). Analyses of nutritional discourse on these platforms reveal that content is frequently presented as ‘scientific’ despite lacking empirical validation (Topham and Smith, 2023; Lookingbill et al., 2023). While prior research has examined the nature and dissemination of nutritional misinformation (Ruiz-Centeno et al., 2025), fewer studies have explored citizens’ vulnerability to it (Sidhu, 2018).
Adolescents appear particularly susceptible due to their cognitive development stage and high exposure to digital environments (Breakstone et al., 2021; Interactive Advertising Bureau (IAB), 2024). Gender also shapes vulnerability: women tend to express higher concern about physical appearance and display a greater incidence of mental health issues linked to social media use (Choukas-Bradley et al., 2022; León-Hernández et al., 2023). However, as Guajardo et al. (2022) caution, this focus risks neglecting the prevalence of EDs among other groups.
Psychological factors decisively influence how individuals process and believe information. Users often grant credibility to content aligned with pre-existing beliefs, even when contradictory evidence is available (Kappes et al., 2020; Tenconi et al., 2023). Emotional engagement amplifies this bias, as online information tends to be interpreted affectively rather than cognitively (Baptista and Gradim, 2022; Melchior and Oliveira, 2024). Messages that elicit empathy or reinforce bias are perceived as more trustworthy (Faragó et al., 2020), which increases engagement (Garrett, 2016). Simultaneously, exposure to idealised bodies fosters dissatisfaction and ‘insecure attachment’, recognised as a risk factor for EDs (Cascino et al., 2023; Drivas et al., 2024). Psychological conditions such as depression or anxiety further heighten vulnerability (Escandón-Nagel et al., 2021; Peleg et al., 2021).
Research indicates that individuals at risk of EDs display cognitive biases in their attention to and interpretation of nutritional information (Georgiou et al., 2025). They tend to focus more intensely on diet- and weight-related content and to endorse such information even when confronted with contrary evidence (Keegan et al., 2021; Balzan et al., 2022). However, while these behavioural traits suggest heightened susceptibility to dietary misinformation, existing empirical evidence remains inconclusive (Akbari et al., 2021; Georgiou et al., 2025).
The role of influencers and the media in the construction of the digital body
Social media constitutes a central area for representation and validation (Georgiou et al., 2025) and is one of the primary spaces for socialisation among adolescents and young adults (Boštíková and Marcela, 2024; Reuters Institute, 2025). Within these platforms, body image is both exhibited and constructed according to aesthetic and social norms that privilege thinness and perfection (Franco-Paredes et al., 2024). Circulating images – often mediated by filters, digital editing and curated settings – consolidate a hegemonic representation of a young, slim and normatively attractive body (Franco-Paredes et al., 2024; Wang, 2023). Although Wang (2023) notes that this idealisation continues traditional media logics, the immediacy and interactivity of digital networks amplify its reach and internalisation.
Macedo et al. (2019) identify EDs as the third most common chronic condition among adolescents, highlighting their public health impact. Body image, understood as the perception and evaluation of one's physical appearance (Fardouly et al., 2018), thus becomes a symbolic field influenced by digital representation. Influencers and celebrities play a pivotal role in shaping this construct (Wang, 2023). Through posts and videos, they cultivate narratives of authenticity and intimacy that foster trust among followers. This ‘performative intimacy’ encourages audiences to interpret recommendations about diets or exercise as friendly advice rather than commercial content. However, much of this discourse lacks professional endorsement and may promote disordered behaviours through promises of rapid or universal results.
Alongside influencers, online spaces such as blogs, thematic websites and communities associated with pro-anorexia or pro-bulimia tags (e.g. proana and promia) perpetuate harmful practices (Ruiz-Centeno et al., 2025; Gobin et al., 2021). Accessible through platforms like Instagram, TikTok or Telegram, these networks often frame EDs not as illnesses but as lifestyle choices (Melioli et al., 2018; Vall-Roqué et al., 2021). Despite restrictions, such content persists under coded hashtags or ambiguous messages (Lookingbill et al., 2023), circulating advice on restrictive eating, glorifying self-control and reinforcing belonging through mutual validation (Portingale et al., 2024).
Empirical studies confirm that a substantial proportion of adolescents consume content related to diet and body image. López-Gil et al. (2024) report that 24% of adolescents aged 12–15 and over 50% of those aged 16–17 follow influencers addressing fitness or nutrition. This consumption is active and shapes perceptions, beliefs and daily practices. Hashtags such as #fitspo or #bodygoals reinforce the notion that bodily perfection is attainable through discipline and consumption, disregarding social and biological determinants. Instagram remains the platform most strongly associated with these dynamics (Lookingbill et al., 2023; López-Gil et al., 2024), although TikTok is increasingly shaping young people's perceptions and self-representations (Ruiz-Centeno et al., 2025). The circulation of aesthetic myths and disinformation in these audiovisual spaces has expanded significantly in recent years (Hoai-Lan and Minh-Tung, 2024; López-Martín and Córdoba-Cabús, 2024).
For its part, although traditional media play a lesser role in adolescents’ information diet, scientific literature has also specifically analysed how the media represent EDs, highlighting patterns that may influence the social perception of these pathologies. In this regard, it is worth noting the work of Comabella-Costa et al. (2025), who identify, through an analysis between 2012 and 2022, that coverage of EDs in the Spanish newspapers El País, ABC, La Vanguardia and El Mundo has focused on personal narratives of young women and public figures, which reinforces sociocultural stereotypes and may contribute to the stigmatisation of these disorders. Similarly, comparative research in the Anglo-Saxon press has shown that coverage of EDs in the United States and the United Kingdom tends to emphasise environmental factors or media superficialities, relegating attention to clinical and public health dimensions (Gruest et al., 2024). These authors highlight the need to consider how the media constructs and transmits knowledge about EDs, thus providing a complementary framework to research on social media and influencers.
Similarly, other studies have also identified that newspapers reinforce the perception that EDs are primarily ‘female diseases’, which can hinder recognition in men and delay treatment-seeking (MacLean et al., 2015). Similarly, previous research focusing on health and journalism has also highlighted the importance of more specialised and responsible news coverage, as simplistic or stigmatising portrayals of these disorders in the press can contribute to public misunderstanding and the reproduction of unhealthy body ideals associated with beauty paradigms (De Diego-Díaz et al., 2022). It can therefore be inferred that newspapers not only convey information about EDs but also actively participate in the social construction of these conditions.
A recent report by the Spanish Ministry of Equality (Calado-Otero, 2024) found that EDs are increasingly common among young people aged 13–25, with a particular prevalence in early adolescence and among women and girls. This research points to the aesthetic pressure exerted by the media and social networks as determinants, as well as to the persistent association between thinness, success and social acceptance. These dynamics not only have physical consequences but also psychological and social impacts, such as anxiety, depression, academic difficulties and isolation, which, in turn, can intensify dependence on digital environments (Calado-Otero, 2024). The report also warns of inequalities in access to care and treatment resources, especially in disadvantaged or rural socio-economic contexts.
Objectives, hypotheses and method
This research is guided by a series of objectives that frame and define the study's scope. These objectives not only seek to describe the reality of EDs in relation to the information available on social media and in the media but also to delve deeper into the role that digital influencers play in shaping behavioural models and adolescents’ perceptions of beauty standards. Likewise, the aim is to highlight the importance of information-filtering processes and the need to promote critical thinking that protects minors from harmful discourse and content, emphasising the urgency of turning traditional media into sources of objective and comprehensive information. In this regard, the following general objectives have been established: - O1: Analyse the representation of EDs in the information published by the digital editions of El País and El Mundo during 2024, paying attention to the approaches, the actors represented and the interpretative frameworks used. - O2: Examine how the Instagram profiles of 10 celebrities who have acknowledged suffering from EDs construct visual and symbolic discourses on the body, food and mental health, as well as the possible reproduction of normative aesthetic standards.
Based on the objectives set out, a series of hypotheses is formulated to explore the discursive and representational dynamics in media coverage and in the content disseminated by digital influencers on social media. These hypotheses do not seek to measure the direct effects on adolescents, but rather to identify patterns of information, omissions and recurrences in the media's construction of EDs and associated body standards. - H1: Coverage of EDs in El País and El Mundo is limited and uneven, contributing to a fragmented representation of the phenomenon, with a predominance of testimonial or episodic approaches rather than a structural and preventive approach. - H2: The content published on the Instagram profiles of celebrities with a history of EDs mainly reproduces normative aesthetic standards, with little explicit messaging about mental health, body diversity or the prevention of EDs. - H3: Both in media coverage and in influencer content, discursive dynamics that tend to trivialise EDs or render them invisible are detected, which favours the normalisation of potentially problematic practices and representations in the digital ecosystem.
In terms of methodology, both quantitative and qualitative tools were used. The first step was a literature review of studies related to EDs, infoxication, adolescents’ need to find solid role models and the promotion of critical thinking. Additionally, studies related to the various methodological tools used in qualitative research were reviewed to determine which were most suitable.
Following the literature review, the 2024 Report of the Ministry of Equality, Young Women and Eating Disorders: Impact of Gender Roles and Stereotypes, was downloaded, and the data were analysed to determine the extent of EDs among Spanish adolescents.
All national and international news items shared during 2024 related to the subject of study were downloaded from the newspapers El Mundo and El País, as these are the two most important newspapers in Spain, based on their large readership, national influence and leadership in both print and digital media. Additionally, they set the media agenda and receive extensive national and international coverage. The process was carried out through myNEWS, and these news items were subsequently searched for on the newspapers’ own websites. To obtain articles or news items related to the topic of study, the filtering terms ‘anorexia’ and ‘bulimia’ were used, and the content of the texts was examined based on the following variables:
General information about the article. Thematic content. Focus of the article. Visual and structural elements.
After topics were filtered, a total of 24 news articles published on EDs, both nationally and internationally, were obtained in 2024. Twelve news articles directly related to bulimia and anorexia were obtained from the newspaper El País, and another 12 from the newspaper El Mundo. The news items and links to them are presented in Tables 1 and 2.
Journalistic articles on anorexia or bulimia published in El País.
Source: Own elaboration.
Journalistic articles on anorexia or bulimia published in El Mundo.
Source: Own elaboration.
After learning about the extent of coverage that EDs received in 2024 in the two leading newspapers analysed, we selected 10 international celebrities who have high public visibility and influence in shaping ideals of beauty and body image on social media, who have been role models for body image, who have spoken publicly about their relationship with food and who have also been associated with debates on EDs. After obtaining the 10 Instagram profiles, we examined their data for the first quarter of 2025 using the Fanpage Karma tool, obtaining information on the number of followers, most relevant posts and most successful content.
The selected sample comprises the 25 most influential posts by each celebrity, out of a total of more than 3300 posts. The variables used to analyse the 25 most influential posts by the different personalities were as follows:
Visual dimension: Type of image, level of body exposure, use of filters or digital editing, body aesthetics promoted. Textual dimension: language about food, messages about body control, presence of messages about body acceptance or diversity, hashtags associated with food or the body. Interaction dimension: number of likes and comments: quantitative, comments expressing comparison or desire to imitate, emotional reactions in comments. Mental health dimension: representation of body diversity, explicit messages about mental health, trivialisation or invisibilisation of EDs.
For the analysis, each influencer was assigned a numerical code to preserve their privacy and to present the results without directly associating the data with their names. Therefore, the profiles analysed are indicated, but they are not cross-referenced with the data obtained from the network analysis. After compiling all the data for the study, the results are analysed to reach conclusions and a final discussion.
Results
News analysis
Following the line of research indicated, in the first step of bibliographic analysis, we observed many articles related to the topic from a health perspective. At the communication level, we found articles that analysed the content of messages on social media in qualitative research. Our study was conducted from both qualitative and quantitative perspectives, analysing the amount of information available to citizens and people who follow profiles with lifestyles far removed from everyday reality.
The results obtained after analysing the newspapers according to the variables mentioned in the methodology are as follows:
Most frequently mentioned EDs.
- The most common disorder is anorexia nervosa, followed by bulimia, BED and others such as orthorexia and vigorexia. - In some cases, EDs are mentioned metaphorically, which contributes to their trivialisation; in many others, they are presented as simple problems of habits or routines, associating extreme thinness with fashion or success without delving into the medical and psychological seriousness of these disorders. Affected population group.
- The most represented group is young women and adolescents, especially in contexts of aesthetic pressure, elite sport and social media, as is the case with rower Sandra Piñeiro or Spanish boxing champion Almudena Álvarez de la Puente. - Cases involving children under 12, transgender people and public figures are also included, broadening the spectrum of vulnerability. This is the case of the aforementioned athletes, María Patiño, Karen Anne Carpenter and Marta Xargay. Attributed causes. The most common causes are as follows:
- Social and aesthetic pressure. - Influences from social media (Instagram, TikTok, X). - Gender stereotypes. - Demanding family environments. - Access to harmful content on the internet, including pro-anorexia websites and the dark web. Described consequences. The most notable consequences include the following:
- Mental health problems (anxiety, depression, low self-esteem). - Malnutrition and extreme weight loss. - Social isolation. - Self-harm and suicide. - In one extreme case, a murder linked to digital exposure and mental health issues has been documented. This involves 16-year-old trans girl Brianna Ghey, who was murdered in the United Kingdom on 11 February 2023 by two teenagers. Treatments mentioned. In most cases, the following are mentioned:
- Psychotherapy. - Hospitalisation. - Nutritional interventions. - Some articles highlight the lack of medical treatment, reflecting a gap in media coverage. Tone of discourse.
- Informative, educational, critical and testimonial tones predominate. - Some articles take a sensationalist or alarmist approach, especially when linking social media to serious consequences. Such is the case with the headline in El País, ‘From the dictatorship of thinness to the Frankenstein model: steel abs, Kardashian butt, facial Botox’, published on 11 August 2024. Perspective. The most common perspectives are as follows:
- Medical and social. An example of this is the El País article ‘In the clinic where the most serious eating disorders are treated: “Some girls arrive on the verge of death”’. - Personal/testimonial, as cited above as an example, of elite athletes recounting their experiences. - Feminist and sociological, as in the 24 December 2024 article in El País explaining that the Miss Netherlands pageant has been replaced by a platform supporting women. - To a lesser extent, philosophical or historical, such as the El Mundo article dealing with the drama of growing up in the age of social media. Presence of testimonials.
- More than half of the news items include personal testimonials, from patients, family members or public figures. - These testimonials lend credibility and a human dimension to the problem. Use of statistics and scientific data.
- Approximately half of the articles include prevalence data, scientific studies or surveys. - The most cited sources are medical institutions, mental health experts and public bodies. Calls to action. Several news items promote the following:
- Regulation of social media use by minors, such as not allowing access to social media for children under 16. - Raising awareness of EDs by showing testimonials from public figures who admit to having suffered from them. - The need for psychological and family support by encouraging people who may be suffering from a disorder to seek help. - Public awareness campaigns, sharing the freephone number for people who are suffering from this illness.
Of the 43 mentions of EDs, the terms used are anorexia (14), bulimia (five), anxiety (three), ED (two), depression (two), suicide (two) and others such as bigorexia, orthorexia (obsession with eating foods considered healthy) or self-harm (15), with notable differences between the coverage of both media outlets (Graphics 1 and 2).
Mention of eating disorders in El País (in %).
Mention of eating disorders in El Mundo (in %).
El País and El Mundo addressed EDs from different perspectives, in terms of both the type of disorder and the profiles affected, as well as the treatment of the information. El País focused on anorexia and BED, taking a more medical, educational and reflective approach, highlighting causes such as social pressure and gender stereotypes and consequences such as anxiety, depression and isolation. El Mundo covered a wider range of disorders, including bulimia, orthorexia and bigorexia, with a more sensationalist and testimonial tone and with more emphasis on public figures, athletes and adolescents in contexts of aesthetic pressure. While El País used statistics in 60% of its articles, El Mundo did so in 33.3%, although the latter included more personal testimonials (75% vs. 66.7%).
Regarding the treatments needed to address these types of disorders, El País most frequently mentioned psychotherapy, hospitalisation and nutrition. Both media outlets agree that social media and aesthetic pressure are triggering factors, although El Mundo adds traumatic experiences and demanding family environments. Calls to action were present in 40% of El País articles and 33.3% of El Mundo articles, highlighting the need for emotional support, digital regulation and mental health awareness. The analysis shows that El País opts for a more institutional and educational approach, while El Mundo favours an emotional approach.
Analysis of influencers’ Instagram profiles
After an exhaustive search for 10 personalities who have publicly admitted to having EDs, Instagram profiles extracted and analysed using the Fanpage Karma tool are shown in Table 3.
Profiles of influencers with eating disorders.
Source: Own elaboration.
This study is organised around three variables: audience size (number of followers), the digital impact of posts and the characteristics of the generated content. The unit of analysis is the 25 posts with the broadest reach on Instagram during the first half of 2025, made by 10 international influencers who have publicly acknowledged having experienced EDs. To this end, an anonymous coding system was applied to examine four dimensions, visual, textual, interaction and mental health, to identify patterns in the representation of the body, eating and mental health in digital environments.
In terms of visuals, 40% of posts were carousels (posts that allow multiple images in a single post), 32% were videos and 28% were individual photographs. In terms of the level of bodily exposure, 24% presented high exposure, characterised by a prominent presence of the body in poses, clothing or contexts that emphasise the physical figure; 32% presented medium exposure, where the body is visible but not the primary focus; and 44% presented low exposure, with a secondary or minimal presence of the body. Digital filters were identified in 68% of cases. In terms of the body aesthetics promoted, 64% reinforced extreme thinness, 20% showed musculature, 60% promoted perfect skin and only 28% did not emphasise any specific aesthetic.
In terms of text, there were no mentions related to food or prescriptive or guilt-inducing messages about the body, with a predominance of the absence of explicit discourse on body control. Only 4% of posts promoted body diversity, understood as the appreciation of all body types without imposing a single model of beauty or health. None included hashtags related to the body.
In terms of interaction, posts averaged 688,000 likes and 470 comments, with those about beauty or professional success receiving the most engagement. The desire to imitate was evident in 32% of comments. The most frequent emotional reactions were extreme idealisation (72%), comparison or self-criticism (28%) and aesthetic anxiety (28%). In addition, 60% of the posts contributed to the normalisation of unrealistic aesthetic standards.
Finally, regarding mental health, 96% of publications did not represent body diversity. Only one unit (4%) included an explicit mental health message in the comments. The trivialisation or invisibilisation of EDs was observed in 68% of cases, reinforcing normative standards and highlighting a tendency to minimise the severity of these disorders in digital discourse.
The results show a limited and potentially harmful representation of bodies and mental health on social media by influencers with a history of EDs. Despite their personal experiences, most reproduce hegemonic aesthetic standards and avoid explicit awareness messages, highlighting the need to promote ethical, diverse and responsible communication on digital platforms.
Discussion and conclusions
The data obtained in the analysis show an apparent contradiction that requires deep reflection: the gap between celebrities’ personal experiences with EDs and the type of content they project to their followers. Although the academic literature highlights that the success of influencers lies in a ‘performative intimacy’ that generates a bond of trust between content creators and consumers, our results indicate that this bond is not used constructively in prevention. The influencers analysed, despite having suffered from an ED, trivialise or render invisible this type of disorder in 68% of their posts, focusing their discourse on a ‘hegemonic body image’ that rewards aesthetics over health.
This phenomenon reinforces Franco-Paredes et al.'s (2024) argument about thinness as the dominant aesthetic standard. The fact that 64% of the images analysed continue to promote extreme thinness, accentuated by the widespread use of filters (68%), shows that these celebrities act more as promoters of an unhealthy aesthetic system than as agents of change. Far from promoting healthy eating habits and acting as role models against misinformation, these accounts tend to repeat the same aesthetic standards that authors such as Wang (2023) identify as drivers of body dissatisfaction.
On the other hand, the audience's response confirms that this model of ‘digital perfection’ has been widely embraced. The extreme idealisation detected in 72% of the comments reflects what Cascino et al. (2023) define as a search for approval that can lead to harmful social comparisons. Followers not only observe but also wish to imitate an aesthetic standard that is, to a large extent, a utopia resulting from multiple edits or unhealthy eating behaviours.
As for the press, the 24 articles analysed in El País and El Mundo show a level of coverage that, although more rigorous than that of social media, remains insufficient given the magnitude of the problem. In line with Comabella-Costa et al. (2025), there is a strong focus on female profiles and elite athletes, leaving out other groups and contributing to a stigmatised view of the disease while failing to show its real impact on society today. While El País leans towards a more medical and institutional perspective, El Mundo opts for an emotional and testimonial narrative. This disparity, coupled with the fact that real prevention messages on social media account for only 4% of the total, leaves adolescents vulnerable to a flood of contradictory, insufficient and misdirected information that lacks a positive educational purpose.
This study concludes that the high number of public figures with a history of EDs in the digital ecosystem does not necessarily translate into greater awareness. The data show that Instagram continues to prioritise aesthetic norms (thinness and ‘perfect skin’) over psychological well-being. The information on this social network does not translate into quality information, but rather into a saturation of visual impacts (more than 3300 posts in the universe studied), which, in 60% of cases, normalise unrealistic standards.
The traditional press, for its part, fulfils a necessary role in raising awareness, but its fragmented, precarious coverage, often linked to the success or failure of celebrities (75% of testimonials in El Mundo), limits the understanding of EDs as a structural public health problem. The results suggest that the current digital environment, far from correcting the biases that encourage these disorders, has increased them using editing tools and false narratives of closeness.
There is a clear need to go beyond regulating hashtags. Proper prevention requires media literacy that equips young people with the tools to consume content critically, with positive role models. Given that 68% of the content analysed obscures the seriousness of disorders in favour of aesthetics, educators and communicators play an essential role in counteracting these discourses and promoting a critical view of the ‘perfection’ that floods their screens every day.
Footnotes
Ethical considerations
This article does not contain any studies with human or animal participants.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interest
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Data availability
The authors agree to share the research data publicly at the time of publication.