Examining car guarding as a livelihood in the informal sector

Car guarding as informal employment

Arde (2014) believes car guarding started in Durban in 1996, when an individual was asked by a driver to guard his car at the Durban beachfront, in exchange for a small donation. It is estimated that thousands of car guards are in Durban alone, with some informal car guards having patrolled the streets and beachfront of Durban for close to 20 years. Many car guards sleep in shelters and dress shabbily, and yet some have developed loyal supporters amongst surfers who park at the beachfront when they surf. Guarding someone’s car is the core service of car guards. However, some entrepreneurial guards offer added services. Christie (2009) found that in Cape Town some car guards have forged strong positive relations with business owners by keeping parking lots and storefronts clear of drunks and vagrants. Nicolson (2015) stated that car guards in Johannesburg may supplement their income by washing cars. Aberdein (2014) found that in Cape Town, car guards may wash vehicles for as little as ZAR10 (ZAR10 is worth about $0.75).

Spinks (2012) believes that car guards are merely part meter attendants and part street-corner entrepreneurs as they are paid by wealthier, car-owning South Africans to keep watch over vehicles whilst the owners are away. Aberdein (2014) believes car guards are an annoyance and offer no real value. By simply donning a yellow safety vest a person is often able to coerce drivers into feeling obligated to tip them by making the driver feel guilty due to the injustice inflicted by the past wrongs of apartheid, or simply by the driver being fearful that if one declined to give a tip there is a real risk of their car being vandalised the next time one parks there. According to Saunders and Lynn (2010), from the perspective of mainstream economic theory, tipping of car guards is a seemingly irrational act as it is an expense incurred that consumers can avoid. Not tipping a car guard does not in any way reduce the level of service the consumer receives, as car guards will guard all cars in their allocated area irrespective of whether they receive a tip or not. Thus tipping does not make logical sense in terms of the consumers’ own self-interest. McEwen and Leiman (2008) found that car guards have little avenue for redress as tips received depended solely on the driver’s perception of the service received, their attitude and how charitable they are.

Steyn et al. (2015) noted that ‘formal car guard’ activities are coordinated by agencies, and approximately a third of the car guards interviewed pay parking bay fees to the agency, or directly to the premises manager, of more than ZAR40 per day. The bay fees charged vary depending on where the car guard is located within the parking lot. The guards pay this daily fee for the ‘privilege’ of being able to work in this formalised environment. The agencies ensure a standard, including hiring out the needed equipment and jackets at a fee which ranged from ZAR10 to ZAR30 per day, and they aid car guards in appearing presentable, respectable, friendly and alert. This contrasts with the average informal car guard who may very well appear unkempt and whose appearance may even intimidate drivers. The agencies are expected to ensure that their car guards are trained, and when and where necessary, replace problematic car guards (McEwen and Leiman, 2008). Agencies do not employ the car guards, thus presenting no recourse for the guard. In addition, car guards have no affiliation with any union or support group. According to the Security Association of South Africa (SASA) ‘formal car guards’ are security officers (Arde, 2014). The terminology formal and informal car guarding relates to the dress code and regulation of the car guards by agencies only, as all car guards are informal as defined by SASA.

Steyn et al. (2015) noted that the Basic Conditions of Employment Act was amended in 2009 to include car guards under the Sectoral Determination for Private Security. Accordingly, car guards now fall within the category ‘employees not elsewhere specified’, and Pretoria and Johannesburg have set a minimum wage of ZAR2519 per month, yet this amount is not guaranteed by employers. Some car guards may not reach the minimum monthly wage because they have to pay daily bay fees. Not surprisingly, the Employment Conditions Committee has expressed concern about the financial exploitation of car guards. The Private Security Industry Regulatory Authority (PSIRA) requires that every car guard possess a Grade E security certificate, however less than 18,000 security personnel are registered country wide (Nair, 2015). The vast majority of car guards do not earn any form of basic salary and cannot afford training. The compulsory training may cost the car guard over ZAR600 and, in addition, monthly membership fees are due. Informal car guards in Durban, and in other areas where PSIRA registration is required, do not comply with the definition for formal workers and thus do not usually pay the registration and monthly membership fees. The conclusion of most reviewed authors, including Christie (2009) who reviewed the literature from 2003 to 2008, is that the car guarding enterprise is strictly survivalist and does not provide for any expenditure beyond subsistence. McEwen and Leiman (2008) also confirmed from their studies that car guarding is merely a survivalist activity, a last resort out of desperation.

According to Arde (2014), the Durban Metropolitan Police have, for some time, wanted car guards to be trained and registered. Fingerprinting car guards would enable the police to check if they have criminal records, but this has had limited success. It is well documented and noted that some car guards are meticulous about their roles and function, even keeping notes on suspicious characters while guarding cars. Others turn a blind eye to criminals and criminal activities or are involved in crime themselves. A possible solution is that the Durban Metropolitan Police and car guards partner together, with the city creating a platform to regulate the relations through bylaws (Arde, 2014). New legislation and policing incentives have led to steps being taken to address the unregulated and disjointed nature of car guarding. Training, registration and even minimal income for car guards have been discussed and reviewed but not yet fully implemented. Additionally, as previously noted, there was a drive to formalise car guarding in terms of registration as security officers with the SASA, but little has come of this.

Blaauw and Bothma (2003), from a sample of 149 car guards in Bloemfontein, South Africa, calculated the average hourly income of two categories of car guards that they defined as ‘formal car guards’ (active mainly in the private parking areas of shopping centres) and ‘informal car guards’ (active in the municipal areas of the central business district). They show that the ‘formal car guards’ earned 9% below the average wage for a domestic worker based on hourly incomes. The ‘informal car guard’ earned 67% below the average income of a domestic worker. Blaauw and Bothma (2003: 43) note that ‘although being a car guard provides a marginal means of survival, it cannot support an individual or a whole family. It does not provide skills or increase productivity levels and therefore contributed very little towards uplifting the poor.’

Due to low incomes, many car guards reside in homeless shelters. Durban’s homeless population pay between ZAR35 and ZAR60 per night for a bed and while some shelters do offer a meal and a hot shower, many only offer a mattress. There are approximately 2,500 homeless adults and 500 street children in Durban (Rondganger, 2015). Mngoma (2014) interviewed two car guards in Prince Street, Durban and found that their earnings of about ZAR50 a day, leaves them with little choice but to sleep in shop doorways until the Metro Police or security guards chase them away early in the morning. These two car guards reported feeling safer when sleeping outside than when in a shelter due to the poor living conditions and rampant theft in the shelters. Furthermore, people who are intoxicated or under the influence of drugs may enter the shelter during the night and display a bad attitude or be violent (Mngoma, 2014).

Car guards: Demographics and education

Steyn et al. (2015), in their Cape Town study, noted that a large number of car guards are refugees and migrants from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Mozambique, Rwanda, Gabon and Malawi amongst other countries. Out of 20 car guards interviewed, none were white or Asian, and only two were female. Blaauw and Bothma (2003) found that in Bloemfontein, 72 of the 149 car guards interviewed were white and Afrikaans speaking, 48 were black people and 29 were coloured. It appears that the racial composition of car guards differs according to location and province.

According to Christie (2009), in a study of car guards in Cape Town, all the car guards interviewed had some form of education with many having commenced further studies, but due to circumstances, their studies had been interrupted when they were in their late twenties or early thirties. Regarding foreign car guards, there seems to be an unofficial saying referring to them as ‘the doctor on the street corner’. Steyn et al. (2015) found from their study in Tshwane that the level of education between local and immigrant car guards varied noticeably. Most South African car guards had not completed their secondary schooling while many immigrant car guards had completed secondary school, and some had also studied at a university. The study found that 24% of immigrant car guards had obtained a school level of at least grade 8 to 10, that 38% had at least obtained grade 11 to 12, and that almost a third of immigrant respondents held a post-school qualification.

McEwen and Leiman (2008) noted that many foreigners enter South Africa with quite high qualifications, but cannot trade or enter the job market due to legal regulations, or misunderstandings with potential employers. They also noted a significant difference in the level of education between local and foreign car guards in Cape Town. None of the local car guards interviewed had undergraduate qualifications and few had completed school. In contrast, most of the foreign car guards had completed a tertiary qualification or at the very least had commenced university studies.

Car guarding: Risks and challenges

Car guards face health risks. Firstly, they are at risk for skin cancer due to prolonged sun exposure. According to Jennings et al. (2012), non-melanoma skin cancers are the most common cancers worldwide and have increased dramatically, especially with increased levels of exposure to ultraviolet B (UVB) that causes direct DNA damage within keratinocytes leading to carcinogenesis (cancer). A cumulative lifetime of sun exposure has also been associated with higher risks of squamous cell carcinoma. Secondly, car guards are at risk of dehydration due to the combination of physical activity, high environmental temperatures and sweat loss (Horswill and Janas, 2015). Thirdly, car guards are at risk of acquiring conditions resulting from standing for long periods of time. These conditions include circulatory problems, increased risk of strokes and degenerative damage to joints of the spine, hips, knees and feet. Studies have found that work-related musculoskeletal disorders, chronic venous insufficiency and carotid atherosclerosis have all been identified as common health problems associated with prolonged standing (Halim and Omar, 2011).

Car guards are at risk of experiencing violence. McEwen and Leiman (2008) found that Cape Town car guards are often exposed to danger while performing their duties as they may need to confront potential thieves. There is always the underlying threat of violence from potential thieves, hooligans, as well as from local homeless people who compete with car guards to solicit money from motorists. In the event of any criminal activity, most car guarding agencies advise their guards not to attempt to apprehend the criminals, neither by physically challenging them, nor by engaging with the suspects in any way. Criminals may be armed and the car guards could suffer grievous bodily harm or could be killed. Steyn et al. (2015) in their study in Tshwane noted that the majority (73%) of car guards stated they would call for back up, but the remainder said they would rather chase the suspects away or try to apprehend them. There have been incidents where car guards have been attacked. For example, two car guards who tried to apprehend a group of armed robbers were shot – one died and the other was seriously injured and hospitalised for a long period of time (Steyn et al., 2015).

Car guards are at risk of being disrespected or verbally abused. Mbili (2014) interviewed a female car guard on Durban South Beach, and found that car guards are seldom acknowledged and rather seen by most drivers as glorified beggars. She commented that most car guards, both male and female, are verbally abused at least once every weekend by drunk drivers. Furthermore, male car guards are often abusive towards female car guards with the intention of intimidating them so that they can take over their allocated positions. Scharges (2015) noted that some car guards seem to invite irritation from drivers. This may be due to some drivers having a low regard for car guards, and due to some guards trying too hard to assist drivers to park by making wild gestures and whistling. Large numbers of young men become car guards due to a lack of alternative work opportunities. Though these men may act as a buffer against crime, they are often accused of being involved in criminal activities themselves, or of being a nuisance (Nicolson, 2015).

Foreign car guards have the added risk of experiencing xenophobia. Of concern is that there is a culture of violence that continues to influence many in South Africa. The violence associated with the wave of attacks on foreigners, namely xenophobic violence or a sub form of collective violence, has taken place since the 1990s and continues to date. Kalitanyl and Visser (2010) found that over the past decade, African immigrants have been exposed to xenophobic hostility in South Africa. This includes foreigners who are car guards (Hans, 2015).

Car guards face the risks of abuse and violence, but the general public also faces risks from car guards. Jeranji (2015) found that in Observatory in Cape Town, the community and police worked hard to rid the area of illegal informal car guards. The police noted that complaints were regularly received regarding car guards who demand money from motorists and who become aggressive when not tipped. As these car guards are not registered with any authorised body or company, they are arrested and issued spot fines for operating illegally. It was also noted that some of the car guards who are arrested have criminal records for car theft. It would appear that there are criminal elements in the car guarding sector, offering to guard one’s car, yet who are involved in crime themselves. Scharges (2015) noted that there have been isolated cases where car guards have damaged vehicles or keyed vehicles (scratched the body of a car with a key) in retaliation for drivers being rude to them. It was found, though, that being polite and friendly to car guards made a big difference, as when Scharges (2015) himself finds he has no spare change, he had so far not experienced a car guard who took offence when he was unable to tip them.

Car guards: Demographic characteristics, income, and education and skills

This section examines the gender, age, race and nationality, hours worked and income, and education levels of the 30 car guards that were interviewed in Durban. Table 1 shows a profile of the car guards that were interviewed at two shopping centres, two hospitals and two public beachfronts in Durban.

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Table 1.

Profile of car guards interviewed in Durban.

	Shopping centres	Hospitals	Beachfronts
Number interviewed	10	10	10
Gender	9 males	10 males	8 males
	1 female	0 female	2 females
Average age	38 years	42 years	47 years
Racial group	1 white (SA)	1 white (SA)	9 white (SA)
	1 black (SA)	4 black (SA)	1 black (SA)
	8 black (foreign)	5 black (foreign)	0 black (foreign)
Average years working as a car guard	6	8	6
Average days working per week	5.4	6.1	6.4
Average working hours per day	8.5	8.4	10.3
Average income per day	ZAR98.33	ZAR128.42	ZAR163.64
Average income per hour	ZAR11.57	ZAR15.29	ZAR15.88
Cost of daily bay fees at each location	A: ZAR25.00	A: ZAR35.00	A: ZAR 2.00
	B: ZAR 0.00	B: ZAR 0.00	B: ZAR 2.00

Twenty-seven (90%) of the car guards were male and three (10%) were female. The mean age of the males was 41 years, and the mean age of the females was 58 years. Nineteen (63%) of the interviewees were classified as black and 11 (37%) as white. Nine of the 10 car guards on the two beachfronts were white South African men. Seventeen (57%) of the guards interviewed were South African, 13 (43%) were from other African countries: the DRC (10), Rwanda (1), Benin (1) and Burundi (1). The period of time working as a car guard ranged from one month to 22 years, with a mean of six years.

To place the findings on monthly incomes into perspective, consider that the legislated monthly minimum wage for a domestic worker in Durban was ZAR2065.47 (or ZAR10.59 per hour) for the period from 1 December 2014 ending 30 November 2015 (Department of Labour, 2016). Table 1 shows that the average car guard worked six days per week with an average of nine hours per day. The average income for car guards ranged from ZAR4.64 to ZAR30 per hour. Eight (27%) of the car guards earned below a domestic workers hourly minimum wage. Average daily incomes ranged from as little as ZAR50 to as much as ZAR350.

Table 1 shows that beachfront car guards worked longer hours, and earned higher incomes, than those at the shopping centres and hospitals. Beachfront guards worked an average of 6.4 days per week, 10.3 hours per day and earned an average hourly income of ZAR15.88, which is essentially 50% more than the minimum wage for a domestic worker. Hospital guards worked an average of 6.1 days per week, 8.4 hours per day and earned an average hourly income of ZAR15.29. Shopping centre guards worked an average of 5.4 days per week, 8.5 hours per day and earned an average hourly income of ZAR11.57. Beachfront guards are able to work longer hours due to the nature of their location. The beachfront has a high volume of traffic, from break of dawn surfers to late night restaurant patrons. The car guards located on the beachfronts earned an average daily income of ZAR163; this was 27% more than guards located at the hospitals, and 66% more than those located at the shopping centres. An important contributor to earning higher incomes on the beachfronts is related to being able to provide added services such as looking after car keys for surfers and providing surfers with early morning text messages regarding surfing conditions. Due to limited parking space, one car guard located at a hospital provides additional services by re-parking hospital staff cars when parking becomes available. Such car guards have, over a number of years, earned the trust and respect of surfers or hospital staff and thus are able to benefit from these relationships.

Twenty (67%) of the car guards interviewed pay daily bay fees. Hospital A charged ZAR35 per day, while Hospital B did not charge a bay fee. Shopping Centre A charged ZAR25 per day, while Shopping Centre B did not charge a fee. The guards at both Beach A and B, where the Community Police Forum (CPF) regulates car guards, paid a bay fee of only ZAR2.00 per day.

Due to low disposable incomes and uncertain incomes, low cost accommodation is necessary. Consequently, 17 (56%) car guards reside in homeless shelters, five (17%) share a room and eight (27%) reside in their own accommodation. Fifteen (50%) of the car guards had accommodation expenses between ZAR1000 and ZAR1999 per month, 13 (43%) between ZAR2000 and ZAR2999 per month, one between ZAR3000 to ZAR3999 and one between ZAR4000 and ZAR4999 per month.

Figure 1 shows that 12 car guards (41%) had completed high school, Grade 12. Three foreign car guards had started university studies in their home countries, but had not completed due to political strife. None of the South African car guards interviewed had completed grade 12 or studied at a tertiary institution. These findings are similar to those of McEwen and Leiman (2008), as discussed in the literature review, who noted that many foreigners enter South Africa with higher qualifications, whereas few of the local car guards interviewed had even completed school.

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Figure 1.

Car guards’ level of education.

Twenty (67%) of the car guards were employed previously to becoming a car guard and 10 (33%) had been unemployed. Four had a Code 10 driver’s licence (for heavy motor vehicles – with a gross mass of 3.5–16 tons) and one had a Code 8 driver’s licence that allows for driving standard light vehicles. A variety of workplace experience and skills were recorded. Four of the car guards had previously worked as security guards and had received security training. Other experience and training included: boiler making, fitter and turner, working at the post office, commercial diving and book-keeping.

Risks and challenges faced

Figure 2 examines the risks and challenges that car guards face in performing their duties.

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Figure 2.

Car guards: risks and challenges.

Twenty-three (76%) of the car guards interviewed noted that the income earned from car guarding is low, insufficient and there are no benefits such as paid leave, pension or medical aid options. Eleven (36%) of the car guards felt that they did not have the necessary training and equipment to perform their tasks effectively. Nine (30%) lamented the lack of job security, the long hours of work and unappreciative drivers who do not tip. Six (20%) mentioned language barriers between themselves and the drivers. Six (20%) were concerned that beggars were taking their tips from the motorists. Five (17%) stated that they had no choice over the hours that they worked. Three (10%) wanted a greater area to guard with more parking bays, and three were dissatisfied with the requirement to pay for car guard uniforms. Four (13%) commented that premises managers do not provide support to car guards and any loss or damage to cars, or complaints raised against the car guards, resulted in immediate banishment from the premises, irrespective of who was responsible.

Criminal activities was a concern for nine (30%) of the car guards, and related to that was fear of intimidation, while five (17%) noted poor relations with the police. A car guard at a shopping centre was threatened when he tried to stop a car from being stolen and has had to apply for a protective court order against the individuals who threatened his life. Such work risks were discussed in the literature review, including Steyn et al. (2015) who noted the two guards who were shot by robbers, with only one surviving. Seventeen (56%) of the car guards have been exposed to verbal abuse whilst performing their duties. Seven (23%) noted that they had difficulties with abusive and drunk drivers. Six (20%) of the foreign car guards were concerned about xenophobic violence and racist remarks.

Opinions of car guards regarding their livelihood

Figure 3 shows the opinions of the 30 car guards regarding their livelihood.

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Figure 3.

Car guards: opinions regarding their livelihood.

The study found that 18 (60%) of the car guards realised the need to build relations with customers in order to receive higher tips. This is in line with the findings of Christie (2009) who noted that car guards in Cape Town build customer relations and forge strong positive relations with business owners by keeping parking lots and storefronts clear of drunks and vagrants. Aberdein (2014) and Nicolson (2015) also noted that car guards build customer relations and offered value added services to customers, such as washing cars.

Fourteen (47%) car guards felt that security training was needed in order to improve their work performance. Nine (30%) noted their need to improve their English. Ten (33%) felt that car guarding needs to be standardised and better managed. Eleven (37%) of the car guards interviewed felt that car guarding is futile, and that finding alternative work opportunities was the only option going forward.

McEwen and Leiman (2008) found that car guards work long hours, which are unregulated, for minimal earnings from tips. Similarly, nine (30%) car guards mentioned concern over their long work hours, and five (17%) noted their inability to select their hours (as these are inherited from the previous car guard who worked that designated area). Nine (30%) noted their need for places to sit and for shelter from the elements. Six (20%) mentioned that they would prefer their uniforms to be sponsored. Five (17%) said that tipping should be made compulsory and four (13%) said that the guards should stop having to pay daily bay fees to guard their designated area. Three (10%) said they should be employed by the management of the hospital or shopping centre and three said that guards should be issued with two-way radios. Two (7%) desired better relationships with the police and a further two would like the general public to become more aware of their plight.

Comments of a CPF representative

Car guards on the Durban beachfront are regulated by the North Beach CPF, which is a statutory body linked to the North Beach Police. Functions of the CPF include assisting street children, and lost or abandoned children amongst other tasks, not only the regulation of car guards. The membership of the CPF includes local business people and the community, and they offer their time and services for no financial reward. According to a CPF representative, the car guards are regulated in terms of designated areas, and the days and times they are able to work. Duty rosters are drawn up and each guard is allocated a specific zone. Guards are expected to advise the CPF if they are unable to come to work so that alternate arrangements can be made for their designated area.

An applicant car guard has to fulfil certain requirements in order to be registered on the CPF database and permitted to patrol an area. The applicant must provide valid identification documents, a valid work permit if applicable, pass a police clearance check and provide a form of proof of residence. The CPF has difficulties with this last requirement as many applicants and car guards do not have permanent residential addresses as many stay in shelters. If approved, the car guard is issued with a reflective vest and an identification tag displaying their name, a unique number, and the area on the beachfront in which they are registered. The car guard’s personal details and information are registered against their unique number, so that any misconduct or criminal activities can be dealt with. The CPF investigates all incidents where car guards are accused of being rude, disrespectful, negligent, or even wilfully damaging vehicles or property. The majority of the cases investigated concluded that the car guards were in the right.

The CPF representative interviewed saw car guarding as a community service which ensures that all people and vehicles using the beachfront can do so safely. Car guards also play a vital role by advising the police about suspicious activities on the beachfront and therefore assist in reducing and preventing crime. As mentioned in the literature reviewed, some car guards have built up good relations with surfers and keep the surfers’ car keys while they are in the water. The CPF representative stated that the CPF does not support this and that the car guards have been advised that the CPF will not accept any liability if keys or other valuables go missing. Car guards are not meant to keep personal items for members of the public, including documents or valuables. If the car guards insist on helping the public in this way, then the CPF insists that the keys be kept out of sight in a moon bag, as a large ring of keys may be a temptation for criminals. The CPF has requested that lockers be placed on the beachfront for use by beach visitors as this would reduce theft and the risk car guards’ face by helping the public in this way.

The car guards’ daily charge of ZAR2.00 is used to assist guards medically and legally if required. The CPF has approached the Social Welfare, the Local Council, the Department of Parks and Recreation, and local businesses requesting assistance for car guards for equipment such as two-way radios, for security training and for uniforms. At the time of the interview with the CPF representative, no financial, or other, assistance had been forthcoming from these entities.